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The Battle of Puebla
As war raged in the Levant and on the Italian Peninsula, the conflict in Mexico continued to drag on into 1839. The forces of Santa Anna and Winfield Scott, a force of almost 30,000 men, sought to topple the Mexican Government. Meanwhile, in the south, thousands of Central American soldiers began occupation duty of the states of Chiapas and Yucatan.
Mexico City was also the highlight early in the campaign to topple the government of Guadalupe Victoria. With just 7,500 men residing in Mexico City, it was almost assured that the American and pro-Santa Anna forces would easily take the capital and bring an end to the war.
Santa Anna, commander of anti-government forces
Generals Scott and Anna had made detailed plans for the attack on the city itself, with objectives placed on securing the Presidential palace as well as infiltrating the city with collateral damage to be averted. However, as the siege began, Santa Anna was horrified to see American guns suddenly turn toward his forces and open fire. Soon, the entire American force of 15,000 men was driving down upon Santa Anna's army. With no chance of victory in such a bad position, he withdrew to the east on August 19, force-marching his army as far away from Mexico City as possible. However, upon realizing that his newly independent state in the north was going to be attacked, and there was no hope of saving it, he turned south. Scott pursued in close order, bringing with him 4,000 men that were garrisoned in the city, bringing his force to 19,000 to Anna's 12,500.
Not only was Anna pursued by the American and Government forces, but he was also being boxed in by 15,000 Central American troops coming from the east under the command of President Francisco Morazan. With enemy forces closing in around him, Santa Anna chose to stand and fight on the outskirts of a town called Puebla.
Santa Anna gave the command of his immediate force to General Isidoro Montes de Oca, who commanded the front line that was to face the Americans, about 7,000 men strong, and placed the command of his reserve, under General José Joaquín de Herrera, just over 5,000 men strong, to fight the advancing Central American forces.
Facing Santa Anna's 12,500 men were the combined armies of Central America and the United States, a force that was almost 35,000 strong.
Scott's force, with 10,000 under his personal command (including the 4,000 Mexicans brought from Mexico City) and another 5,000 under General Zachary Taylor, were laid out in several attack waves to hopefully overwhelm the enemy force by disciplined volleys, numerical advantage, and an advantage in artillery numbers and effectiveness. The attack began at 1000 hours on August 24 with the initial waves of the American army advancing under heavy fire from the large division of the Mexican army. However, they made progress, forcing Santa Anna's troops back several hundred yards, albeit at the cost of hundreds of men.
Meanwhile to the east, President Morazan's force had finally arrived, quickly deployed, and began their assault on Santa Anna's rear at 1130 hours. Progress here was comparatively slow to the American advance, and casualties were thus much heavier as, even though they outnumbered the Mexicans in this area almost 3-to-1, strained supply lines and a poorly-trained officer corps led to the loss of almost 2,000 men in the initial attack alone.
Around noon, Scott consolidated his forces and launched a second attack, this one aimed at hopefully breaking Santa Anna's front and either forcing a rout or total surrender. Pressure was heavy as nearly 10,000 Americans and Mexicans bore down on Santa Anna's army, and casualties were high for both sides.
Scott and Taylor's final attack on the Mexican army at Puebla
With his front giving way and the Central Americans continuing to pressure his rear, Santa Anna realized he had one chance to escape with any of his men at all. Though surrounded on virtually all sides, he gathered up all of his men, just 7,500 men total, a drastic decrease from his original 12,500, and launched an all-out attack on the weakened Central American right. Though they put up a grand resistance, the Central American right withdrew just long enough for Santa Anna to make quick his escape, where he withdrew to parts unknown, although it was generally believed he and his army retreated to the northeast. The remainder of the forces the general left behind surrendered almost immediately to the American and Central American forces.
When the counts were made on all sides, casualties were spectacularly heavy for all three participating armies, despite the victory of the American and Central American forces at the end of the day. Both American generals Scott and Taylor greatly praised the bravery and effectiveness of their 4,000-strong contingent of Mexican troops, who outperformed their counterparts that they fought against, though they suffered almost a 25% casualty rate. They also thanked President Morazan for his assistance, whose army suffered casualties of almost 33% but nonetheless participated in Santa Anna's withdrawal. It is said that Scott remarked, shortly after the battle, "The great Santa Anna has fought his greatest battle, and has been defeated. The greatest and most laborious of our work has already been finished."
Now, both sides prepared to reorganize, reinforce, and prepare for another long period of fighting. [-1,000 regulars to Mexico, -1,500 regulars to United States, -4,000 regulars to Central America, -5,000 regulars to Santa Anna]
United States of America
It is with great pleasure that I present to the ambassadors and nations of the world the Treaty of Guadalupe Hidalgo.
Treaty of Guadalupe Hidalgo
In the name of Almighty God,
The United States of America, the Federal Republic of Central America, and the United Mexican States, animated by a sincere desire to put an end to the calamities of the war which unhappily exists between the three Republics, and to establish upon a solid basis relations of peace and friendship, have, under the protection of Almighty God, arranged and agreed upon the following:
ARTICLE I
There shall be firm and universal peace between the United States of America, and the Mexican Republic, as well as the Central American Republic, between their respective countries, territories, cities, towns, and people.
ARTICLE II
The Government of the United States and the Government of the Central American Republic shall recognize Guadalupe Victoria, current sitting leader of the Mexican Republic, as legitimate executive leader, elected by his people, of the Mexican Republic.
ARTICLE III
The Mexican Republic shall, in return for payment of 15,000 ounces of gold bullion on behalf of the United States, cede lands to the north of the Rio Grande, including the relinquishing of all claims on the current State of Texas, as well as the territories of Alta California and New Mexico. A parcel of land in the north of Sonora y Sinaloa, 30,000 miles-squared in size, shall also be sold in tandem with the purchase of the Alta California and New Mexico territories, in order to facilitate eased infrastructure construction in the near future.
Boundary lines separating the territory of the three Republics shall be demarcated in the accompanying map:
ARTICLE IV
For however long the rebellion led by the general Santa Anna persists within the Mexican Republic, an alliance binding all three signatory parties shall last during the duration of the aforementioned period, to secure domestic and foreign security and political stability within the Mexican States. After the end of such a period, discussion may continue as to the extension of an alliance in the same or similar form.
ARTICLE V
As a measure of compensation and as a gift indicative of goodwill and friendship towards the Central American Republic, 3,000 ounces of gold bullion shall be delivered to the Central American government at no cost or interest, on behalf of the United States.
ARTICLE VI
For as long as the Mexican Republic and the Central American Republic shall both exist as total independent states, over complete control of their sovereignty and independence, a de-militarized zone shall exist on the border between the two nations, to discourage any possibilities of aggressive military actions in the future.
SIGNATORIES
[X] Major-General Winfield Scott, Commanding Officer Army Operations in Mexico, Army of the Rio Grande, Representative for President Martin Van Buren of the United States of America
[X] President Guadalupe Victoria of the United States of Mexico
[ ] Diego Vigil Cocaña, Representative for President Francisco Morazan of the Federal Republic of Central America
I would also like to congratulate General Winfield Scott, General Zachary Taylor, and every Mexican, American, and Central American soldier that participated in the fighting in Mexico and that will continue to do so until the conflict is ceased. I would also like to thank Presidents Francisco Morazan and Guadalupe Victoria for their cooperation in the endeavor to secure peace and stability in the region.
~ Martin Van Buren, President of the United States
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We are pleased to work with our North American brothers against the tyranny of a lone general.
[X] President Guadalupe Victoria of the United States of Mexico
[X] President Guadalupe Victoria of the United States of Mexico
General Antonio López de Santa Anna has left Mexico for a undisclosed location. I shall be negotiating the terms of surrender for the Army of Liberation and the Republic of Rio Grande.
~Isidoro Montes de Oca, Major General and Commander of the Army of Liberation
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[X] Diego Vigil Cocaña, Representative for President Francisco Morazan of the Federal Republic of Central America
The Kingdom of Portugal would be thrilled to improve the Luso-Brazilian relations, and receive back into its motherly embrace the prodigal son that at some point decided to pursue its own path, alone, against what wisdom commands. However, for that to happen, first and foremost some changes must happen in the Brazilian constitutional law:
Art. 119. Nenhum Estrangeiro poderá suceder na Coroa do Império do Brasil.
Art. 119. No Foreigner may take part in the succession of the Crown of the Empire of Brazil.
The article 119 of the Brazilian constitution refuses the rightful claims of the sons of Portugal, denying what their rights of nobility grant. A simple amendment would suffice to drastically improve the relations between the Kingdom of Portugal and the Empire of Brazil, granting the House of Braganza, which rules the two nations, equal rights in both of them.
Bernardo de Sá Nogueira de Figueiredo, Marquis Sá da Bandeira.
President of the Council of Ministers
GM: Just so everyone's aware, there's been some Musical Countries. Spectre17 will be taking over as the Austrian Empire from Dyranum, Athalcor will be taking Gradiant's place as Sardinia-Piedmont and Maxwell500 will be swapping into the Ottoman Empire vacated by Spectre17. You may continue as normal. We have always been at war with Eastasia.
To the people of Sardinia and of Europe! It is my sad duty to announce that Charles Albert, the great ruler of our nation, tragically died in an unfortunate accident. After a brief interregnum, his son arrived from the Austrian Empire and ascended to the throne as Vittorio Emmanuel II with guidance of nobles.
We hereby assure the world that Sardinia-Piedmont will continue in her righteous war against the vile enemy of peace, the so-called "King of Italy". We also continue our cordial relations with both France and Austria.
The rulers of all nations are also invited to attend the royal funeral in Torino.
Despite my sincere wish to maintain and establish friendly and close relations between the Empire of Brazil and the Kingdom of Portugal, I am afraid, Marquis-President, that I cannot agree to your request. I have been selected, elected, and approved as Regent of Brazil primarily to secure and protect the constitution of Brazil, as granted to us by Pedro I, and lawfully amended by the Chamber of Deputies. As both representative of Dom Pedro II, and of the Brazilian people, I cannot wilfully agree to amend the constitution in such a manner as to remove article 119. 119 was specifically put in place to prevent and avert the reunification of our two nations - certainly something we in Brazil cannot tolerate, and indeed, we would ask that the Portuguese government not make their policy. Pedro I of our country, and Pedro IV of yours, recognised Brazil's wish to be independent, and thus made the faithful Maria your Queen. I wish to uphold Pedro's decision in this affair, and I ask you to uphold it too, for he is the father of both our sovereigns.
Should an issue of succession emerge, such as if Pedro of Brazil or Maria of Portugal dies, then I would think it seemly and advisable to forgo this clause in the constitution, and hold a emergency conference with your government, and thus settle such an issue through a decree of the Most Serene house. No such issue is likely to emerge however, and thus, I see no reason to amend or remove the article. I do hope you accept and respect this decision of mine, and thus continue our excellent progress towards friendly and equal relations between our nations.
Honório Hermeto Carneiro Leão, Regent of the Empire of Brazil
The Amistad
The Amistad was a small, two-masted schooner. Built in Spain and based in Havana, it moved general cargo along the Spanish ports of the Caribbean. On June 28th, 1839 it sailed from Havana towards the port of Santiago de Cuba, at the other extreme of the island, on this occasion its cargo was some general parcels sent on behalf of the Spanish Governor-General of Cuba and 39 slaves, dispatched to a plantation.
Considering the vessel was not purpose-built to carry slaves, they were kept in a rather improvised fashion which would eventually led to their plans of escape. On the night of the 1st, one of the slaves, Cecilio, freed himself using an improvised knife; soon all the other slaves were free and took over the ship, killing the cook (who had repeatedly joked about killing them to feed the crew) and the ship's captain. The rest of the crew and one of the slave owners (a Mr. Rodriguez from Havana who was onboard) were imprisoned.
The Amistad
Lacking any sailing knowledge, the slaves had to rely on the ship's crew to take them to the British colony of Jamaica, where they hoped to gain freedom in light of the United Kingdom's strong stance against slavery. Ironically enough, one of the owners of the Cuban planation where they were destined was a Briton himself, Mr. Virgil Reynolds, born in Jamaica and a resident of Cuba since the 1810s.
The Amistad's pilot as able to deceive the rebel slaves and turned the ship north instead of south and soon the vessel was sighted along the eastern coast of Florida. As the ship's supplies were only meant to last for less than a week, the slaves were forced to come ashore at least twice, in Georgia and South Carolina, and gather the little they could beg or steal from the local residents. Soon, the situation of the ship was made known to the US Navy, and the cutter USS Washington was able to intercept it east of cape Hatteras. Lieutenant Thomas R. Gedney, captain of the Washington, took control over the Amistad, freed the prisoners and took the vessel to the state of Virginia. Considering it was a slave state, Gedney wanted to file a libel suit under the sea law and claim salvage over the vessel and its cargo.
A newspaper's depiction of the Revolt
Soon, the libel was filed in a district court of Norfolk, Virginia, but unexpectedly, the issue debacled into a legal swamp as more and more parties came forward with their own demands. Abolitionists from New York heard of the case and sent their own representative, claiming the slaves were held against their will, and thus entitled to escape. The Spanish Crown, via their ambassador in Washington, pressed to have the matter trialed under Spanish law, as it was a Spanish vessel and the rebellion took place in Cuban waters; therefore, and attorney of the State Department acted on their behalf. Mr. Reynolds himself traveled to the United States, trying to move the British Diplomatic corps to support him, yet considering it was a case of slavery they politely refused to act and waited for further instructions from London. This resulted in several trials taking place over the same case, spread from Norfolk to Washington DC.
The legal debate dragged on for the rest of 1839, as the nation's spirit became more and more inflamed on the matter. Desiring for a quick solution and not to further antagonize the southern states, president Van Buren sided first with Lt. Gedney, stating it was only a sea law matter. However, as the months passed, the situation became more entangled. Fortunately, by November the matter boiled down to a single court, the District Court for the Eastern District of Virginia, where all parties would seat and a ruling would be made during the early months of 1840.
Regardless of the outcome, the Amistad affair, as it was known, placed the debate over slavery right in the public spotlight, yet again.
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((As Boris is currently detained, I'll be taking the role of Spain in this little one-act farce.))
The Kingdom of Spain demands the return of the Spanish ship Amistad, its wrongfully-imprisoned crewmen, its cargo, and the criminals who took unlawful control of the vessel. As the rebellion took place in Spanish waters aboard a Spanish ship, this is rightfully an internal matter to be settled in a Spanish court, regardless of where it was eventually recovered. We are willing to offer suitable compensation to Lieutenant Gedney, as it was his actions that led to the ship's recovery, but the vessel and all aboard it must be returned to Spain for further deliberation. We call upon the United States to honor international law and effect the Amistad's return as soon as possible.
The Kingdom of Spain demands the return of the Spanish ship Amistad, its wrongfully-imprisoned crewmen, its cargo, and the criminals who took unlawful control of the vessel. As the rebellion took place in Spanish waters aboard a Spanish ship, this is rightfully an internal matter to be settled in a Spanish court, regardless of where it was eventually recovered. We are willing to offer suitable compensation to Lieutenant Gedney, as it was his actions that led to the ship's recovery, but the vessel and all aboard it must be returned to Spain for further deliberation. We call upon the United States to honor international law and effect the Amistad's return as soon as possible.
GM Speak: Since our dear forumites are well versed in the Amistad matter, I'll make the following clear: the slaves were cuban born, they were shipped from one side of the island to the other and then they rebeled. This is not entirely like OTL.
Now we return to your regular broadcast
Now we return to your regular broadcast
The United Kingdom of Great Britain and Ireland
The United Kingdom of Great Britain and Ireland would like to make it known that we will not engage in Mr. Reynolds request, and will furthermore state, that as these slaves have left the Island of Cuba, and have now entered into the United States of America, under Maritime Law, we will regard this as an extension of the Slave Trade, be it intentional or unintentional. The United Kingdom, seeing this as a moral wrong, and considering this ship did pass through British Maritime Waters, we will strongly suggest to the United States of America that these slaves are to be be set free in the United States, or turned to their intended destination of the Island of Jamaica, of which we will provide transportation for this journey.
As we consider this an area of our domain, we will be forced to take some form of action of these men are forced into Slavery into the American South.
This has been a message from Her Majesty's Government.
United States of America
I would like to point out to Her Majesty that, though she may find slavery immoral, slavery is still actively being pursued on the British colonies of St. Helena and Ceylon.
Also, I do not believe the United Kingdom belongs in the affairs of the Kingdom of Spain or the United States.
A fuller statement pertaining to this event shall be made soon.
~ Martin Van Buren, President of the United States
The United Kingdom of Great Britain and Ireland
The United Kingdom of Great Britain and Ireland would like to know why the United States has, seemingly upon random, and inaccurately, said that Slavery is practiced on Saint Helena. The truth of this being is that the United Kingdom has taken possession of this Island from the East India Company in 1833, and while it was excluded from the Slavery Abolition Act, claiming that it is actively pursued is an outright lie by the United States Government. Slavery on the island, while legal, is not practiced. We have recently written off the last of the loans to the former Slave owners, and their is not a single slave on this island.
The progress on this island, much different from that of the Southern States in the United States, which actively pursues it.
This ship has reported to have been spotted off the coast of the Bahamas, and by extension, this is something of our concern, as it is in British Maritime waters, as well as an active case of the Slave Trade, something we have taken a strong stance against, and will continue to act out against.
This has been a message from Her Majesty's Government.