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The Republic of France formally supports the enforcement of the Treaty of Trianon by the powers known as the Little Entente. It seems there is a worrying development amongst the former 'Central Powers' to restore their false glory and subdue as many sovereign nations as there claws can reach, and we must do all we can to ensure the stability of Europe so soon after the terror of the Great War.

However, we suggest that a League commission be sent to investigate wrongdoing and the nature of any supplies sent on behalf of the Hungarian government into Romania, to ensure that the legality of any military action can be assured.
 

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It is truly shocking to see the Balkans going into war after such a short time again. Withholding from commentary on the situation, I must remind that unless the life of the nation faces peril, war is murder. I urge delegations from Hungary, Czechoslovakia, Romania, and Yugoslavia to come together and solve this most serious situation before these nations go on the warpath. In the interests of peace, I offer to be personally present at this conference as an impartial mediator. As such, the position of my country shall be one of absolute neutrality. I plead to you, for the interest of all countries involved, to accept this offer. The Great War has taken the lives of too many of our sons already, and war between the Little Entente and Hungary shall solve nothing in the longer term; the grievances that caused this crisis shall remain just as they were before, if they do not worsen.

 
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m.equitum

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REPÚBLICA DOMINICANA
Dios, Patria, Libertad



THE SITUATION IN THE BALKANS

The Dominican Republic extends our gratitude to the Quai d’Orsay for supporting our request for membership in the League of Nations. While the Dominican Republic remains a small and unimportant state, our fledgling diplomatic corps maintains a great deal of interest in foreign affairs, and remains poised to act in concert with the international community.

Diplomatic cables from Europe suggest rising tension in the Balkans, with declarations of war having already been issued. Although the Dominican Republic is has not been formally admitted to the League, we wish on this occasion to reference Article 11 of the Covenant:


Any war or threat of war, whether immediately affecting any of the Members of the League or not, is hereby declared a matter of concern to the whole League, and the League shall take any action that may be deemed wise and effectual to safeguard the peace of nations. In case any such emergency should arise the Secretary General shall on the request of any Member of the League forthwith summon a meeting of the Council.


And are eager to learn the perspectives which emerge from the various members states of the League vis-à-vis the unfolding situation in the Balkans.
 

nachopontmercy

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TREATY OF PEACE BETWEEN THE LITTLE ENTENTE AND HUNGARY

After a series of negotiations, and with a clear purpose by the powers of the Little Entente of restoring peace in Central Europe now that Hungary has backed down on his initial position, we propose the following Peace Treaty:

I. The Hungarian Government will cease all support, of any kind, to any group, association, or any other society that is outside its borders or that seeks to violate, even indirectly, the provisions contained in the Treaty of Trianon.

II. Hungary abides completely to the territorial borders established by the Treaty of Trianon, and specifically renounces all claims upon Transylvania.

III. The Romanian Government accepts the task of respecting the rights of Hungarians in Romania and upholding their liberties.

[X] Czechoslovakia
[] Yugoslavia
[] Romania
[] Hungary
 

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[X]-Momčilo Ninčić Minister of Foreign Affairs for the Kingdom of the Serbs, Croats and Slovenes
 

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Heims ins Reich

The 1925 Elections






The Marx cabinet was unexpectedly stable and Germany was accumulating the successes at home and abroad. The Marx government had tried to reconciliate with France, to no avail, but this wasn't a setback the Germans truly minded. What in another country would have led to a surge of pro-government support remained a difficult task for the Weimar Coalition, however. Notably, President Ebert was accused by the Communists of betraying the revolution and by the right of betraying the Empire. His health was deteriorating, and the fact that the judiciary was deeply reactionary meant that the charges of slander he pressed against extremist columnists were always ignored.

He died before his term could come to its natural end, and this meant that the SPD would need a new leader, and that the electoral respite the Weimar Coalition had hoped for wouldn't take place. Once again, the campaigning began and all democratic parties had to defend their common legacy while advocating their particularities. Their successes - Danzig, Silesia, Austria, the railways and the prosperity of the country - were on everyone's lips and the democratic parties expected that one of them would win the presidential election.

The opposition on the right didn't deny these successes but claimed that under a nationalist government there would be more territory to be gained. The DNVP notably advocated for total integration of Austria into the Reich. The National Socialists - in an internal turmoil but gaining the support of Ludendorff - even claimed that Ukraine could be regained should they seize power. The issue the republicans were facing was that their successes had only made nationalism stronger instead of placating it. At the same time, the Communists refused to work with the democratic parties and Thälmann claimed he would try to gain the presidency.

The DNVP Karl Jarres was the candidate of the right, as he had been a leading figure that resisted the French during their occupation of the Ruhr and had helped the Rhinelanders when the Mandate was installed. He appeared moderate, he was a strong nationalist but wasn't openly claiming Weimar democracy was a disgrace, which made him a moderate by DNVP standards.

The DVP was torn between its two wings. Stressemann had lost much credit after his government and didn't want to appear too close to the reactionaries, so as not to alienate its electorate. Stressemann ended up withdrawing his candidacy, and didn't give support to any of the candidates.
The DDP, eager to repeat its electoral successes and in order to convince the DVP to support it instead of the DNVP, chose a member of its right-wing to dispute the presidential race. Erich Koch-Weser was the leader of the right-wing of the party, minister of the Interior and Vice Chancellor and was a widely respected figure, who could unite all liberals.

Wilhelm Marx didn't try to become President, in order to keep his authority as Chancellor even if he was defeated and so as not to weaken the coalition. Instead, it was Joseph Joos, a member of the right-wing of the party - to please the BVP - who would try to become the new Reichspräsident. Members such as Joseph Wirth or Adam Stegerwald would have prefered to run themselves, but their left-wing outlook made them harder to accept for the BVP.

The SPD was mourning the loss of its uncontested leader but intended to show it was still the largest German party. Otto Braun, a moderate - parties appointed moderates in order to appeal to a large electorate - was the party candidate and he was expected to continue Ebert's pragmatic stance should he be elected.

There were multiple candidates and the second turn would most likely be the determining factor, as coalitions would have to be formed.
 

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Due to unclear wording within the previous version of the treaty that has been brought to light by the Hungarians the Kingdom of Yugoslavia proposes this amended treaty

TREATY OF PEACE BETWEEN THE LITTLE ENTENTE AND HUNGARY Rev.2​


After a series of negotiations, and with a clear purpose by the powers of the Little Entente of restoring peace in Central Europe now that Hungary has backed down on his initial position, we propose the following Peace Treaty:

I. The Hungarian Government will cease all support, of any kind, to any group, association, or any other society that is outside its borders or that seeks to violate, even indirectly, the provisions contained in the Treaty of Trianon.

II. Hungary abides completely to the territorial borders established by the Treaty of Trianon, and specifically renounces all claims upon Transylvania.

III. The Romanian Government accepts the task of respecting the rights of Hungarians in Romania,[Amended to include the following] to uphold their liberties, and the preservation of Hungarian job security for Hungarian-speaking citizens of Romania.


[X] Czechoslovakia
[X] Yugoslavia
[X] Romania
[X] Hungary
 
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Julius Maximus

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January 1st has arrived, William Massey, the famous Prime Minister and second-longest serving the position in New Zealand, has officially stepped down from his duties in any government participation. His declining health to blame, as he now is in his home in Wellington bed stricken. The information of Massey's health was kept secret outside of government circles, and it was officially stated to the public on December 30th, 1924. A wave of mourning struck the populace of New Zealand, as their leader had fallen and a period of unknowns was ahead of them. Massey in the last 5 years brought stability and a sense of national pride in the individual to the people, but still keeping their ties to the British Empire strong. It will be difficult to replace such a man, but there are willing and capable men that can do the job.

Francis Bell, the Intern Prime Minister was officially sworn in during the morning hours of January 1st, 1925 in Wellington. Afterwards, during the meeting of the entire Parliament, Bell for the first time stood in the position of power and leadership and with it gave a statement for his short aims of his administration.

"Gentlemen, all of us have lost a man of great virtues and will, William Massey brought us out of the depths of despair from the Great War, and now New Zealand is a place of hope and prosperity. I will continue his aims, our nation is ridden with debt, the last few years have seen a transformation of the economy, but stable growth is close. I ask you, my fellow men, to help me pass a bill to reduce our obligations to investors and banks, so our nation can continue its growth. Let our former leader see from his home that we will continue his successful policies, and the world!

What I aim for is a reduction of our bloated military budget. The Royal New Zealand Army has acquired modern equipment, boasting one of the best in the world with its superior quality. I ask to cut our spending in half, 4 entire divisions is a strain on our finances, while there are new-found jobs awaiting those we allow back into the civilian life. 2 divisions would be dismantled, keeping 2 in active service, with this we can create a more reliable workforce of hardened men, and have a more proper army to defend our shores from any attack."

Francis Bell, Prime Minister of New Zealand
 

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The Tsardom of Bulgaria
Царство България

I wish to again reiterate the need for continued cooperation among the Balkan nations, rather than the developing situation of power politics among the so-called "Little Entente" and other neighbors. Rather, we should maintain grounds of equal footing between our Balkan neighbors. The region has grown greatly in the wake of the Great War, with rebuilding efforts continuing in many provinces of the most heavily affected nations of both the Balkans and of Europe itself. Instead of involving our foreign ministries in backdoor talks of betrayal, arm-twisting, and espionage, we should work toward a common brotherhood between our nations to ensure political stability for our posterity and for untold generations. We should avoid alliances that concentrate the power of the Balkans in the hands of a few heads-of-state, while diminishing the power of others; the self-determination of a sovereign people alone should ensure their continued independence, and they should have to be forced to ulterior motives to maintain that sovereignty and independence.

The administrative reform program that was announced last year shall continue full-speed this year: the Minister of Finance and our top-level advisers shall continue expanding the government's administrative capabilities on provinces that previously enjoyed very few benefits from government assistance. Similarly, with new civil servants in place to administer the laws of the government and of the Tsar, the tax rate shall be decreased significantly in the coming years, with the hopes of providing not only financial relief in a nation still suffering the effects of the Great War, but to encourage both domestic and international investment in local businesses and to spur economic growth even more. Our Bulgaria is capable of great strength and growth, and we have certainly laid the cornerstone down to achieve such objectives.


His Imperial Majesty Boris III, by the Grace of God Tsar of Bulgaria
Негово императорско величество Борис III, с благодатта на Бога цар на България
 

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The Australian Political Atmosphere: 1922-1925
Division of the Labor Party and Nationalist Resurgence

In 1922, the Australian government under Prime Minister Billy Hughes was immersed in a fluctuation of economic crises. These troubles emanated from the British inability to purchase Australian products and corybantic price shifts due to overproduction. As the British refined the resources in the mainland, manufacturers were producing raw goods unsuitable for popular consumption. Determined to reduce dependence on Westminster, Hughes campaigned for renewed industrial development in order to refine the goods inside Australia. Alongside New Zealand, the Australian Parliament motioned industrial legislation and accepted wide-spread support from Nationalists, Populists, Liberals, and Socialists. The process of implementation remained impeded by Communist and Socialist unions -- urban workers continued strikes over price fluctuation and limited privatization despite the severity of the situation. Determined to relieve the economy, Hughes negotiated with the unions and struck a favorable deal with the Australian Workers' Union under General Secretary Edward Grayndler.


Left: Prime Minister of Australia, Billy Hughes
Right: Treasurer of Australia, Stanely Bruce

With support from the labor unions and bi-partisan endorsement, Hughes and his ministerial colleagues pursued a vigorous industrialization policy. Heavy economic subsidies appeased the unions and maintained a constant employment level while a substantial emphasis on veteran aid helped mute the louder, more radical leftists. By the end of the year, the Australian economic engine had reignited and British consumers returned to the market. But partisan divisions emerged over the future of the industrial plan. The National Party and their Country allies remained internally divided on whether to continue this expensive public operation -- much to the irritation of Labor and the unions. Centrist liberals within the National Party found quarrel with the more reactionary delegates, while the Country Party continued to oppose further urban industrialization. In the months preceding the election, Hughes campaigned poorly; he refused to directly address the plan he had created as to not disturb the fragile political balance. Even in this occupation he was unsuccessful. Several standing delegates resigned their seats within the National Party and formed the new, anti-Hughes, Liberal Party.

The 1922 elections was a political landslide for the left and a disaster for the conservatives. Prime Minister Hughes and his party were reduced to half of their previous seats, returning only 19 to the 75 seat House. The results fared no better for the defective liberals -- several former National MP's lost their seats upon defection to the Liberals -- only two members managed to squeeze an electoral victory. The elections proved the formidable urban centers could surpass the rural regions with substantial marks; city populations elected 34 Labor MP's and 11 Communists in the east. The drastic rise in Communist support matched the popular sway of the Country Party, but the former was far from aesthetic to Labor. Despite the notable leftist achievements, Labor leader Matthew Charlton remained disdainful of the Communists and refused to form an alliance with Communist leader John "Jock" Garden. Internal leftist enmity allowed Hughes to retain his leadership through a National, Liberal, and Country alliance. This minority government was overshadowed by the Socialists, who began making plans to coalesce with the Communists and overthrow the government.


Matthew Charlton, Leader of the Labor Party (circa 1923)

But Hughes' government was saved, ironically, from domestic turmoil. In 1923, Britain was struck by a deleterious financial crisis that ushered the Empire into a period of dissonance. Attempts to revive the previous industrial policy as a means to ease the economic friction failed and the entire nation burst into frenzy. The government provoked the Socialists into supporting the government as a means to retain stability, which was restored by the establishment of trade relations with the United States. But this balance did not quiet the obstreperous Labor party into total submission, and soon afterwards, the leftists were supporting incendiary rhetoric to bring down the government. Many hardliner Labor MP's found that Charlton's refusal to form an alliance with Garden was an obsequious tune to the Nationals. They threatened to bring down the Labor leadership and force Hughes out of office. The precarious situation in the Labor party allowed the recalcitrant voices to gain traction, and soon afterwards, Charlton conceded to his partisan colleagues. First, Labor shot down a major administrative reform endorsed by the coalition, and then entered into electoral talks with the Country party.

Labor targeted Country leader, Earle Page, as the means to forming a government. But Earle remained obstinate about forming a government with the Socialists. Often insulting the Labor membership through the use of short epigrams, Page frightened off the Labor leadership and broke their chance to from a government. As a result, Charlton called a vote of no-confidence and brought down the National Coalition in late 1923. With elections planned for early 1924, Charlton and his ministerial allies assumed their electoral share would be appreciated from the previous election. Labor MP's, almost proudly, paraded around the dying bourgeois days and celebrated the rise of the assiduous worker. The Australian people, meanwhile, remained indifferent. As a matter of fact, Labor's incapability to form a coalition was viewed with gaudy hate. The indigent had expected more from their parliamentary allies, who instead had blown their opportunity to form a government. Even though the Communists were far more austere in their refusal to form alliances, urban populations placed the blame on the largest leftist party, Labor. Socialists who had once supported Labor found their failure a squandered opportunity -- many turned away to the hardliner Communists.


Earle Page, Leader of the Country Party and long-time Nationalist coalition affiliate.

Perhaps the most interesting variable among this turmoil was Earle Page, who now felt the primacy of electoral coalitions. The Country Party, despite its opposition to Hughes' farm policy, was the Nationalists' only realistic coalition partner. However, Page's electoral influence allowed him to bend the will of the Nationalists. The party leader let it be known that he would not endure another term under Hughes and demanded a new electoral partner. Although Walter Massy-Greene was the most prominent candidate to succeed Hughes, Greene had lost his seat in the 1922 election and many feared that a repeat was plausible. Therefore, the mantle of National power passed on from the elderly Hughes to the young and bright Stanely Bruce, Treasurer of Australia. With majestic diligence, Bruce sought to mend the wounds within his party, reforming his platform to allow a more electable manifesto. These reforms proved so successful that the defective Liberal Party was quickly reabsorbed into the National benches. During the election, the National bonanza exploded, astounding the left. Although well short of a majority, Bruce's coalition unity had managed to maintain the ideological cohesion of the conservative parties, juxtaposed to the splintered leftist factions. Labor gained 21 seats, down 13 from the previous election, while the Communists jumped ahead to 14 seats - surpassing Country as the third-largest political establishment in Australia. The Nationals and their coalition partners garnered 27 and 12 seats, respectively. Although the Nationals emerged as the decisive victors - neighboring allies, especially New Zealand, found concern in the Communist boom. In a reaction speech, Bruce famously replied: "Just like my brothers, I want them to bugger off sometimes."


Australian political situation following the 1924 election

 
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[X] Ion Nistor, President of the Council of Ministers, on behalf of the Kingdom of Romania
 

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Collapse of the Nistor Government
Ion Nistor and the Democratic Union Party had been swept into power by popular will in the General Elections of 1922 with many Romanians feeling that as a newer party with a nationalistic tinge that it would truly be able to represent them and strengthen the Kingdom of Romania following the mishaps of the People's Party and the two year blockade. At first it seemed as such was to be true with Nistor's successful 'Unemployment Schemes' which greatly alleviated the fears and frustrations of workers leading to many ceasing their strikes and returning to work. The calm would not last long however as in the following year the government's concentrated funding of factories in Oltenia and Muntenia greatly angered the Hungarian minorities, specifically in Transylvania, who felt that they were being ignored and that returning as part of the Kingdom of Hungary would be better. Nistor responded the following year by having the Democratic Union Party champion the new 'Minorities Act' which allowed for the usage of Hungarian in regions where they made up thirty percent or more of the population, it also granted them a portion of the state's budget to be used for their benefit and finally a stipulation that the first portion was to be spent on creating factories for the Hungarians to be employed in. As it was to turn out however the money was granted to investors to found the factories and these new owners were to favor Romanians over the Hungarians, greatly angering them. When word spread of this through the local newspapers thousands of Hungarians rose up and began setting fire to factories, killing Romanians and engaging with the Romanian Land Forces. They also managed to successfully capture a local garrison, taking munitions and killing all the soldiers who refused to renounce their loyalty to Romania. Units of the Romanian Land Forces were to try to crush the rebellion twice but the lack of adequate equipment and low morale culminated in their defeat both times.


Romanian Land Forces opening fire against rebels
In the weeks that followed this growing crisis pressure began to mount on Nistor and his government to do something about the rebels and to punish the Kingdom of Hungary for its supposed involvement in the affair. He was eventually to take action alongside the Czechoslovak Republic and the Kingdom of Yugoslavia by declaring war on Hungary over their violations of the Treaty of Trianon. This supposed war was to last a mere days as mounting international pressure and other threats brought the Little Entente to the negotiating table, eventually leading to the Treaty of Peace, commonly referred to as the Renunțarea lașă[English: Cowardly Surrender] by the Romanian people. When word of the document and its terms broke to the public there was outrage, especially over Article III, which the Romanian people thought an insult to them and the Kingdom, with the firm belief that the Kingdom of Hungary had to be crushed and answer for its actions. Nistor also found his support in government, his own party and the Parliament to be rapidly falling to pieces as more and more individuals denounced it as an insult and called for harsher actions to be taken, especially against the rebels. The last straw to break the camel's back would come when the King summoned Nistor and informed him that he no longer had confidence in his abilities and that he was to resign from his post immediately. With little choice left and no allies to stand behind him, Ion Nistor resigned as President of the Council of Ministers on the Fifth of March.


Ion Nistor, President of the Council of Ministers 1923-1925
The King, realizing the need for new elections, was to dissolve Parliament two days following Nistor's resignation. He then declared that new general elections were to take place either late 1926 or early 1927, pending the status of the rebellion at the time. With the Presidency of the Council of Ministers still vacant, Ferdinand I decided to appoint the revered war hero Marshal Constantin Prezan to fill the role. Although relatively old and out of public eye since his retirement in 1920, Prezan dutifully accepted the office and in a statement he remarked his firm resolve to see the rebellion defeated and order restored to the Kingdom of Romania.


Marshal Constantin Prezan
 

Spitfire5793

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OOC: I quit as the UK. I no longer have the time required for this game and I haven't been able to participate as much as I would like. I apologise to Fry and wish you all and this game the very best.
 

Dadarian

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The Government of the Second Dail


The Government of the Second Dail was more interesting then many international watchers expected, as Michael Collins balanced the needs and desires of state with those of his party. With an unnatural ability to inspire confidence and a natural born leader, Collins took to his job as Taoiseach with a jovial severity, as was standard to his contradictory ways. He kept himself as Minister of Finance, leaving many domestic and international observers to breathe a sigh of relief. Collins, a well known financial wizard, inspired confidence in all matters. With the Irish economy booming and national debt nearly wiped out, it seemed that he was perfect for the job.

The Ministers of Foreign Affiars, Defense and Labour were retained from the First Dail. Count Pluckett, a good friend of Collins, was kept as the Minister of Foreign Affairs, as his noble and academic demeanor increased the prestige and standing of the Irish diplomatic corps and he lacked the traditional Irish roughness. Cathal Brugha, the Minister of Defense, was kept to the surprise of more then a few within and without the Sinn Fein, as it was expected that Richard Mulcahy or Eoin O'Duffy would get the position, the former being a powerful ally and the later a close friend. However many speculate that this is due to Collins wishing to reaffirm trust and friendship with Brugha, who has clashed with Collins in the past. Finally Countess Constance Markievicz, the first women elected to the British House of Commons, one of the first cabinet members in modern world history, revolutionary, suffragette and feminist. It was well known that Collins was a admirer of Markievicz, seeing her as one of the strongest women and politicians in Ireland. With these three members forming the core of his cabinet, Collins turned to the replacements.

The first replacement was the Minister of Home Affairs, Arthur Griffith, who was increasingly marginalised on both parties within Parliament. He was replaced as Minister by Austin Stack, a quiet Irish backbencher and revolutionary who was loyal to Collins, Ireland and Sinn Fein. Arthur made no real movement for or against this, as he seemed he understood what was happening. He died shortly after of a brain hemorrhage in his home at the age of 53. Eoin MacNeil, the Minister of Industries, was also quickly replaced. A close confidant of de Valera, he crossed the floor to join the Todhchaí na hÉireann. This doomed all chances of working within a Collins cabinet, as he was replaced with Ernest Blythe in what was seen a nod to Eoin O'Duffy and the extreme right wing that supported Collins. However this did not mean that Blythe was incompetent, being a trained and knowledgeable bureaucrat. Richard Mulcahy took President Cosgrave's old seat as Minister of Local Government, again a sign of patronage within the Collins regime for services rendered during the Revolution. Given it's relatively low work rate, it was the easiest place to place Mulcahy. Finally Sean O'Kelly, a close associate of de Valera and another founding member of Todhchaí na hÉireann was replaced as Minister for the Irish by Robert Barton, a Protestant from Wicklow. Barton met Collins while serving in the British Army at the infamous Richmond Barracks. The heavy handedness of the British convinced Barton that he had no place in Britain and joined the Republican movement. The only Protestant of note, his position as Minister for the Irish is seen to give hope to the religious minorities within and without.

With these men (and woman) in place, Collins and the Sinn Fein dominated both Ireland and the Dail, leaving President Cosgrave in a precarious position of President of Dáil Éireann, which had become highly symbolic with the creation of the position of Taoiseach by Collins. The only member of the Todhchaí na hÉireann technically in the cabinet, the beleaguered Cosgrave was completely impotent in dealing of state beyond meeting other heads of states.

President of Dáil Éireann: W. T. Cosgrave (Todhchaí na hÉireann)
Taoiseach: Michael Collins (Sinn Fein)
Minister for Finance: Michael Collins (Sinn Fein)
Minister for Home Affairs: Austin Stack (Sinn Fein)
Minister for Foreign Affairs: Count Plunkett (Sinn Fein)
Minister for Defense: Cathal Brugha (Sinn Fein)
Minister for Labour: Constance Markievicz (Sinn Fein)
Minister for Industries : Ernest Blythe (Sinn Fein)
Minister for Local Government: Richard Mulcahy (Sinn Fein)
Minister for the Irish: Robert Barton (Sinn Fein)
 
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Dadarian

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The Emerald Isle
The History of Ireland; 1918 - 1939


The Revolutionary Period (1918 - 1925):




The Collins Era (1924 - 1936):





The Larkinite Rebellion (1936 - 1939):




The Afterword
 
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Bonecracker(NL)

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((Can I join as UK?))
((Nah mate, Fry doesn't want people playing major countries on their first go. Furthermore, asking in the thread will not do you any favours. Everything takes place on coldfront, and if you want a spot I'd advise you regularly stick on there.))
 

etranger01

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Japanese Political Situation, 1925

The Japanese elections of 1924 herald a first in the island nation's history: a coalition government. This coalition is comprised of the three Constitutional parties, as a means of ensuring they would collectively have the clout to combat the pervasive influence of the genro and the military. While such sentiments may not be entirely realistic under the Meiji Constitution, which guarantees an autocratic Emperor and an autonomous military, it nevertheless represents a tremendous step forward by Japan's fledgling democratic tradition.

To gain popular support among the working class, who are increasingly disaffected with the perceived corruption and inefficiency of the Diet, the Constitutional coalition puts forward a remarkably populist agenda. Their first goal is the expansion of the voting franchise to all adult Japanese men regardless of wealth or social standing, a long-desired reform that has been stymied by decades of aristocratic dominance. Additionally, the coalition has set forth an ambitious program of labor and agricultural reforms to defend the rights of the workers and farmers from depredations by the landlords and owners. This second policy is only partially rooted in a genuine desire to help their constituents; the other main goal is to weaken landlordism as a political threat and an obstacle to agricultural efficiency, as it is considered by many liberals to be the last bastion of feudalism.

In a development that would be baffling anywhere but Japan, the Constitutional parties are aided in their anti-genro agenda by Prince Saimonji Kinmochi, the sole surviving member of the genro following Matsukata Masayoshi's death in 1924. Prince Saionji is a noted liberal and former prime minister, considered by many to be Japan's most respected statesman. He strongly believes in strengthening democratic institutions and promoting good relationships with the United States and the United Kingdom. His retention of his autocratic privilege to choose the Prime Minister is solely the result of his fear of military encroachment on the political sphere; he generally chooses to appoint the leader of the majority party whenever he feels that they can provide sufficiently strong leadership.

With the emergency situation in Kanto considered largely resolved, Count Yamamoto Gonnohyoe resigns from his post as Prime Minister and is replaced by Count Kato Takaaki, president of the liberal Kenseikai party. Though not the leader of the majority party, Count Kato shares many of Prince Saionji's views and, despite his role in issuing the Twenty-One Demands to China in 1915, he has gradually reconciled himself to a peaceful and harmonious relationship with the Beijing government. This is considered especially important in light of the latest Zhili victory, the economic necessity of good Sino-Japanese relations, and the persistent threat posed by the Soviet Union.

With the tacit support of the genro and the Emperor's reclusive nature precluding any autocratic assertions of power, the stage is set for the Constitutional parties to enact their ambitious program of political and social reform. It only remains to be seen if they can do so in the face of a powerful, entrenched military establishment wary of potential assaults on the comfortable status quo.
 
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nachopontmercy

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Due to unclear wording within the previous version of the treaty that has been brought to light by the Hungarians the Kingdom of Yugoslavia proposes this amended treaty

TREATY OF PEACE BETWEEN THE LITTLE ENTENTE AND HUNGARY Rev.2​


After a series of negotiations, and with a clear purpose by the powers of the Little Entente of restoring peace in Central Europe now that Hungary has backed down on his initial position, we propose the following Peace Treaty:

I. The Hungarian Government will cease all support, of any kind, to any group, association, or any other society that is outside its borders or that seeks to violate, even indirectly, the provisions contained in the Treaty of Trianon.

II. Hungary abides completely to the territorial borders established by the Treaty of Trianon, and specifically renounces all claims upon Transylvania.

III. The Romanian Government accepts the task of respecting the rights of Hungarians in Romania,[Amended to include the following] to uphold their liberties, and the preservation of Hungarian job security for Hungarian-speaking citizens of Romania.


[] Czechoslovakia
[X] Yugoslavia
[X] Romania
[] Hungary
[X] Czechoslovakia