[Forum Game] Ultramar: The Angolan War of Independence

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Bonecracker(NL)

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"The wind of change is blowing through this continent. Whether we like it or not, this growth of national consciousness is a political fact." These were the words of Harold MacMillan to the South African Parliament, making clear that he agreed with President De Gaulle that Africa should be decolonised on short notice. The Portuguese begged to differ.


Hello and welcome to the actual live game thread of Ultramar! Hopefully it has been worth the wait. As mentioned in the signup thread, this game will start on March 27th, 1962. On that day, the FNLA was formed as a merger of two Bakongo insurrectionist groups under the leadership of the UPA. Holden Roberto on that day declared himself the President of the Angolan government-in-exile, but would be stuck in Congo-Léopoldville for the time being. Shit has already gone sideways, stuff has been broken, a lot of people died. Also napalm.

The focus of the game will be military. It will be centred on the Portuguese army, which has not fought a war for the better part of half a century, conducting a counter-insurgency war which it is ill-equipped in a country 13.5 times the size of the metropole. The Angolan rebels, however, have to evict a determined colonial power which has been established for nearly 400 years in this patchwork of peoples and tribes. More importantly, they have to ensure they’re the top dog by the end of it. There is much fun to be had on either side, and it can go either way. Historically the MPLA stood victorious, but for all we know the FNLA, UNITA, another rebel group, or even the Portuguese can end up winning. In any case, during this phase of warfare there will be heroes, who will take their gravitas into the nation-running phase afterwards.


Dutchbag, why is the post-war phase relevant to your war game?


After the conclusion of Ultramar, I will run a second game. It will be a character-driven internal politics game as has been seen many times before, but it will be held in the Angola that is born out of this game. Subsequently, the biggest, baddest guerilleros have to turn into the biggest, baddest politicians. And that is much, MUCH easier to do when all opposition has been pre-emptively taken care of. So especially to the guerillas I’ll say: think ahead in whatever you’ll be doing, since there is an Angola after the war.

It is the mission of all factions to defeat everyone else in the game so they control Angola. The government has to play whack-a-mole and try not to piss the international community off too much, and the rebels have to somehow defeat their militarily superior foe. All sides have to control the hearts and minds of the population. And none of this will be easy, remember it took thirteen years before the Portuguese had to give up due to the Carnation Revolution as they were winning in Angola.

Roles and Orders

The Portuguese and the rebels are diametrically opposed, but also function very differently. Here is an overview of who's who. Keep in mind that using real-world logic will get you the furthest, and that you are by no means limited in your orders by what is said below or anywhere else.

Portugal

The boss of the Portuguese is the Governor-General. He is the senior administrator of the territory, and responsible for the coordination of military operations, civilian development, and hearts and minds. As he's got a lot of stuff to do, he is only character who has three orders. Yet for all the powers he has, he is limited by the government in the Metropole and the Ministry of the Overseas.

In any war, it's vital to know who and what you're up against, how strong they are, and where they're moving. With a guerilla, this is even more so. The Internal Police and Defense of the State, or PIDE, Portugal's intelligence service, plays an invaluable role in the wars. While they do function passively, gathering intel and surveilling all groups, the PIDE player has two orders to get to the bottom of a warlord's activites or subversive activities in populated areas, or scout out a group or region either through the PIDE establishment or elite recoinnaisance forces. The intelligence he gathers is of great value to the forces on the ground, who would be blind without them.

The fighting is done by the Forças Militares Ultramarinos em Angola, the Overseas Military Forces in Angola. A mixture of Portuguese conscripts pulled away from a neat civilian existence and loyal Angolan blacks. Four players, each with one 'order' to send a plan for the year in, are faced with the Herculean task of subduing the rebellion and controlling the countryside. To achieve this, they have to work from cities and outposts and utilise everything at their disposal to destroy the rebellion in the bush and in the villages.

Rebel groups

All rebel groups have a political leadership. He has two orders, pertaining chiefly to foreign relations, the acquisition of weapons, supplies, and money from foreign benefactors, and running the territory under the control of their groups. It is also their responsibility to keep the movement a cohesive force, keep a lid on infighting, settling disputes, prevent splintering, and perhaps get rid of troublemakers. The benefit is that if their movement wins, they'll probably have a well-paying job and a good pension waiting for them.

Below these heads are the warlords. These men are the field commanders of their movement, operating in the bush of Angola where they have to fight and destroy the Portuguese Army and enforce whatever the leader of their movement wants them to do. However, due to the nature of their struggle combined with the size of Angola, disobedience is seemingly easy to get away with, and if the political leadership is in a row with its military, it is very possible for there to be a change in leadership or a split in the movement.

Rules, procedures, and other information

First of all, one of my pet peeves is thread littering. As such, I request everyone to post their characters, OOC comments, applications when not on IRC in the old Signups thread, which will be used for such purposes.

Every turn and main update will be a year, and I will aim for putting up an update every week. Aside from that, I will put up mini-updates for important developments, major military operations, and other things that need to be brought to everyone's attention. I will not, however, make it rain minis for every move that is done.

Order deadlines will be announced in the topic of #Ultramar. The orders are to be sent to me in a conversation, to which you will reply every update cycle to prevent my inbox from flooding. Failure to send orders for two turns in a row will result in expulsion from the game.

It is required that you actively IC for the game. I will not make it mandatory to put out so much IC in a given timeframe, instead I will go on a case-by-case basis since not everybody has as much to IC about. Don't worry, I won't be breathing down your neck for it: showing that you're still in the game is adequate.

I will not tolerate metagaming. If I catch you doing it, you will be removed immediately. In that cadre I will once again make it very clear that there will be no ASB stuff. I'll allow a lot of stuff, but when all reason and logic go out of the window I will smite it.

Remain civil at all times. I don't mind heated discussions, but if it deteriorates into something toxic I will punish those who I see responsible for it in a way that I view accordingly.

Lastly, please keep in mind that I'm just a scrub behind a keyboard who's read a book on this war. I am by no means infallible. While I won't rewrite part of the update, please raise your concerns if you perceive that I have missed part of your orders or made another mistake.

Signups and IRC

If you wish to play the game, there are three ways of signing up. Find me on IRC, PM me on Paradox, and leave a message on the signups thread. What is NOT a way of signing up is leaving a message in the game thread.

Link: Coldfront
Channel: #Ultramar
Instructions:
1) Use the link provided above.
2) Choose the Flash app or the Java app.
3) Enter your nickname. Usage of your forum name is preferable.
4) In the command box, type “/join #Ultramar” without the quotation marks.
5) Welcome to the Jungle!
 
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Bonecracker(NL)

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Characters:
Aedan
Mumbo Luccundi (b. 1928)

Alexander23
Faical Lara. (b. 1929)

Baboush
Jaca Vincente (b. 1931)

Bakerydog

Cheef

Luis A. Machado. (b. 1929)

Dadarian
Governor-General Venâncio A. Deslandes. (b. 1909)

Ekon
Guiomar Silva. (b. 1927)

Firelordsky

Harps

Preto B. Ongo. (b. 1929)

Korona
Franco Assisi. (b. 1922)

LordMichael
Major David Luis Grombos

Maxwell

Noco

Martti Nashilongo (b. 1927)

Oxfordroyale

Potatoman

Revan

TJDS

XVG

A. Agostinho Neto. (b. 1922)

The Overseas Province of Angola, 1962

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Population: 4,826,015
GDP: 12,065 million USD
FMU troops in theatre: ~33,000
Estimated amount of Guerillas: 5,600
-FNLA: 5,000
-MPLA: 600
-Others: N/A​
 
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Demographics and Geography of Angola


The Portuguese were the first to establish overseas colonies, starting with the conquest of Ceuta in 1415. Ever since, the small and poor country has established for itself the third largest colonial empire, behind those of the United Kingdom and France. The jewel in the imperial crown of this empire is the sprawling overseas Province of Angola, otherwise known as Portuguese West Africa. It is the largest territory in Africa south of the Sahara, behind Congo-Leopoldville, and its coastline is the longest on the continent. Whilst part of its borders are marked by rivers, the majority of them were determined by ruler and pencil, with no regard for tribal affinity and territory.


While this naturally resulted in the territory being a patchwork of different ethnicities, according to the 1950 census some 75% of the natives belonged to the main demographic groups: The Bakongo, the Mbundu, and the Ovimbundu.


Ethnic Groups


The whites and mestiços are concentrated on the coast and on the planalto, but there is also a large white element in the northern coffee regions. Unsurprisingly they are most urbanised group. 30% of whites and 35% of mestiços live in Luanda, the capital of the territory, and around ⅛ of both groups lived in four other towns: Nova Lisboa, Lobito, Benguela, and Sá da Bandeira. The rest reside on their coffee plantations, other settlements, or in villages that resemble rural Portugal - an initiative of Dr. Salazar from the last decade.


The white community (Most of them Portuguese) consists chiefly of newcomers - half of them have resided in the territory for less than fifteen years. Aside from administrative duties, the whites mostly shy away from agriculture and engage themselves in industry and commerce. Many of the urban whites are poor and semi-illiterate workmen who compete with the African population for low-paying jobs.


ZS17zn1.jpg


Luanda bay in the 1960s

The Bakongo are linked to the old Kingdom of Kongo and live in the are of that former entity. Only one third of them live in Angola, with most of the remaining 2/3rds rest living in Congo-Leopoldville. Strong ties remained despite political and internal divisions and as such, the Bakongo of Angola have since the First World War looked to Leopoldville for development, and not Luanda, leading to emigration to the Congo. They also have strong ties to the Mbundu to their south. Climate dictates that the majority of the Bakongo are farmers. They grow food for their own needs and coffee as a cash crop, mostly on white-owned plantations.


From the rural areas around Luanda to the Cassange area in eastern Malanje dwell the Mbundu. There are numerous identities within the Mbundu, of which the most notable are the Ambundu, who function as the (self-appointed)upper class. Not that the other groups really like that. Due to their proximity to Luanda, the Mbundu has given them the most and longest exposure to Portuguese authority, and have thus become more accustomed and acquainted to it than the others groups; but there are exceptions. The Dembos tribe was and is strongly influenced by the Bakongo, and has traditionally been hostile to the Portuguese. Similarly, tribes in the east have been subdued later and are less friendly to Portuguese authority than their brethren in the west.


Angola_tribes_1970.jpg


Ethnic map of Angola, 1970. Mbundu marked as Kimbundu



The single largest population group are the Ovimbundu, occupying the area south of the Cuanza around Huambi, Bié and Benguela. Their domination of trade routs and the black economy in general, their large numbers, and absorbtion of smaller tribes has led to about half of the black population speaking their language, Umbundu. Over time, the Ovimbundu adopted western values, the Christian faith, and managed to do so without losing their ethnic identity. Their economic mainstay was producing maize, but they also found employ on the Benguela railway and as contract workers on northern coffee plantations.


The smaller groups consist of the Chokwe Hunter-Gatherers, who do their fair share of raiding too. Their nomadic lifestyle has been left intact, even if segments of the Chokwe have taken up farming. The Nganguela are a collection of tribes living in the districts of Moxico, Bié, and Cuando Cabango. Referred to by the Ovimbundu as 'The other people', they have had little exposure to Western influence of any kind and are still subsistence farmers and fishermen. In northern and western Huila live the Nyaneka-Humbe, a collection of sparsely communicating tribes who have, much like the Nganguela, experienced very little exposure to the Whites, but also shied away from the Ovimbundu and still survive as mixed farmers, but mainly breeding cattle.


V6nXQrF.jpg


Nganguela women



On the arid steppes of the south one finds the Ovambo, who have a larger presence in South-West Africa. They, too, are subsistence farmers with a large amount of ranching. Due to the porous nature of the border between Angola and South-West Africa, the Ovambo move freely through the borders. They are a small group, but with a penchant for violence that is held in awe by even the Portuguese, as they conducted annual raids against everyone around, even the Ovimbundu, before the Portuguese (barely) managed to subdue them. The rest of the African population of Angola, such as the Khoi and San Bushmen and the primitive Shindongo of the South-East, are of negligible importance.


Geography


Angola is the jewel in the Portuguese Imperial Crown, partly due to its abundance of natural resources. It possesses a high amount of coffee plantations and turns out a considerable amount of it, and has the potential do to produce enough food for its own cosumption and retain a large exportable surplus. Energy is no different, as Angola has a large hydroelectric potential and oil deposits persist and there are rumoured to be large petroleum deposits off the coast of Angola. It is no surprise that foreign actors are clamouring to enter Angola which has boomed ever since World War II ended.


Angola consists of four basic geographic regions.


The dry coastal plain is by nature an unimportant region: it was sparsely populated due to unwelcoming climates such as the Moçâmedes desert (an extension of the Namib) which gradually becomes a steppe as one goes further north. Yet the coast is obviously the first place where the Europeans arrived, and as such is the most developed.


The southern desert and steppes are situated to the south of the Huíla plateau. It is, as you would think, a sandy and dry region with sporadic development resulting from water scarcity. However, it is crossed by the Cunene and Cubango rivers which form the main transport arteries in the region. These rivers, as well as their tributaries, create wide flood plains in the rainy season which are ideal for cattle farming. The land between the Cubango and Northern Rhodesia is marked by a large amount of rivers where vegetation is lush and water supplies consistent.


The Planalto, or the central plateau, has the highest population density of the territory. This is due to the fertile soil and good climate. As a result, white settlement is strong in these areas. The area is crossed by Angola’s largest transport artery: the Benguela railway, leading into the Congo and Northern Rhodesia. Other west-east railways are the Luanda and Moçâmedes railways, but communication from north to south is poor. The eastern parts of the territory are a plateau with sandy soil and savannah vegetation. In this openness lies the town of Dundo, the centre of the mining industry.


9akjHEq.png


A village in Northwestern Angola


The north of the territory is a tropical savannah, with rainforests in Cabinga and around the Congo river, the drainage basin of which is in the area. The terrain is inhospitable and the population scattered across it as a result. The remainder of this region is very hilly, with very dense vegetation in valleys and near the rivers. Even so, it is an important part of the territory due to the coffee industry, with the town of Carmona as its centre of gravity.
 
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Angola, 1482 to 1926

The history of Portuguese Angola begins in 1482, when Diogo Cão reached the mouth of the Congo River and established contact with the Kongo kingdom. Relations between the Portugal and the Kongo remained amicable for a century. The two traded and exchanged subjects for diplomatic purposes, some Kongo subjects received schooling in Portugal, and the Portuguese sent missionaries to the Kongo. Relations worsened, however, Portuguese did not offer protection from slavers to the western-educated, Christian king Afonso I of Kongo. Slaves from his kingdom were in high demand for the sugar plantations of São Tomé and Brazil. At the end of his reign, a crisis in the Kongo put the kingdom under effective Portuguese control.


As the sixteenth century progressed, the Portuguese went south to look for a new source of slaves and the rumoured silver deposits. The ambassador who was sent to the Mbundu kingdom (known as Ngola, whereafter Angola was named), Paulo Dias de Novais (A grandson of Bartholomeu Dias), was kept in captivity for five years. He returned in 1575 and persuaded King Sebastian to proclaim the lands between the Congo and Cuanza a crown colony with himself as governor for life. The initial expedition of 700 landed on the island of Luanda, which was made into a proper settlement next year. It was not succesful, as relations with the Ngola deteriorated due to slave trade and Luanda was attacked in 1579. After this attack, De Novais started expanding into the interior until he died in 1589.


With his death, there as debate as to it would be beneficial to maintain Angola. The supporters prevailed, lucrative slave trade and rumoured mineral wealth on their side. Subsequent searches for silver and gold proved fruitless, and further eastward expansion and settlement was abandoned. Priority was thus given to slave trade, and for that a settlement in Benguela was founded in 1617 and blossomed. Here the Portuguese also contacted the Ovimbundu.


Portuguese rule was interrupted from 1641 to 1648 by the Dutch, who occupied Luanda and Benguela, and the local monarchs sided with the Dutch. In 1648 the ports were relieved by an expedition from Brazil, after which Angola became a Brazilian colony more than anything until the abolition of the slave trade in 1836. There were even suggestions for Brazil and Angola to unite after the former’s independence, but the idea was stillborn. The slave trade picked up again after its relief, and over the course of nearly two centuries, three million slaves were shipped from Angola, half of them to Brazil and another 30% to the Carribean. This earned Angola the dubious title “The Black Mother of the New World.” It is also cited as the main reason for Angola’s sparse population: Barely 5.6 million in 1962, where through normal growth it would be nearing 30 million.


The resumption of Portuguese rule saw a series of punitive expeditions, leading to the complete subjugation of the Kongo and the Ngola kingdoms. Over the course of these expeditions, some local tribes joined the Portuguese, exploiting the political fragmentation to survive whilst the Portuguese divided and ruled, and augmented their low manpower reserves with native levies. With the subjugation of two major kingdoms, uncontrolled expansion by adventurers into the hinterland continued for half a century, it had all but stopped by 1700 as Portuguese effective control remained limited to the commercial paradise on the coast, but the flag flew three hundred kilometres east of Luanda. Further expansion was justified by the end of slavery, but came a a heavy cost. The Africans resented the Portuguese, trade in other products did not pick up, and by 1861 the Portuguese stopped trying to subjugate the economic centres of the hinterland, as it was emptying the colony’s coffers.


This stop did not last long, as the interest of other countries was drawn towards the region by the exploits of David Livingstone and H.M. Stanley. These explorers were unimpressed with Portuguese rule, with Livingstone calling Portugal a ‘second-rate colonial power’ and Luanda ‘decadent’. His meeting with a prominent trader, Francisco da Silva, let the latter to believe that Portugal was not doing enough to promote trade and development beyond the coast. He maintained that if Portugal neglected this hinterland, that foreign powers would not and railroads should be built east, to Bié, Bailundo, and Caconda.. His warnings bore fruit with the founding of Moçâmedes and Sá de Bandeira. The focus of development was the central highlands, where the Ovimbundu were the most important traders in Southern Africa with rubber growing changing the traditional lifestyle of these people.


The Scramble for Africa began around this time, too. As Belgian and French activity increased in the lower Congo region Portugal annexed Cabinda and Masabi, and also redoubled its efforts to connect Angola and Mozambique. The Berlin Congress also struck a blow to the Portuguese management with the principle of ‘Effective Occupation’, meaning it had to replace its succesful feudal system with a more expensive system of military presence and occupation. This became a top priority, and as it clung on to a centuries-old dream of finding a way across Africa and linking the Atlantic and Indian Oceans. This dream was shattered with the ultimatum of 1890, which soured Anglo-Portuguese relations. In 1891 the colonial borders between Portugal and Britain were broadly defined, but it was not until 1926 that through agreements with the British, the French, the Belgians, Germans, and later South Africans that Angola’s borders were finalised.


Under the First Republic, more autonomy was devolved onto the colonies. It was two years later that one of Angola’s best administrators, General Norton de Matos, was installed as Governor-General. He undertook action to uplift the native population, lightened the burden of black labour and abolished forced labour altogether, and introduced social legislation that led to an upsurge of white immigration. In 1915, Norton de Matos was dismissed for his policies were too expensive and too liberal. He returned for a second term in office from 1921 to 1924, where he started developing critical infrastructure in Angola (even if it brought both colony and motherland to the brink of bankrupcy) through the Benguela and Moçâmedes railways, providing a powerful boon to the development of the hinterland and linked the port of Lobito to the mines of Katanga. Another strong impetus for development was the discovery of diamonds in Lunda, which lead to the Diamang company which became a major employer and monopolist in the region. But despite this, Angola (and Mozambique) were markedly different than other colonies of the time: they were a hindrance, not an asset. They were stagnant trade posts which were frantically expanded inland during the scramble for Africa. But in 1926 the civilian government was swept away by a coup, inaugurating a military dictatorship under general Óscar Carmona. As unrest grew, he appointed one Dr. Salazar, a professor of economics, as finance minister, later as colonial minister, and eventually Prime Minister. The unassuming economist would turn out to change Portugal and its colonies beyond recognition.
 
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The Estado Novo

After being appointed Finance Minister in 1928, Salazar introduced stringent reforms which stabilised the Escudo and balanced the budget within a year. He was widely credited with saving Portugal’s finances, and that gave him a power base far beyond his portfolio. In 1931, the British ambassador described him as “Portugal’s outstanding figure”. The next year he was Prime Minister, backed by the army, the church, and a few financial groups. With his wide powers, he continued heavy reforms and ruled with an iron hand. His corporate constitution, accepted by popular referendum, has been in force since 1933. There are parts of this constitution that require elaboration, as all decisions affecting Angola are made in Lisbon under this system.


-The Head of State is the President, who is responsible for appointing a Prime Minister and a Cabinet. -The President is advised by the council of state. The members of this body are the Prime Minister, the chairmen of the National Assembly and the Corporate Chamber, the Attorney-General and five ‘persons of outstanding ability’, appointed for life by the President.

-The government is comprised of the Prime Minister (answerable only to the President and not the National Assembly) and the council of ministers.

-Matters pertaining only to the Overseas Territories are handled by the Overseas Ministry as the chief executive body. (In this capacity it de facto forms a state within a state.)

-The power to legislate is vested in the national assembly, with 130 members elected for four-year terms through direct but limited franchise. It can not table financial legislation. In regards to the overseas territories, it can only alter the organic charter of said territories. It also acts as a watchdog over the granting of foreign concessions in these territories.

-The corporate chamber is the highest consultative body. It consists of 185 delegates of local government and economical, cultural, social, and religious interests. All legislation submitted to the Assembly was first reviewed by the chamber. While officially a consultative body alone, it gave the delegates and the organisations they represented formidable power and prestige.

-Various civil liberties were enshrined in the constitution, but mechanisms were included to “prevent by precautionary or restrictive measures the perversion of public opinion in its function as a social force”, specifically against “all those influences which distort it from the truth, justice, good administration and the common good.” This was interpreted as liberally as you’d expected.


The Salazar regime is described by the opposition as an autocratic body with zero tolerance for opposition, maintaining power over a largely illiterate and uneducated population by force. Allegedly, power and wealth are limited to a small and privileged elite of eleven families and the population’s standard of living had been deliberately reduced to balance the budget. In spite of this, the church and military play ball and formed a strong part of the regime’s power base, augmented by the secret police, PIDE, and the Portuguese Legion. Its opponents include commercial and industrial employees in the lower and lower middle class, a few small landowners, and junior officers - the final group would historically do the Estado Novo in. The zero-tolerance policy towards opposition also makes it so that the communist party seems much bigger and more dangerous than it is.


It was not a high-powered fascist system such as Italy’s and not at all like that of Nazi Germany, but more of a “clerico-corporative” regime in which the initial inequalities in society were sanctioned while the political system itself developed a certain genius for stability and continuity”


The New State’s Africa policy - Lusotropicalism

Blatantly stolen from Portugal’s War in Angola by W.S. Van Der Waals​


What were the reasons behind and the motive for Portugal’s Africa policy? To be sure, colonialism and the profit motive played there part, but there were other factors. There was a geographic dimension in the sense that Portugal, a small country, controlled the world’s third largest empire. This was allied to a deep sense of pride in Portugal’s epic voyages of discovery, which spread Western civilisation and evangelism to the “heathen” black people of Africa. In terms of the profit motive, the colonies did not meet expectations and became liabilities during Salazar’s reign. In that context, Portugal’s stepped-up defence of these territories cannot be attributed to economic advantages. This was in sharp contrast to British and Belgian colonialism where the profit motive was paramount. Portugal’s African possessions were described on the one hand as a burden and a drain on all national energies and, on the other, as assets because they represented a living link with the past and formed the bulk of an empire which gave Portugal a veneer of weightiness in the world.


Throughout its history, Portugal’s sturggle for survival relied heavily on all the forces of colonialism, authoritarian government, and nationalism - and all three were the dominant factors in the Salazar era. The Pan-Lusitanian philosophy of Lusotropicalism, upon which the Africa policy of the New State was based, emphasised the centuries-old Portuguese presence, the glories of the past, the spread of civilisation and the Christian doctrine, multiracialism and patriotic abstracts such as duty, faith, and humanity. According to a Portuguese assesment, this philosophy differed radically from European imperialism because it worked. “...not by exploitation, often iniquitous, but by altruism, abnegation, faith and a historic responsibility of civilisation.” On those high-sounding principles the new colonial policy took hold and motivated action in Africa until the military coup in 1974.


Society in Angola

Colonial legislation stemmed mainly from the Colonial Act of 1930. It put the administrative responsibility of the colonies directly in Lisbon, defined the duties of the Overseas minister and colonial governors, the degree of autonomy and decentralisation in matters of finance and development, and provided a special judicial system for the natives. It further inhibited the independence movement in Angola by linking its economy with the restrictictions and policies of the metropole. On more positive notes, colonial legislation abolished forced labour for private employers and obliged all to pay black labour in cash. Recognition was extended to tribal practices and white and black communities were distincted. The long-term aim was to integrate the indigenous peoples into the Portuguese family.


In reality, it created an apartheid in the colony with the population divided into two categories: the ‘indígenas’, the majority black population, and the ‘não-indígenas’, the whites, mestiços, and the “assimilated”. Those in last group were Portuguese citizens. The rest would be assimilated into civilisation overtime. To qualify as assimilated, a person had to be eighteen years old, speak fluent Portuguese, and be able to produce a birth certificate, a certificate of health, two references and a statement of loyalty. In return, one would receive citizenship, an identity document, be enrolled as a taxpayer, and with that be exempt from six months of forced labour for the state the indigenous Africans had to do if they failed to pay their hut tax. Few Africans could meet these standard, and by 1960 only 1% of black Angolans were citizens of Portugal.


The period following WWII was marked by increasing criticism of colonialism. leading to the redesignation of Angola and other territories as ‘Overseas Provinces’, rather than colonies, in 1951. The 1950s were the golden age of Portuguese colonialism, with real growth at last taking place. New roads, bridges, hydroelectric dams, railways, factories, harbours, airfields and settlements were built and exports increased dramatically. Portugal’s balance of trade was improving and metropolitan industries found markets in the overseas. As Africa became more and more troubled, Angola and Mozambique seemed like calm, peaceful, and progressing lands.


But despite the strong growth figures, there was little political change. As stated earlier, the Overseas Ministry is virtually a state within a state. It controls the civil service, the judiciary, public works, concessions and the budget. It has its own departments for justice, education, health, public works and customs and appoints the governors-general and veto their decisions.


The governor-general of Angola is the Chief Executive Officer. Again, authority is very centralised here. More often than not, they are military officers and are appointed for five-year terms. They have wide powers to legislate by decree on native affairs and matters outside the scope of the national assembly, the overseas ministry, or the provinces. However, in this regard Angola was just another colony and the Governor-General exercises the prerogatives of these three organs. He has a Provincial Government Council, consisting of himself, the commander-in-chief of the armed forces in the territory, provincial secretaries, the director of the territory’s finances and two members of the legislative council who he picks every year. This council consists of thirty-six members, six of whom are nominated blacks. The remaining nominated whites were from various backgrounds such as the church and economical organisations. Fifteen members are elected - three by taxpayers, three by economic organisations, three by workers organisations, three by black authorities and three by civil servants. However, only the non-indigenous and assimilated members can vote. The only real power the council has is to approve the budget, otherwise it is an advisory body.


Angola is divided into a number of districts, overseen by a district governor and are assisted by district councils. The municipal councils, the rural wards, and the administrative posts here extend Lisbon’s authority throughout the entire territory and are in closest contact with nearly the entire population through tax collectors, magistrates, and other government employees. This centralised control was allied to the minister’s power to veto any acquisitions or decisions of provincial and local councils, and was the cause of widespread resentment against Lisbon - and not just among the indigenous peoples. International hostility to Portuguese policy and the grievances the indigenous peoples had convinced the whites that Portugal’s one-nation theory was unacceptable.

(I’m in a hurry now, but I’ll add more stuff later.)

Resistance in Angola and the rebellion


By 1961, a number of anti-Portuguese movements had sprung up. These included the Movement for the Liberatian of the Enclave of Cabinda, the Ovamboland People’s Organisation(Which fought for a unification of the Ovambo on both sides of the border), and the Liga Nacional Africana, a mild and Mestiço organisation which was at times officially sanctioned. However, two of these were to become major players: The MPLA and the UPA. They were, in a way, exemplary of the main division in Angolan nationalism: that between modernism and and ethno-nationalists.


The MPLA was founded in December 1956 after a fusion of various Communist Party-inspired groups. It represented those Angolans with the most exposure to Portuguese influence. It was only natural that the embryo for it was laid when the Portuguese Communist Parties spread its tentacles to Angola in 1949, and at home it retained close contact with the Centre for African Studies. Its largest support base was on the coast, with the Mestiços and assimilated Africans forming its core, and in Luanda’s Mbundu hinterland. In its manifesto, issued upon its founding, the core principle of the MPLA’s theory was that Portuguese colonialism could only be defeated by an all-out struggle, waged by a united front of Angolan anti-imperialists. “This requires that the Angolan people mobilise and struggle on all fronts in order to weaken imperialism and Portuguese colonialism, to make Angola an independent country and to install a democratic and popular Angolan government.” PIDE promptly responded by thwarting the MPLA’s efforts at creating a united front and paralysed its leadership in Angola, and sending the rest into exile where Mario de Andrade became its leader. Its only activity in Angola was agitating among its core of urban assimilados.


The UPA was founded in the rolling hills of the old Congo kingdom. It grew in the Bakongo areas in an area where political awareness and black nationalism was awoken in the 1950s with the dramatic increase in white settlement during that time and was helped by the influence of Baptist missionaries and its ties with the Belgian Congo. Antagonism against the Portuguese was fed by the latter’s inteference in the succession of Kongo monarchs. It was from this dispute that a new resistance movement was born which eventually went territory-wide as the UPA. Its leader was one Holden Roberto, with close links to the American Committee on Africa. He also attended the first All-African People’s Conference in Ghana, where he established cordial ties with great names such as George Padmore, Kwame Nkrumah, Sekou Toure, Kenneth Kaunda, Tom Mboya, and Frantz Fanon. At the next conference he became close with President Bourguiba of Tunisia, and in 1960 he attended the UN General Assembly as a delegate of Guinea. Roberto was schooled in anticolonialism and thought the restoration of the Congo kingdom as too narrow an objection. He was uncompromising in this, which served to alienate the Bakongo of the area. The loss of support here was offset by his friendship with Patrice Lumumba, Cyril Adoula, and Joseph-Desiré Mobutu who allowed the UPA an external base after Congolese independence.


Angola was cooking, and the Portuguese were given fair warning. But it continued to march to the beat of its own drum,and did not take any measures against the oncoming storm until it was too late. On February 4th, 1961, Luanda was crawling with foreign press, present for a bizarre incident involving the hijacking of the Santa Maria, which was anticipated to arrive in Luanda. The MPLA reasoned an opportunity to launch an insurrection with so many eyes focused on Angola would never come again, and a group took to the street demanding the release of the MPLA leadership in Angola. They also moved to act before the UPA did, but the true first action came from Luanda’s slums. A mob armed with clubs and knives attacked a police patrol, the São Paulo prison, the military detention barracks, a police station and the local radio station. All attacks were abortive, and by the end of the day seven officers and forty rebels lay dead. Fighting continued sporadically for a week, and the only result was a rise in ethnic tensions and a white militia was founded to aid the police in dealing with unrest. Still, the MPLA managed to polarise the city and thus activate the black population, and the international press broadcast it to the wider world.


But the insurrection truly started a month later. Holden Roberto already warned that “some very important things were going to happen in Angola on March 15th”. On that day, a total of 5,000 poorly armed terrorists attacked small settlements, administrative posts and coffee plantations in the São Salvador area near Congo-Leópoldville and around Dembos. A horror that shall forever haunt the area took place over the coming weeks as whites, mestiços, and blacks (mainly Ovimbundu contract workers) were slaughtered. Within a day, up to 300 whites were massacred and a few hundred more whites and six thousand blacks were added to that number at the end of that fateful week. It was logical to expect something, but not something on this scale. The ferocity of the atrocities was made worse by the absence of Portuguese troops in the worst-affected areas and the absence of infrastructure to fly them in. Some managed to flee to Luanda, but most -white and black alike- remained to defend themselves. The loyalty of the Ovimbundu contract workers remains notable. The Portuguese first reinforcements came only on May 1st, showing how inefficient the Portuguese army was after fifty years of peace.


Luanda was marked by chaos and confusion, as the only information from the Bakongo areas were few and far between rumours and news reports. The idea of good race relations was forever destroyed. White settlements were kept in the dark about the situation, as the Portuguese believed that they would panic upon hearing what was going on out there. There is little doubt about this contributing to the high death toll. As the UPA spread its tentacles, the Portuguese dug in to defend themselves and an untold number of Bakongo fled to the Congos.


The most infuriated of all was Salazar, who reshuffled his cabinet and took the defence ministry upon himself. He realised that the Lusotropical view of Angola as a territory of good race relations had been a farce and put his trust in military action. This was desperately needed, as the majority of Portuguese defenses were the settlers in Zaire and Uíge supported by the few aircraft the Portuguese Air Force had available, which itself was supported by local aviation clubs. Their heroic efforts bought time for the motherland to bring reinforcements in. Yet in May 1961, it all seemed desperate. Roberto claimed to have 60,000 armed men at his disposal, that he controlled an area of 300 by 350 kilometres, and that the FLN was assisting the UPA militarily and politically. He demanded the creation of a provisional government. While he was inflating his power, his troops certainly had infiltrted large parts of the Luanda, Cuanza Norte, Uíge and Malanje districts. Many administrative posts, urban and rural alike, were evacuated. The city of Carmona, ten concelhos and eight outposts still resised the UPA. However, the port of Ambriz was threatened and seventy kilometres from Luanda itself; The countryside around the towns of Maria Tereza and Catete were infested by terrorists, and Ucua was under siege. However, the grim picture brightened as it became evident the UPA could not sustain military action, and the Portuguese began their counterattacks by May 13th and in July and August received 20,000 reinforcements from the Metropole. This military face lasted until October 7th, when Governor-General Deslandes announced that the military phase was over and the policing phase had begun.


The situation by the end of the March 15 revolt was appalling. The region became a human desert, the economy was destroyed, and administration paralysed as over a hundred towns and outposts were occupied, sacked, or rendered ineffective by the rebels. Over a thousand Europeans were dead and an unknown number of Africans. Communications were destroyed, thousands of white refugees went to Luanda or the Metropole, and thousands of black refugees were headed for the Congo.


Roberto wished for immediate independence and thought he could drive the whites from Angola as they were driven from Congo. But he failed to realise the difference between the Belgians and the Portuguese. Belgium by 1960 was a well-off country with plenty of opportunity for those who came from Congo. The average Portuguese, however, didn’t have a pot to piss in or a window to throw it out of. And the settlers knew that. And they would fight tooth and nail for their place in Africa, as their country was determined to do, until the bitter end.
 
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Tornadoli

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Can I still join in in a Portugese position? I'm ok with just being some military commander.
 

lordmichael95

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Major David Luis Grombos
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Bonecracker(NL)

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(Bakerydog, Firelordsky, Maxwell, Oxfordroyale, Potatoman, Revan, and TJDS need to get their characters in pronto. I know the last two have them. Orders due on the ninth.

Pending chats with Dadarian, all player FMU commanders are in control of a force of 4,000 and are based in Northern Angola. That's where the fun is, and the FNLA are. Orders due on the ninth. And get IC'ing.)
 

Dadarian

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((See, this is what explaining is for. I just assumed they were territorial commanders over all of Angola as expected, not Zone commanders.))
 

Bonecracker(NL)

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(ur nan needs explaining)



(I couldn't find you yesterday :c)
 
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Maxwell500

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Brigadier General Kaúlza Gomes Cardoso da Silva Pais
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Dadarian

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TOP SECRET

DISTRIBUTION OF COMMAND AND ORDER OF BATTLE OF THE OVERSEAS PROVINCE OF ANGOLA: NORTHERN CONFLICT TERRITORY

27/03/62


_____________________________________________________________________________________


Commander of the Military Region of Angola (CMRA), Temporary Commander of the Northern Conflict Territory (NCT) - Major-General Venâncio A. Deslandes


Responsibilities: The effective administration and stewarding of the Province of Angola both domestically and militarily. Head of Command within the Province but under the direct control of the main branches of Government when required. Head of Command within the NCT in order to reestablish both control and peace within the Territory.

Direct Command: All Zone Commanders in the NCT.

Commander of the Zone of Cabinda - Major (Bakerydog)


Responsibilities: The safety and stability of the Cabinda Enclave. The control of the city of Cabinda, the airport at Cabinda, the villages Guilhetme, Buco Zau, the surrounding hamlets and the Portuguese nationals there. Overseen by the NCT.

Direct Command: 2 Sector Commanders, the Cabindan Urban Sector and the Cabindan Rural Sector. Est. 600 troops each.

Commander of the Zone of Zaire - Major (Firelordsky)


Responsibilities: The safety and stability of the Zaire District. The control of the city of San Salvador, the airport at San Salvador, the villages of Lugo, Buels, Madimba, and the control of the border with Congo-Léopoldville. Overseen by the NCT.

Direct Command: 3 Sector Commanders, the San Salvador Sector, the Zaire Rural Sector, and the Zaire Border Sector. Est. 600 troops each.

Commander of the Zone of Uíge - Major Cesário G. F. C. de Silva


Responsibilities: The safety and stability of the Uíge District. The control of the the city of Carmona, the airport at Carmona, the villages of Quimbele, Songo, Bembe, Damba, and Sanza, as well as the Uíge highlands and the border with Congo-Léopoldville. Overseen by the NCT.

Direct Command: 4 Sector Commanders, the Carmona Sector, the Uíge Rural Sector, Uíge Highlands Sector, and the Uíge Border Sector. Est. 750 troops each.

Commander of the Zone of Malanje Norte-Cuanza Norte - Major David L. Grompos


Responsibilities: The safety and stability of Northern Malanje and Cuanza Norte Districts. The control of the cities of Malanje, Cacuso and Salazar, the airport at Malanje, the villages of Camabeteta, Golungo Alto, Duque de Braganca, Queic, the Malanje highlands, and the border with Congo-Léopoldville. Overseen by the NCT.

Direct Command: 6 Sector Commanders, the Malanje Highlands Sector, the Malanje Border Sector, the Malanje Urban Sector, the Malanje Rural Sector, the Cuarza Norte Sector, and the Salazar Sector. A detachment of riverboats will be assigned to the Cuarza Norte Sector for the defense and safety of the Rio Bingo. Est. 750 troops each.

Head of the International Police of State Defense (PIDE) - Brigadeiro-General Kaúlza G. C. da Silva Pais


Responsibilities: The persecution of state enemies and the removal of threats to the state. To cooperate with the CMRA.

Direct Command: [CENSORED BY ORDER OF THE DEPARTMENT OF SECURITY]
 
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Dadarian

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Map of the Overseas Province of Angola
For Entertainment Purposes Only
Provided in conjunction by the Ministry of Tourism and the Ministry of Overseas Provinces

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Bonecracker(NL)

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(Bakerydog, Oxfordroyale, and Potatoman have been kicked for not finishing their characters in time for the first order deadline. As such, positions as FMU commander and FNLA warlord have opened. If you want to bring orders in, I encourage you to do so - but I realise that since the game needs to kick off, there's not much stuff to do. So I won't make it mandatory yet.)
 
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Dadarian

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204px-Lesser_coat_of_arms_of_Portuguese_West_Africa.svg.png


The Development and Expansion of Infrastructural Advancements in the Overseas Province of Angola

27/03/62


_____________________________________________________________________________________


The Expansion of the Henrique de Carvalho and Portugália Airfields:

Expected Effects: The expansion of these would provide not only a proper airfield in which for commercial and military to operate out of in Eastern and Northeastern Angola.

SECRET: This allows medivacs to occur on the Eastern Congo-Léopoldville border where insurgents are expected to expand into and allow both long and short range bombings to occur. Furthermore, this will allow further ease in South African assistance and for covert bombings of rebel bases that can/will pop up in Congo-Léopoldville.
Expected Costs: 26,000,000 escudo.
The Expansion and Dredging of the Luanda Harbour:

Expected Effects: Angola is an important export market that fuels Portugal and its budgets. Without Angola, Portuguese finances would be incredibly stressed. As such, the important and primary port of Luanda should be further dredged in order to fulfill the expected increase in demand and production of Angolan goods.

SECRET: Furthermore, this will increased military imports into the province and will provide a safe harbour for the West African fleet.
Expected Costs: 407,000,000 escudo.
The Establishment of Basic Industries in Salazar, Malanje, Carmona, and San Salvador:

Expected Effects: Angola is increasingly urbanising as the mechanisation of farms and plantations makes the excess population. The state must insure that these individuals are given gainful employment instead of being listless are susceptible to rebel propaganda. The establishment of basic canning, tractor, and steel industries will provide further exports in which to profit and export to desirable markets.

SECRET: As well, under this program, forward artillery bases can be established in these cities, providing greater defense against rebel activities in the surrounding area.
Expected Costs: 58,000,000 escudo.

The Continuation of the Exploration of the Cabinda [CENSORED] Rumors:


Expected Effects: We recommend that scientists, engineers, and specialist technicians be funneled into the area to make sure if the rumors of [CENSORED] are true, which can bring untold wealth to the state.

TOP SECRET: The word censored is oil.
Expected Costs: 3,000,000 - 8,000,000 escudo.
The Continuation of the Paving and Maintenance of Angolan Roads:


Expected Effects: Angola has two European quality roads, a highway that runs from Lobito to Benguela all the way to Luso, and a highway from Luanda to Malanje. This is extremely insufficent to the needs and demands of both the Provincial Government and the people of Angola. As such an attempt to link at least every district capital with a European quality road is desireable for the Provincial Government.

TOP SECRET: The uses of roads in a backwater province in Africa are untold. This is a necessity.
Expected Costs: 60,000,000 escudo.
 
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Noco19

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In his tent, Martti Nashilongo finished the last of a series of letters, ending the final one with his crude signature while debating if "Uncle Martti" could ever catch on among his underlings. Perhaps fortuitously, he opted to not include such a moniker, and instead kept it in his mental bank of potential titles. What, all the interesting leaders had them, nicknames, that is.

At that point, Nashilongo and his most serious thoughts were interrupted by a visitor - the young Ovambo recruit that Nashilongo had taken as an attendant, partially out of humor, partially because he saw himself in the man, having came from humble origin but with a decent and ambitious mind. Hopefully not
too ambitious though. The youngling, barely eighteen Nashilongo guessed, handed over a cup of water, which was taken eagerly. Angola was his home, but he had never loved its climate. When he was in charge, air conditioning would see its rise for sure.

The lad was dismissed, and Nashilongo poured over his plans, hastily drawn up the night before in a fit of inspiration and insomnia. They would work...hopefully.
 

lordmichael95

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((After putting a lot of thought into it, I have decided to pull out of this game. I hope you have a fun and enjoyable game guys. Also: Down with the Rebels!))
 

Bonecracker(NL)

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497px-Coat_of_arms_of_Portugal.svg.png


Governor-General,


I write you this this to remind you of how we wish to tackle the situation we face in Angola. Before we go to business, though, I would like to express my delight that the rebellion seems to be under control after the struggle. Now the Bakongo may have joined forces under the ‘FNLA’, but I’m not worried about a second wind when we take the recent troop surge in mind.


As we are dealing with a revolt that is staged from outside countries, namely the Congo, we need to ensure that every bit of the border is sealed off, and outside prevention is prevented. While Angola’s borders are vast, we do not believe this is impossible given that the only hostile border we have is with the Congo. Furthermore, we do not see the ELNA pose a real threat to any areas that have not previously been affected.


With that in mind, it is the opinion of the government that the focus of our Angolan policy should not be the defeat of the ELNA and other rebel forces, but rather to maintain the unity of Angola’s black population in the Portuguese family. The rebellion is not popular with Angolan natives, but we should take measures and reform economically so it can stay that way. As far as Dr. Salazar and like-minded men in government are concerned, though, there shall be no foreign investment in the economy, or foreign military aid in a purely Portuguese affair.


To our knowledge, the Bakongo regions of Angola have been devastated by the revolt and the ongoing troubles there. As such, we desire that you take appropriate action to rebuild this region’s economy and demographics. We shall let you do this to the best of your insights and abilities. While the Bakongo areas desire special attention, we find that ending white dominance in native/hinterland markets would do much to make the economy in the entire country flourish. This should be coupled with a move to put an end to the historical grievances of the natives in rural areas.


The door should be opened to the advancement of the black population at large. We advise you to continue with the government’s proposals for the continuation of educational reform and expansion in the region. From 1963 on, we wish for you to push educational expansion in the territory – not least through the establishment of a university.


To assist in this reform and to stabilise Angola, it is our intention to increase white settlement in Angola, chiefly from Portuguese. Some have said there should be over one million whites in Angola within fifteen years – I have my reservations, in part because of Dr. Salazar’s personal reluctance. Regardless, you can expect a larger amount of whites to come to the colony during your tenure.


Finally, I would like to remind you that we need to attract as little attention as we can. The United States has not shown sympathy as of late, but I feel this is more because of their awkward position in politics. Whilst media access is heavily restricted, we can never truly black out the events in Angola. Yet, we can keep it under the radar of Current Events as other, more news-worthy stories take up airtime.


We have reviewed your proposals for development of the colonies:


The Expansion of the Henrique de Carvalho and Portugália Airfields

We find that this is a necessity for both commercial and military reasons, and approve the continuation of this project.


The Expansion and Dredging of the Luanda Harbour

We find that the expected expenditures are too large, and that the current status of Luanda harbour is adequate. As such, we do not approve of these measures.


The Establishment of Basic Industries in Salazar, Malanje, Carmona, and San Salvador

Provided that these industries are purely civilian and cannot assist the military capabilities of the ELNA upon capture, we approve of these measures.


The Continuation of the Exploration of the Cabinda Oil Rumors

With deposits having been found last years south of the Cuanza river, and geological surveys indicated the likelihood of deposits near Cabinda, we approve the continuation of exploration.


The Continuation of the Paving and Maintenance of Angolan Roads

We consider proper communications between District Capitals and with South West Africa of the utmost importance, and approve of the tarring of these roads.

I hope that the governments intentions have been clarified, and that the funds released for development in Angola will yield quick result.


Regards,


Adriano José Alves Moreira, Minister of the Overseas
 

XVG

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Certain student cells begin spreading these propaganda posters in a number of the major Angolan cities.

1brNoPo.jpg

Angolan brothers and sisters!
The moment of the national liberation draws closer! Workers and farmers, rise up to end the tyranny! Unite behind the banners of the Movimento Popular de Libertação de Angola. Unite for the global socialist cause! The brotherly peoples of the Soviet Union, Cuba and all of Africa stand beside us in the epic struggle against the forces of colonialism and capitalism. Together we will prevail against them. The MPLA gives the people of Angola a promise of a bright future, a future which can only be won with struggle and sacrifice for the noble revolutionary cause. Rise up where ever you are and help overthrow the shackles of tyranny!
 

Bonecracker(NL)

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1962 in Angola


tJJRUgi.png

The world was well-aware that the UPA had lost the first round of the struggle with its failed conventional war against the Portuguese and thus had to resort to protracted struggle in the bush. Their resolve was strengthened by the independence of Algeria, made possible by their FNL allies. And the FNL had fought for seven years. To support such a struggle, the UPA and Angolan Democratic Party(PDA), a fellow Bakongo group, merged to form the FNLA. A week later, they formed the Governo Revolucionário de Angola no Exílio, with Holden Roberto as its president and Jonas Savimbi as its foreign minister. The GRAE claimed to represent all Angolans, a bold claim for a very Bakongo-heavy group, and was recognised as the legitimate government of Angola by the Organisation of African Unity.


The most difficult position abroad was that of the United States, which was walking a tightrope between supporting its strategically important NATO ally and not giving the USSR a monopoly on supporting anticolonialism. With the FNLA seemingly trying to stay out of the cold war, it was a good surprise for Washington when the FNLA approached them. Meetings took place, but there was no evidence of direct US aid to the FNLA, and all the while the Portuguese still received ample, if hushed, political support from the Kennedy Administration.


The ENLA also exploited warm ties to Zaire’s Adoula to base its army in that country’s territory, and received arms from the Zaire government and the new Algerian government. With this, as well as training assistance from sympathetic countries, a protracted struggle was to begin. Portuguese Military Intelligence reported an increase in infiltrations along the Cuango river, and this was reflected in news reports stating that small bands of guerrillas were entering Angola. These estimates seemed to be well-substantiated as the military activity of the ENLA was limited to placing about a dozen mines on dirt roads, attacking supply convoys, and sporadically attacking army outposts and killing a number of white civilians.


UyR4AF7.jpg


ENLA rebels in Angola

The MPLA received a boost as its honorary president, Agostinho Neto, escaped from house arrest in Portugal and met up with old comrades in Leopoldville. He quickly affirmed his position and used his power to make abundantly clear that the MPLA was committed to the Angolan liberation from both Portuguese and the Capitalist Imperialism. Again, as before hostilities started the MPLA approached the GRAE to form a United Front (its own small size was not a small motivation) but was rebuffed by the anti-communist Roberto. After this, the MPLA looked abroad to punch above its weight, establishing friendly ties with the PAIGC and nascent liberation movements in Mozambique, as well as some African leaders across the continent.


The MPLA also courted the USSR, the Eastern Block, and China for weapons but were rebuffed by all, as the MPLA was not considered a serious revolutionary movement. Neto sent out memos to his military heads, saying that its presence across Angola should be increased dramatically. These messages became action quickly, as the MPLA poked its head out in Cabinda. While initially the town of Seva fell, the Portuguese army quickly reoccupied it and chased the guerrillas into the hinterland of this sleepy exclave, where the MPLA controlled the area around Belize. Still, the scare was enough to halt Portuguese surveying of the area for the year.


Further armed activity was the fall of a small village in the North-East, and the ambush and looting of a diamond transport. Less violently, attempts were made to infiltrate the cities and the south of the country, but were stifled by PIDE. The slums of cities like Luanda, Sá de Bandeira, Nova Lisboa and Benguela were breeding grounds for MPLA sympathies and watched closely, but more notable was the situation in the south, were PIDE arrested half a dozen agitators and eighteen associates and notably implicated Finland of stoking discontent in Angola.


The Portuguese authorities embarked on a campaign of economical development more than reform, with the tarring of roads between provincial capitals making headway. A move to expand airports around the country was also announced for commercial gain, but the only sign of that was the airfield at Henriques de Carvalho receiving a flight of F-84 Thunderjets on its newly asphalted and protected field. Less successful was the drive to expand manufacturing through the country. As most construction in cities were military installations, industrial expansion was contained to two new factories in Vila Salazar.​
 
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