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Peace of Jutland

Art. I. The Austrian Empire and the Kingdom of Denmark hereby agree to cease all hostilities and resume pacific relations, including constructive diplomacy and fruitful commerce.

Art. II. The contracting powers agree to promptly withdraw their forces from the territory of the other and to promptly return all prisoners captured.

Art. III. The undersigned powers express sorrow and regret over the unfortunate circumstances which led to conflict between them and hereby resolve to set aside all animus and work towards stronger, more successful diplomatic ties.

Art. IV. The Kingdom of Denmark provides an immediate payment ($60m in statbucks) as war reparations.

Art. V. The Kingdom of Denmark surrenders artillery used in the siege of Kiel to Austria as honors of war.

Signed,
[X] Feldmarschallleutnant Mensdorff-Pouilly, Austrian Expeditionary Forces to North Germany
[] Christian Emil Krag-Juel-Vind-Frijs, Minister of Foreign Affairs of the Kingdom of Denmark
 
[X] Christian Emil Krag-Juel-Vind-Frijs, Minister of Foreign Affairs of the Kingdom of Denmark
 
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الخديوية المصرية
al-Khadawiyya al-Misriyya

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In Response to Britain's Request
His Majesty, having been advised that only an Arab directly descended of the Quraysh tribe, or of the household of Mohammad, can hold the title of khalifa, hereby relinquishes all claims to the title of khalifa. His Majesty is grateful to Her Majesty's Government for seeing fit to remind us of this matter and so preserving the integrity and sanctity of this title. It is our hope that the amicable relations which have heretofore existed between our governments will continue to exist, and that such friendly and well-meaning advice and cooperation will continue between our nations perpetually.

In Friendship from His Majesty's Government,
NAZIR of the NIZARA for FOREIGN AFFAIRS, Mohammad Sharif Pasha
 
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الخديوية المصرية
al-Khadawiyya al-Misriyya

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In Response to Britain's Request
His Majesty, having been advised that only an Arab directly descended of the Quraysh tribe, or of the household of Mohammad, can hold the title of khalifa, hereby relinquishes all claims to the title of khalifa. His Majesty is grateful to Her Majesty's Government for seeing fit to remind us of this matter and so preserving the integrity and sanctity of this title. It is our hope that the amicable relations which have heretofore existed between our governments will continue to exist, and that such friendly and well-meaning advice and cooperation will continue between our nations perpetually.

In Friendship from His Majesty's Government,
NAZIR of the NIZARA for FOREIGN AFFAIRS, Mohammad Sharif Pasha

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The revocation fulfilled, and in compliance with the demands, the Mediterranean Squadron will return to port in Malta.​
 
Treaty of Damascus (1868)

Section One - Definitions
Art. I. The French Empire on the one side, and the Ottoman Empire on the other, hereafter jointly known as "the undersigned powers," agree to maintain and strengthen fruitful and pacific relations, to encourage commerce between their respective states, and to abide by productive bilateral diplomacy in all instances.

Art. II. This agreement shall be fully binding between the undersigned powers, their sovereigns, and their successors.

Section Two - Egypt

Art. III. The Ottoman Sultan hereby grants the Emperor of the French sole right of protection and intervention over the dominion of Egypt, on behalf of the Sultan, revocable only through mutual agreement modifying this treaty. No such rights or privileges may be extended to, nor assumed by, another power.

Art. IV. The Emperor of the French agrees to protect and defend the dominion of Egypt from all external or internal foes, to ensure its territorial integrity, to intervene when necessary to ensure regional stability, and to maintain that dominion to the benefit of its people.

Art. V. The Ottoman Sultan hereby confirms the sovereign of Egypt as Khedive and grants that title to his successors in perpetuity. The Khedive of Egypt shall be allowed no other title save those subsidiary to the Khedivate.

Art. VI. The Ottoman Empire shall retain the right to transit through the dominion of Egypt during times of war or emergency by mutual accord and shall retain the right to access the significant cultural and religious sites within the dominion of Egypt.

Section Three - Considerations

Art. VII. The French Empire shall pay £7,500,000 (640m statbucks) for various debts and other outstanding balances.

Art. VIII. This payment shall be divided into four equal parts, with the first payment due upon ratification of the treaty and the subsequent payments due each year on the anniversary of the treaty's ratification.

Art. IX. The French Empire shall incentivize and contract the construction of modern industrial sites and railways within the Ottoman Middle East, with the permission of the Ottoman Empire and with all attendant rights and profit-sharing mechanisms. The contracted railways shall be constructed using Appendix A as a general blueprint.

IX. sub. A. All contracted industrial sites and railways shall be jointly owned and capitalized, with 55 percent owned by the Ottoman government and 45 percent owned by the relevant French company, and both parties shall have first right of refusal on any intended sale of shares. The Ottoman Sultan shall grant all relevant easements as necessary. All materials shall be sourced domestically if possible.

Art. X. The undersigned powers shall resume cooperation on educational, cultural, military, and other matters.

Art. XI. The undersigned powers shall exercise their good offices on behalf of the other to divert or otherwise prevent future conflicts which might arise.

Appendix A.


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[X] Edouard Drouyn de Lhuys, Foreign Minister of the Empire, on behalf of His Imperial Majesty Napoleon III
[X] Mehmed Fuad Pasha, Grand Vizier of the Ottoman Empire, on behalf of His Imperial Majesty, the Sultan, Abdülaziz
 
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الخديوية المصرية
al-Khadawiyya al-Misriyya

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General Address
Delivered in Arabic, Written Versions Circulated in All Major Cities and Read in Churches and Mosques

We have, with the help of God and none other, restored stability and peace to our beloved nation. It has never been our intention to cause hardship to the peoples of this nation - who are more beloved to me than my own children, and whose fate and well-being keeps me awake worrying and turning long into the night. I have often risen from my bed in the darkness of the night to look down upon Cairo, and I have often looked up to heavens and raised my arms to the Almighty that he may aid me to aid my beloved people. It is one of the misfortunes of power, however, that one can sometimes lose touch with the troubles of the people.

The war in the Sudan has been waged for no other reason than to put an end to the blight of slavery once and for all, and to free our brethren - many of them Muslims - from the cruelties of slavers. It is my understanding, however, that the people are unhappy with this state of affairs, and that the soldiers themselves no longer wish to wage this war. I thus made it known to Majlis Shura al-Nuwwab that the war in the Sudan must, for the time being, be brought to a halt and the soldiers involved in the campaign are to be given leave to see their families and loved ones.

It has also come to our attention that certain small but influential elements within the religious classes are unhappy with our severance from the Ottoman Empire. I make absolutely clear that our ties to the lands under Ottoman control are inseverable. Egypt has been connected with the Levante and with the land of Iraq and Hijaz and the Islamic Maghrib for nearly fourteen centuries, and before that too. Egyptians freely travel in Syria and Iraq, seeking knowledge and fortune, freely travel on pilgrimage yearly to carry out the divinely ordained rite of hajj. We have family in the Sinai, in the deserts of Libya, on the Euphrates and in the holy cities of Mecca and Medina. No political severance can ever eliminate our cultural, religious, and familial links with those who live in the Ottoman Empire.

And what is more, the governments of Egypt have, until the recent instability, enjoyed nothing other than friendly and brotherly relations. We recognise that the Ottoman state has at times been less than fair to certain religious or ethnic groups, but that does not take away from the generally benign intentions of Sultans across the ages. It is important that Egypt work hand in hand with the Ottoman state to achieve the greater upliftment of the Muslims, Christians, and Jews who call these lands home, of the Arabs, Turks, Kurds, Circassians, Albanians, Greeks, Armenians and many, many others. That is the singular objective which moves and motivates us: the upliftment of the Egyptian people first and foremost, and of the peoples of this region generally, to home we are inextricably connected and to whom we owe an obligation of love and care.

There are those, it has reached our ears, who accuse us of having no right to sit on the throne of Egypt, that we are nothing more than usurpers. We reject this absurd accusation; one need not but look at all that we have endeavoured to do for Egypt to know of the love we have for Egypt and the love many Egyptians have for us, one need not but look at the hundreds of thousands who remained loyal all over the Khedivate and endeavoured to ensure stability and peace remained Egypt's lot. The Egyptian people know that their ultimate loyalty is to Egypt, and that our ultimate loyalty is to the people. Nothing and no one can do or say anything to change that: Egypt is for Egyptians, and we ultimately serve none other than Egypt.

The act of the Grand Imam of al-Azhar, Mustafa al-'Arusi, has greatly shaken the Egyptian state and people. It had not been our expectation that a holder of such an office would willingly join with those who certainly do not have Egypt's interests at heart. We understand that there were grievances, and the government has already taken steps to address them, and the al-'Arusi shall certainly be forgiven and permitted to return to Egypt. However, his betrayal makes him utterly unfit to continue as Grand Imam of al-Azhar. We hereby appoint His Eminence the Grand Mufti of Egypt, Mohammad al-Mahdi al-'Abbasi, to the position of Grand Imam of al-Azhar. He has proven himself a capable and progressive scholar, loved by the people and his fellow 'ulema, loyal to Egypt and the principles of Islam. He is young, it is true. The youngest Grand Imam in Egypt's history, but we have absolute faith in him who has absolute faith in God and Egypt.

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Mohammad al-Mahdi al-'Abbasi

We have also, after consulting with our Majlis al-Khususi and Majlis Shura al-Nuwwab, decided to put our administrative reforms on hold until complete stability and peace return all across the Khedivate. It is our view that the officers of the Egyptian army have long been ignored and their needs not met - and the fact that the recent revolt was led by disgruntled officers is proof of that. We shall thus turn our eyes towards improving the training, loyalty, and discipline of our officers so that they will never be driven to such desperation as to revolt ever again. It is our hope that this is what our officers - who are the guardians of Egypt's security and prosperity - want and desire.

That all being said, and having put into place the plans for the coming years, I can give my announcement knowing that Egypt is safe and peace reigns from the mouth of the Nile to Lake Tana. Having expanded the territory of our nation, and having constructed railways and telegraph lines and begun the administrative and military reform of our government and military, I must regretfully step down as Khedive. This is a decision I have considered for some years now, and it has not been easy to make - however, my son Hassan is a young and intelligent man. Some say too young, at fifteen, but my own father, the great Ibrahim, led armies to great victories at just such an age. With his Majlis al-Khususi, of which I shall be part, and with all of Egypt behind him and God's mercy, he shall complete all that I aspired towards and more. May God have mercy on you all, and may peace, stability, and prosperity reign in Egypt until the Final Day.


The Glorified and Most Generous Manifestation of the Law, the Respected and Most Grand Marshal, the Governor of Khedival Order, Organiser of the People's Issues with Piercing Sight, Fulfiller of the People's Matters with Superb Judgement, Constructor of the Foundations of the State, Erector of the Pillars of Happiness and Grandeur, Organiser of the Ranks of His [God's] Greater Viceregency, Perfecter of His [God's] Greater Divine Laws, the One Encompassed by the Ranks of Higher Beings,

Isma'il Pasha, by the Will of the Most Glorious, Khedive of Egypt, Abyssinia, and the Sudan
 
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The year of 1868 has been one of struggle to support, push and maintain the idea of peace in Europe. Efforts were made to mediate, to prevent the spread of war and to end the fighting underway. In the end, some degree of peace did finally break out late in the year. In most parts of europe, peace is taking hold again. Guns are falling silent and men are returning to their homes and farms.

However that does not hold true for the entirety of europe, nor does the path of peace show its light to all. The Ottoman Empire has long held control over many other peoples. All large empire of course do control people that might prefer it otherwise. Essentially all nations have some citizens that would prefer their rulers be other people. However few fight active campaigns on so frequent a scale as the ottomans. Few have such a small center of population oppressing so many others. The island of Crete has recently revolted once more. Again the minority oppress the majority rather than let go of an island that symbolizes their past glory. More Christians will be offered up as a sacrifice to ottoman brutality.

And to finalize the year of chaos and conflict, now there exists a plan to build massive expansion of infrastructure inside the ottoman empire. Where this to be a gradual economic development of a nation it would be understandable. However the Ottomans are unable to build so much without help, that being the case clearly the railroads have a non-economic purpose. It is plain to see on a map the dangers to oppressed peoples of the balkans what this plan means. This plan is a grave threat to peace in the balkans. The Ottomans are a grave threat to the peoples of the balkans.

It has been hoped that time will change their minds on their dominion over so many unwilling others. In some ways, time can run out. The Ottoman Empire will not be able to forever oppress the peoples of the Balkans. A storm has been building for years and it will strike far sooner than later. The minority cannot hold back an imprisoned people forever. The choice of how their dominance in the Balkans ends, will be up to them. But not the fact that it ends.


Alexander Gorchakov ~ Foreign Minister of the Russian Empire
 
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الخديوية المصرية

al-Khadawiyya al-Misriyya

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Announcement
On behalf of His Majesty the Khedive, I hereby order the DEMOBILISATION OF THE EGYPTIAN MILITARY. Peace and order have been swiftly restored by the brave sons of Egypt.

NAZIR of the NIZARA for WAR
Sirdar Shahin Pasha Kenj
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Announcement
With order restored in Cairo, and the safety of workers and equipment on the Suez Canal once more secured, I hereby order all workers to continue their work on the canal. May God bless your endeavours and give you blessings and bounty in this world and the next. All equipment evacuated temporarily to Damietta will be returned to the site of the canal that the project may be completed by the predicted deadline.

NAZIR of the NIZARA for PUBLIC WORKS
'Ali Pasha Mubarak
 
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With the conclusion of hostilities, His Imperial Majesty hereby orders the demobilization of the French army, to be conducted in phases as the regular army resumes its usual stations and duties.
 
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SUPREME COURT OF CANADA
After the careful deliberation of the Court under Chief Justice J.T. Taschereau, the Supreme Court of Canada finds in a 5-2 Decision that our rulings in Klatassine v. Alfred Waddington, [1868] 1 S.C.R. 1, 1868 SCC 1 remain the same. We regrettably issued our findings over the subject of Citizenship in error. Therefore, as seen in the court docket, all references towards "Canadian citizen" has been eradicated. All references to such have been replaced with the appropriate terminology of "British subject." We have seen no further needed to deliberate the case a second time, and have instead seen fit to affirm our previous ruling after removing the offending portions which ran afoul of the British North America Act, and the scope of the Supreme court of Canada.
 
The Peace of Luxembourg was received with somewhat somber jubilation across the entire German realm, the blood, steel and determination of the German people, united at last had managed to contain French ambitions. A generation of young men from across the country had served and united in the fields and fortresses of France. Great victories like those at Metz and Luxembourg had cemented the unity of the people and the surrender of two French field armies had given the Germans their greatest triumphs and had helped to usher in a new national mood. It had ushered in a feeling of self confidence, something they had lacked since the humiliations of 1806 and 1864.

However the Peace of Luxembourg was nothing in comparison to the Treaty of Kiel. Upon the Danish surrender crowds in Kiel and in Hamburg as well as Berlin came into the streets, almost simultaneously to celebrate the greatest triumph of their country to date. Men and women who had weeks before feared for the aggression of the Danish army felt vindicated in their resolve and felt relieved that one of their country's greatest foes would be forever humbled.

In the wake of these revelations that shook the foundations of the German world, Bismarck and other great statesmen and Generals like Field Marshal Moltke felt the time was at hand. The defection of Baden last summer had fatally weakened the South German Confederation and Prussian led containment of the French and victory against the Danish had sapped the last traces of political power the increasingly withdrawn King Ludwig II possessed. His old title der Märchenkönig or fairytale king, began to make a return and calls for German unification within southern Germany grew much louder.

On December 19th, 1868 Kaiser Wilhelm at the head of the 1st Army marched slowly into Munich. The Bavarian authorities, stunned by the audacity of the move dithered and ultimately did nothing to resist the Kaiser's advance. The Bavarian forces at hand refused to leave their barracks and within three days the 1st Army had reached Munich. From the Nymphenburg Palace in the center of Munich, the Kaiser accompanied by Field Marshal Moltke, his most prominent generals and prominent politicians like Prince Frederick and Bismarck, proclaimed the formation of German Empire. From the halls of Nymphenburg, the Kaiser's words echoed out to all corners of Europe and suddenly after millennia apart Germany was united. The Reich was one.


_________________________

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The German Empire declares the
demobilization of the 1st, 2nd and 4th Armies, and furthermore due to there no longer being any necessity for a German Confederation, declares the Confederation dissolved.
 
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الخديوية المصرية
al-Khadawiyya al-Misriyya

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Coronation Speech
Delivered in Arabic, Written Versions Circulated in All Major Cities and Read in Churches and Mosques; translation Provided for Abyssinia

Honoured members of the Majlis Shura al-Nuwwab, of the Majlis al-Khususi, people of mighty Cairo - the Victorious, named for that red planet of war, Mars -, people of Alexandria and all of Upper Egypt, of Fayoum and Minya, Luxor and Aswan, people of Khartoum and the Sudan, of Gondar and Abyssinia; may God's peace be upon you all and upon our fair homeland. We stand today, many peoples of different religions, ethnicities, even different languages. Some of us are city-dwellers, others in villages and farms across our beautiful and blessed Nile, and others bedouins and merchants travelling from one place to another as God bids them and necessity demands.

This past decade has been one of many glorious triumphs and advances for the nation. Under my father's wise and benevolent rule, Egypt has managed to navigate itself through the precarious waters of war and diplomacy. We have clashed with titans and seen our own brothers turned against us in a cruel world that sees Egypt and its people as nothing more than a strategic advantage and resources. Through all this, we have maintained and vehemently insisted on our independence and sovereignty, and we have been unafraid to fight tenaciously, against the greatest odds, to see that the interests of Egypt and its people were served. By the will of God, I shall not waver from this my father's policy, and I shall endeavour - as far as Almighty God makes me capable - to serve always the interests of Egypt and its people, to elevate our society and nation and make it once more a wonder of the world and respected member of the Earth's civilised and sovereign nations. Sovereignty, independence, and freedom is our rallying call, and as my father and grandfathers before me, I shall not back down from this principle. This I pledge to you.

We are aware that the wars in the Sudan have burdened the poor and created difficulties at home that could have been avoided. This is regrettable, and it is our intention to turn our attention fully on improving the lives of those we already rule over. The government will be more efficient and aware of the people's needs, education - a cornerstone of Egypt's Muslim, Christian, and Jewish faiths - will be bettered, and the military - which is the pride of every Egyptian and sole guardian of the people - will be reformed and its every need attended to. My father saw fit to increase the pay of soldiers and officers, and this we shall maintain. The soldiers of Egypt are our pride, their families must be provided for while they serve the nation and only a generous salary can ensure their lives and those of their loved ones. The government understands this, and the government has fulfilled.

I have sat for long with the Grand Mufti and now Grand Imam of al-Azhar, and I have also sat with His Esteemed Eminence the Pope, and we have spoken at length on how the religious establishment and the government can work together to improve education across Egypt. While my predecessors have invested in education for the purpose of creating a strong class of bureaucrats, and while many thousands are educated in these government-operated schools, it is the religious establishment - the Awqaf and the Papacy - that provide education to the masses of Egyptians. It is our intention, in coming years, to provide greater funding for our religious educational institutions and create more regimented and official teaching guidelines, material, and training for teachers. Seminaries across Egypt shall begin providing teacher training opportunities, and al-Azhar shall build campuses in both Khartoum and Gondar, and also begin providing teacher training courses. By the will of God, it shall be done. This, I pledge to you.

Egypt stands at the precipice of something great and grand. It has proven itself again and again, fought off aggressions from within and without, and continued along the path of progress undeterred by the bludgeoning of the years and those who would see Egypt small and weak and lacking in all ambitious and desire for betterment. I call on you, my people, to stand with me as we steer our nation onward towards its place in the annals of history. Egypt was great, the mother of the world, and she shall - with God's aid and your endeavours - be the mother of the world once more. Keep Egypt in your prayers, and beseech God make this my task and these my burdens easy, and that I may not fail you or our beloved homeland. Peace be upon you, and the blessings and mercy of the Most High.


The Glorified and Most Generous Manifestation of the Law, the Respected and Most Grand Marshal, the Governor of Khedival Order, Organiser of the People's Issues with Piercing Sight, Fulfiller of the People's Matters with Superb Judgement, Constructor of the Foundations of the State, Erector of the Pillars of Happiness and Grandeur, Organiser of the Ranks of His [God's] Greater Viceregency, Perfecter of His [God's] Greater Divine Laws, the One Encompassed by the Ranks of Higher Beings,

Hassan Isma'il Pasha, by the Will of the Most Glorious, Khedive of Egypt, Abyssinia, and the Sudan
 
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The American King

Before the guns fell silent in the Franco-German War, a ship from Mexico arrived into La Rochelle, on-board an unlikely guest of the Emperor. His name was Gabriel García Moreno, the recently deposed President of Ecuador, ousted by a swift invasion from Colombia, with what he called a "Ragtag band of Liberals" placed in the seat of government. He had first attempted to contact the British for their assistance in reclaiming his country, for his only other ally, Peru, was embroiled in a struggle against Chile.

The former South American President met with the Emperor amidst news that the Germans were beginning to extend their hands in a potential ceasefire, perhaps the War would be over during the year. The Emperor was known for his grand ambitions, and a successful (or at least moderately successful) victory over the Germans could be compounded with a further victory.

Moreno had previously proposed his idea to the Emperor, and it was understood that, now ousted from power, was the reason why Moreno had been given passage to the French Empire. The meeting took place over the course of several days, punctuated by the entrance of General de Ladmirault and other military strategists. Finally, on October 22nd, the Emperor approved of the plan. General de Ladmirault was dispatched, along with five thousand men, to make the journey to Ecuador. The plan was simple, made complicated only by the fact that Ecuador faced the Pacific.

Thus, the gruelling several month long journey was undertaken by Moreno and his new French allies, rounding Cape Horn and travelling up the South American coast. In early November of 1868, the French struck. Sailing their ships, which could make the journey, up the Rio Guayas, shelled the town of Guayaquil, and quickly disembarked all five thousand Frenchmen. Moreno, now styling himself as a General, proclaimed the complete liberation of Ecuador, along with the resumption of Conservative rule.

All of the churches rung their bells in celebration of the Moreno's return, along with his large detachment of French soldiers. General de Ladmirault quickly made work of the Liberal government's military apparatus in southern Ecuador, seized the railway line going into Peru, and issued a statement to the Peruvian government that would honour the agreement the two had signed before Moreno was deposed. Moreno himself organised a force of nearly two thousand Ecuadorians, eager to destroy the Liberals.

The joint French-Ecuadorian forces laid siege to the city of Quito on December 3rd, 1868, easily dislodging the beleaguered government. They had not even had time to sent a formal request for aid to their allies, Colombia, before the capital city fell. Moreno and General de Ladmirault marched into the city and proclaimed the Temporary Government of Ecuador. On December 5th, Moreno declared himself Interim Prime Minister of Ecuador, and appointed General de Ladmirault as a General of Ecuador.

Just two weeks later, a steamship entered into Guayaquil. As it docked, both Prime Minister Moreno and General de Ladmirault, along with five hundred French zouaves, assembled to meet Jerome-Napoleon Bonaparte II, a cousin of Emperor Napoleon III. Little known to the people of Ecuador, the man they now saw being treated as royalty, was soon to become their Royal Sovereign.

On December 26th, 1868, Jerome-Napoleon Bonaparte II was proclaimed King Jerome I of Ecuador. Prime Minister Moreno signed a proclamation changing the country to the Kingdom of Ecuador. He made it clear that two things were now the unshakable bedrocks of Ecuador, Church and King. The French Empire was the first to recognise the Kingdom of Ecuador, and it greatly unsettled the established order in South America, a continent which had been so marked by war over the past year.

 
German Empire
Government: Semi-Constitutional Monarchy
Leader(s): Kaiser William I/Minister-President Otto von Bismarck
Population: 39.836 m. 1.14% Growth
Gross Domestic Product: $72,107 m. 0.43% Growth ($1,810.10 per Capita)
Trade: $ 20,719.12 m.
Infrastructure: Good (16/25)
Administration: Average (15/25)
Health & Welfare: Failing (2/25)
Education: Poor (10/25)
Government
Balance: $ 144.1 m.
Receipts: $ 3,694.53 m. (4.97% Average Tax Rate, 8.81% Tariff Rate)
Expenditures: $ 3,550.43 m. (48.21% Army | 3.21% Navy | 31.85% Administration | 4.25% Welfare | 4.49% Education | 7.98% Debt Service)
Treasury: -$ 9,741 m.
National Defence
Army: 213,465 Regulars, Good (20/25) Equipment & Training
Reserves: 2,631,937 Able bodied men
Navy: 3 Ironclads, 7 Sail Frigates, 12 Steam Frigates, 34 Minor Vessels, Average (13/25) Equipment & Training
Player: baboushreturns
 
A Joint Proclamation by Foreign Secretary Lord Stanley on behalf of Her Majesty the Queen of the United Kingdom of Great Britain and Ireland, and Secretary of State Horatio Seymour of the United States
regarding the usurpation of the Government of Ecuador.

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WHEREAS the popular government of Ecuador has come under siege from unwelcome and hostile outside forces intent on sowing anarchy in the aforementioned country, and have effected the expulsion of the true and proper Government therein,

Therefore we, the representatives of our respective Governments, hereby agree to the following:

§ 1. The actions of His Imperial Majesty Napoleon III, Emperor of the French, and His involvement in the destabilization in Ecuador and the expulsion of its true and proper Government, is condemned in the absolute strongest of terms.

§ 2. The legitimacy of all brigands in rebellious lands in the country of Ecuador, particularly those who actively seek the deposition of the true and legitimate Government of that country, are to be considered as violent rebels, and shall be treated as such.

§ 3. The Governments of the United Kingdom and United States recognize fully and eternally the complete and irrevocable independence and sovereignty of the South American countries, and the right of the South American peoples to come together and peaceably self-govern themselves free from undue and violent foreign influence and action.
 
The Brazilian Foreign Office Report (1868)
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If one is to look back at the past few years, the whole Bolivian affair had been an incredible misstep and that is if one was to be kind. If one was to be harsh, it would be described as a colossal failure on the part of the Brazilian foreign office. Brazil had allied Bolivia in the hopes of deterring war and conflict, as well as to secure her own interest against the other nations in the southern cone of South America. The tensions between Paraguay and Bolivia had instantly escalated, threatening a war that Brazil was not prepared, and by the decisions of the government, willing to fight. Instead Brazil had put its reputation on the line, promising to defend Bolivia, only for Brazil to fail at exactly that so quickly after the alliance had been signed. Not to mention that the whole purpose of the alliance in the first place, to secure Brazilian influence and power in South America, had if anything, only reduced the power of Brazil further in the eyes of her neighbors.

As such the foreign office had worked on a report, regarding the standing of Brazil among its immediate neighbors following the recent events on the continent. Brazil was not the only one to stand alone. To the north there was Colombia, a nation which had been more and more frequent in their communications with Brazil, and a nation which Brazil at large had good diplomatic ties with. Similar was the position of Peru, a nation which Brazil had been in often communication and close cooperation during the crisis of the past two years. The fact that they were now both at war was something which Brazil found far more worrying. Especially as the Empire sought to have a peaceful north with friendly neighbors.

To the South, the main focus of the Brazilian foreign diplomacy, the situation, perhaps apart from with Paraguay, where diplomatic correspondence had become rather heated during the conflict, had remained largely the same. Brazil and Argentina had had a few brushes, but it was nothing of major importance, at least not to Brazil, and by the estimation of the Foreign Office, neither was it of large importance to Argentina. This was especially highlighted by the quick resumption of cordial talks following the signing of the treaty between Bolivia, Paraguay and Argentina. Chile was likewise alone, at least for the time being, their treaty pledging them to war against Paraguay brought hope to the Brazilian foreign office that an alliance between Chile and Argentina was not imminent. In truth it was hoped that there would be an improvement between the relations of Chile and Brazil following the recent chaos.

Though the bigger questions was the resurrection of the Peru-Bolivia Confederation and the now twice overthrow of the Ecuadorian government. While Brazil had good relations with the Republic of Peru, and wished to keep said close relations. Then the Empire of Brazil could not deny a wish to see an end to the confederation once the various wars were concluded. Rather have two smaller nations on the border, than one singular large nation with a singular goal. Though on the other hand, if good relations could be maintained, though that would be unlikely in Bolivia, the new nation could prove a boon to Brazil.

The biggest worry was the overthrow of the government in Ecuador, even more so then when it was overthrown the previous year, or the overthrow of the Bolivian government. South America was used to various government overthrows and coups. Brazil was certainly accustomed to foreign dealings with dictators that would last little more than a few years in every nation. No, what really gave worry about the Ecuadorian overthrow, was that it was done with backing and soldiers from France. South America had at large been left alone by foreign powers in their internal politics. Which was the exact opposite of Northern America, and something which was highly treasured by Brazil, as it ensured that South America was not a playground for the great powers of the world to play power politics and exploit. The actions of the French government directly opposed that stability.

Therefore the Joint Proclamation Regarding the Usurpation of the Government of Ecuador by the United States of America and the United Kingdom of Great Britain and Ireland, came as a welcome proclamation in Brazil for two reasons. First article 3 of the proclamation sought to ensure exactly what Brazil would wish, and the secondly it would ensure that Brazil, at least as of yet, did not need to publicly comment on the affair, and could abide and wait its time until the greater powers of the world came to a satisfactory outcome in the eyes of Brazil. In spite of the Bolivian fiasco, the future of Brazil and its standings in South America looked bright, at least according to the Brazilian Foreign Office, and it would be so if the government managed to act accordingly in the next couple of years.
 
The End of Andrada
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The report from the Brazilian Foreign Office had a bright prospect on the future of Brazilian Foreign relations. The Foreign Minister himself had not written the report, instead it was written by the civil servants under him, but he had however signed off on it. While the report was never meant to become public, but merely for the view of the government and its Ministers to better adjust their policies and charge a course for the Empire, then the report formed the basis of the Foreign Minister’s defense when he stood before the elected chamber.

Martim Francisco Ribeiro de Andrada, the current Foreign Minister of Brazil had served in his office for over half a decade, ever since the liberals came to power in the shocking 1862 election. He had presided over the Congress of Säo Paulo back in early 1864 which had proved a success. But despite his earlier success, the Foreign Minister had for weeks leading up to his speech in the Chamber been accused of neglect and incompetence by the conservatives, that he had disgraced Brazil abroad and endangered the position of the Empire in international politics.

As the Foreign Minister began his speech, he made great strides to highlight the positive aspects of Brazil’s position. Putting his focus on the already improved relations with Argentina, along with the good standing Brazil enjoyed with the governments in Peru and Colombia. Despite highlighting and sticking to the Foreign Office report in his speech, or perhaps exactly because of it, the conservatives were left very wanting in the chamber.

Whereas previously the conservatives had accused the Foreign Minister of incompetence in the latest crisis, the accusations now changed into accusations of blindness and ignorance. The Foreign Office report, and therefore the Foreign Minister’s speech. Had left no comment on the state of affairs in Bolivia, what Brazil’s position in regards to the current civil war erupting there was, how Brazil would react should the previous president of Bolivia reclaim his position, and who Brazil was to support in the current crisis. If the Empire of Brazil would recognize the current or former administration of Bolivia, or if Brazil even found the alliance obligation to Bolivia still binding as the previous government had been overthrown, and if it did, was Brazil to act against Chile.

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Foreign Minister of the Empire of Brazil (1862-1868)

In truth the Foreign Minister should have expected similar questions, and his answers were less than sufficient. In truth this meeting before the Chamber would later become a textbook example in Brazil of how not to respond in the face of criticism, and how to properly prepare. The Foreign Minister had made the mistake of not having properly prepared, or have been in consultation with the rest of the government. He was unprepared to answer on which position Brazil had in regards to the Civil War in Bolivia. That alone made him an easy target both for the conservatives and the conservative leaning press. The opponents of the government especially the conservative press who had been pro intervention and military reform, having praised both during the election of 1866 and the Bolivian-Paraguay crisis. Used this as new ammunition to attack the government, and especially Foreign Minister, over the conduct of their actions during the last year.

Despite early resistance by the Foreign Minister and Government, the attacks on the Foreign Minister would not cease and kept being an obstinacy to the government and political life in general. As such it came, perhaps too little surprise, that Martim Francisco Ribeiro de Andrada resigned his position as Foreign Minister after 6 years in office. João Lustosa da Cunha Paranaguá was selected as his replacement by Prime Minister Torres. With this act, it seemed that the scandal finally began to calm down in Brazil, and that the government could move on with business without having the conservatives attempt to hound them along the way, at least not on the subject of the Bolivian Crisis.
 
The 1868 Reforms
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With the crisis finally behind him, Prime Minister Torres could finally move ahead with his plans for 1868, eager to push through several laws to put to rest the whole fiasco that was the Bolivian alliance, and move freshly forward with new ideas for the modernization of Brazil. The first focus of the government was a readjustment of the tariffs. The average tariffs, especially on finished industrial goods, would be raised by another 4% across the board. At the same time, the tariffs specifically on coal entering Brazil would be lowered to a mere 4% in total.

The two tariff changes were the direct result of a push from the Minister of Industry, João Lins Vieira Cansação de Sinimbu, the Viscount of Sinimbu. For several years now, he had argued the need to raise tariffs even further, both to ensure the protection of the Brazilian industry, but also to further ensure its growth, giving it a clear beneficial treatment within the Empire. The reduction of the coal tariffs had also for a long time been the desire of the Minister, and to be honest, it was a desire of the Brazilian industry as a whole. Brazil was rich in many areas, agriculture, minerals, both precious and not, as well as a sound growing industry. What Brazil was not rich in, and in truth was severely lacking, was in the extraction of coal. Brazil had its own coal reserves, but they were few and far between. The biggest problem for the Brazilian Coal industry however, was simply that the coal which was extractable in southern Brazil was of such poor grade that it was useless in industry, and as such was discarded before production had even begun. It was speculated that useful coal was further below the earth, but at least for now, and probably many years to come, Brazil did not have the ability to extract it. The reduction of the coal imports where therefor met with much joy from the industrialist, and was seen as a needed move to help foster further and more rapid growth of the Brazilian industry. The tariff changes, while meeting limited opposition from the Conservatives, were passed with little issue as the tariffs to protect coffee and other agricultural goods.

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João Lins Vieira Cansação de Sinimbu, the Viscount of Sinimbu, Minister of Industry

The far bigger project that the Government would focus on for the year was the expansion of the civil service, not only in the south, or in the large cities but across the country. More funds would be released to the local governments, as well as the Imperial Government. The reason for the increase was to ensure to smooth administration of the Empire, as it became ever bigger. The increased funds were earmarked for an increased number of civil servants for the purpose of tax collections, administrative positions other similar positions. But a good increase of funds was also given to the police of the Empire. The police, especially in the north, having been unable to prevent the unrest, would now be given more funds so that the Brazilian Police would be given better training and equipment, as well as an overall increase in the number of police officers.

Together with the expansion of the police within Brazil, another branch was established all together. The Imperial Railroad Police. Their assignment would be to guard the new railroads in the Empire of Brazil, ensure the safety of the train, cargo and passengers, as well as ensuring that the law was kept and that corruption and fraud did not take place. The railroads of Brazil had as of late become ever more important for the industrialization, transporting large amounts of wealth across Brazil. Especially following last year where a railroad was put down between Rio de Janeiro and Ouro Preto in the state of Minas Gerais, the great mining state of Brazil. As such it had become far more important than before that the goods transported along the railroads were secured, and far more important for the government to ensure that the law was kept and that no fraud was occurring.

The Tariff amendments of 1868 and the Administrative Expansion of the same year, was to be the last acts of Prime Minister Torres. On the 8 of December 1868 the Government, along with the Imperial Court, issued the statement that Joaquim Fernandes Torres had resigned his position as Prime Minister on the account of health issues.
Of course there would be rumours and talks among the speculators that he had resigned due to disagreements with other liberal Ministers and the Emperor over the Bolivian crisis, and that this was the final consequence of the fiasco. But the rumours were limited and few. The truth of the matter was as Torres himself had cited. The Bolivian Crisis had taken a toll on Torres, the long nights coupled with the stress of the whole affair and affected his health poorly. Torres was no longer a young man, being 71 years of age, he no longer had the energy his office required, and in truth looked forward to a peaceful retirement to the provinces. He parted on good terms with the liberal party and with Pedro II, who in his position as Emperor gave him a Knighthood in the Order of Christ, in return for his lifelong service to the Empire.
Manuel Pinto de Sousa Dantas was announced as the new Prime Minister of Brazil later on the evening of the 8. Torres would die peacefully in late 1869.
 
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Senior General Officer Marcos Maturana del Campo

"The creation of the Second Peru-Bolivian Confederation is a monstrosity, and its mission seems to be subduing free South American nations. This shall not be allowed to stand. We spilled our blood to throw away the shackles of the Spanish monarchy, we will not be put in shackles again." - President José Joaquín Pérez Mascayano, hearing about the Second Confederation.

"I will do whatever it takes to free the Bolivian people from the Peruvian iron fist. The Peruvians will not be allowed to further extend their tyrannny of the people of South America." - Senior General Officer Marcos Maturana del Campo, on campaign in Bolivia.

Chile, the Second Confederation, and the Andean War

When President Mariano Melgarejo informed José Pérez about his willingness to give all of the disputed territory of Atacama to Chile, he was intrigued, as it was common knowledge that the Atacama held huge resource deposits, and could mean an industrial boom in Chile, which in turn, would lead to great prosperity to the Chilean people. While such an agreement would require Chile to declare war on Paraguay, the president and his advisors were confident that it would be worth it, and thusly the Chilean-Bolivian Treaty of 1868 was signed. While the government in Santiago was very well aware that the Bolivian president was extremely unpopular due to his incompetent and brutal rule, his quickly eroding authority and coup following the signing of the treaty, did surprise the Chilean government, who quickly sent an army under the command of Marcos Maturana del Campo over the border and besiged city after city in the Atacama and helped Melgarejo and his army and occupied large parts of Bolivia.

While the Chilean government was not enthusiastic to be faced with a war over the Atacama, the war could prove to be a boon to Chilean prestige in South America. First of all, they got the ability to show off their new army which so far had proved effective against the Bolivian army, even if it was no great feat to get a disorganized army to rout, it did boost the Chilean governments belief that they could utilize their reformed army and quickly destroy the Confederation. Second of all, the Chilean government saw the war as an opportunity to move their border North of the Atacama and into Peru. While the current war goal was to retain the Atacama and the treaty from 1868, and to remove the second Confederation from existance, and it was suspected that the Chilean government wanted more, if the war stayed in their favour.

A Chilean victory against Bolivia would mean that Melgarejo would become the same absolutist, and incompetent president that he was before, and while he did get prestige from victories over the Bolivian army, the government feared that his resumed presidency would lead to further trouble and instability in the future, but they still backed him as it did help them win over some in the Bolivian population, when it seemed like liberation instead of occupation, and the government therefore decided to not act against their ally in the conflict, but they were very concerned about the future of Bolivia.
 
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