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aedan777

The Untieable
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The Constitution of The Polish Commonwealth
800px-Sala_Senatorska_Zamek_Kr%C3%B3lewski_w_Warszawie_2016.jpg

Over two years had passed since the opening of the Great Sejm, and though many debates had been had, and important reforms enacted, the ultimate goal of the gathering had still not been reached. The Polish-Lithuanian Commonwealth still had no constitution. But the long wait had not been one of unreconcilable stalemate, it had been a careful maneuver by King Stanisław August Poniatowski and his supporters to secure support from moderates of the Patriotic Party, allowing the radical tide to lose momentum following the lack of any progress on the Prussian proposal of an alliance, first made in October of 1788. The King was also in extended dialogues with the Russian ambassador, to bring in lenient conservatives to support his plan as well. After a somewhat tumultuous start in 1789 with policies enacted against bureaucrats and the clergy, the military reforms of 1790 brought much goodwill to the king and his supporters, encouraging him to seek final negotiations with prominent members of the Great Sejm to finally pass a constitution.

On May 3, 1791, a Constitution was presented to the Sejm, written in large part by the King himself. Influenced by the American constitution, but rejecting radical provisions,and elements unfit for Poland's position, the Constitution aimed to make Poland a constitutional monarchy in the vein of the British crown. A bicameral legislature was to be established, a lower Chamber of Deputies, and an upper Senate, both needing to be in agreement to pass laws. The Chamber of Deputies comprised 204 deputies (2 elected from each powiat, 68 each from the provinces of Greater Poland, Lesser Poland and the Grand Duchy of Lithuania) and 21 plenipotentiaries of royal cities (7 elected from each province), for a total of 225 members. The Senate comprised 130 senators, appointed by the King from voivodes, castellans, and bishops, as well as the King's ministers. The King himself also had a vote in the Senate, to break deadlocks.

Another major result of the Constitution was a shrinking of the voting franchise, in part. To the detriment of the poorest nobles, new restrictions were placed, one had to own or lease land and pay taxes, or be closely related to somebody who did, to be eligible to vote. An estimated 300,000 of 700,000 nobles thus lost their eligibility to vote. However, it was also made easier for non-nobles to gain the right to vote through military service or material wealth, pleasing the burgher class.

Most importantly, the Constitution outlawed the Liberum Veto, bringing an end to well over a century of political deadlock in the Commonwealth. With ample support from moderate and radical quarters, as well as grudging support from many conservatives after discussions with the Russian ambassador, the Constitution was adopted to much fanfare in Warsaw. Despite this, the Great Sejm's duty was not over, as it intended to continue its work to pass laws and create legislation to support and amend the Constitution as needed. A sharp eye was kept for international reactions to the adoption as well.

In the name of God, One in the Holy Trinity.

Stanisław August, by the grace of God and the will of the people King of Poland and Grand Duke of Lithuania, Ruthenia, Prussia, Mazowsze, Żmudź, Kiev, Wołyń, Podole, Podlasie, Livonia, Smolensk, Severia and Chernihiv, together with the confederated estates in dual number representing the Polish people.

Recognizing that the destiny of us all depends solely upon the establishment and perfection of a national constitution, having by long experience learned the inveterate faults of our government, and desiring to take advantage of the season in which Europe finds itself and of this dying moment that has restored us to ourselves, free of the ignominious dictates of foreign coercion, holding dearer than life, than personal happiness the political existence, external independence and internal liberty of the people whose destiny is entrusted to our hands, and desiring to merit the blessing and gratitude of contemporary and future generations, despite obstacles that may cause passions in us, we do for the general welfare, for the establishment of liberty, for the preservation of our country and its borders, with the utmost constancy of spirit ordain this Constitution and declare it to be entirely sacred and inviolable until the people, at the time by law prescribed, by their clear will recognize a need to alter any of its articles. To which Constitution the further statutes of the present Sejm shall apply in everything.

I. The Dominant Religion

The dominant national religion is and shall be the sacred Roman Catholic faith with all its laws. Passage from the dominant religion to any other confession is forbidden under penalties of apostasy. Inasmuch as that same holy faith bids us love our neighbors, we owe to all persons, of whatever persuasion, peace in their faith and the protection of the government, and therefore we guarantee freedom to all rites and religions in the Polish lands, in accordance with the laws of the land.

II. The Landed Nobility

Reverencing the memory of our ancestors as the founders of a free government, we most solemnly assure to the noble estate all liberties, freedoms, prerogatives, and precedence in private and public life, and more particularly we confirm, assure and recognize as inviolable the rights, statutes and privileges justly and lawfully granted to that estate by Kazimierz the Great, Louis the Hungarian, Władysław Jagiełło and his brother Witold, Grand Duke of Lithuania, and no less those by Władysław the Jagiellonian and Kazimierz the Jagiellonian, by Jan Albert, the brothers Alexander and Zygmunt the First, and by Zygmunt August, the last of the Jagiellonian line. We acknowledge the dignity of the noble estate in Poland as equal to any degree of nobility used anywhere. We recognize all the nobility to be equal among themselves, not only in seeking for offices and for the discharge of services to the country that bring honor, fame or profit, but also in the equal enjoyment of the privileges and prerogatives to which the noble estate is entitled, and above all we desire to and do preserve sacred and intact the rights to personal security, to personal liberty, and to property, landed and movable, even as they have been the title of all from time immemorial, affirming most solemnly that we shall permit no change or exception in law against anyone's property, and that the supreme national authority and the government instituted by it shall lay no claims to any citizen's property in part or in whole under pretext of jurium regalium or any other pretext whatever. Wherefore we do respect, assure and confirm the personal security of, and all property by rights belonging to, anyone, as the true bond of society, as the pupil of civil liberty, and we desire that they remain respected, ensured and inviolate for all time to come. We recognize the nobility as the foremost defenders of liberty and of this Constitution, and we charge unto the virtue, citizenship and honor of every nobleman the reverence of its sanctity and the safeguarding of its durability, as the sole bulwark of the country and of our liberties.

III. The Cities and Their Citizens

We desire to maintain in its entirety, and declare to be part of this Constitution, the law passed at the present sejm under the title, Our Free Royal Cities in the States of the Commonwealth, as a law that provides new, genuine and effective force to the free Polish nobility for the security of their liberties and the integrity of our common country.

Article I. On the Cities

1-o We recognize all the royal cities in the lands of the Commonwealth as free.

2-o We recognize the citizens of these cities as free people, and the land within the cities inhabited by them, their homes, villages and territoria that lawfully now belong to them, as their hereditary property, which fact shall not impede pending litigation.

3-o We the King shall issue to cities whose foundation charters have been lost, upon proof of their previous existence, diplomata renovationis together with the grant of land that they now indubitably possess.

4-o We the King shall issue foundation charters, if they do not yet have them, to royal cities in which district regional sejms are designated.

5-o If a settlement of free people in a happily situated place on royal lands shall give its abode the pleasing form of a city, in that event we the King shall issue to that settlement diploma erectionis for the new city, together with a grant of land.

6-o Likewise squires on their lands shall have the right to establish cities or to confer freedom upon the husbandmen, and to make their cities locally hereditary; such settlements, however, shall not enter the rolls of free cities, except the squire shall by instrument of foundation grant them hereditary land, and then we the King shall, upon the squire's own request, issue diploma confirmationis of this instrument and shall command the squire's instrument of foundation to be inscribed into said diploma.

7-o Inasmuch as there is a single law for all cities, a citizen of any city whatever shall enjoy equal privileges under the present law.

8-o All citizens of a city, whether of noble or civic birth, who wish to conduct commerce in pounds, cubits, etc., if they have or shall obtain property in the cities, of whatever dignity, profession or craft they may be, shall be obliged to accept and abide by civic law. Others of the nobility may accept civic law.

9-o Acceptance of civic law shall take place in the following manner. Everyone accepting civic law, on coming before the civic authorities in person or through a plenipotentiary, shall make declaration in the following words: "I, N.N., shall be faithful to His Majesty the King and to the Commonwealth, I take obedience to the laws and statutes of the Sejm as the strictest duty, I wish to be subject to the superior authority of the city of N, to which I am joined in citizenship, and shall keep every obligation, all of which I pledge both for myself and for my heirs." After the execution of the declaration, he shall be inscribed into the book of citizens of the city.

10-o The cities shall not refuse admission to citizenship, and inscription into the civic book, of any honest foreigners, nor of any craftsmen, free people, or Christians not by law subject to anyone, and that without fee.

11-o Nobles by birth as well as those citizens of the civic estate who shall be admitted to the dignity of nobility, shall henceforth in no way be damaged or demeaned, either themselves or their heirs, in the dignity or prerogatives of nobility, by accepting civic citizenship, abiding in it, holding offices, conducting commerce, or maintaining manufactures.

12-o The election, by the citizens of the cities, of their own civic authorities, to wit, of mayors, aldermen and all and sundry officials, as an attribute of liberty, abides with the liberty of the city. Likewise shall the cities have power to make dispositions as to internal order and see to their execution, about which they shall inform the Commission of Police through reports.

13-o Wherefore all citizens of a city who are inscribed in the civic book and own a hereditary property, may elect and be elected to all civic offices by a majority of opinions. But no one may unite an executive office and a landed proprietor's function with the office and function of civic plenipotentiary, under pain of invalidating both; nor may a currently serving military person be a civic official.

Article II. On the Prerogatives of Townspeople

1-o We extend the cardinal law of neminem captivabimus nisi iure victum to persons residing in towns, save for guileful bankrupts who fail to post sufficient bail in court and who have been caught in the act.

2-o Cities wherein appellate courts are designated, shall before every ordinary sejm elect one plenipotentiary by majority vote from among citizens who own hereditary property in the cities, are suitable for public service, are crimine non notatos, are not under legal proceedings, and are distinguished by previous civic office, with freedom to choose said plenipotentiaries as well from other cities. These plenipotentiaries shall come on the day appointed for the sejm's opening to the city designated for sejms and shall give the marshal of the sejm the result of their election. At provincial sessions, plenipotentiaries of the cities shall be elected to the commissions of Police, Treasury and the assessory, and at the selfsame sessions they shall be designated each to the commission and assessory to which they are to belong. But though all these may sit on the said commissions and the assessory as designated, still no more shall sit on the Commissions of Treasury and Police than two each, nor in the assessory more than three each from every province. The commissioners and assessors in these commissions and in the assessory shall have vocem activam in matters pertaining to cities and commerce, and in other circumstances vocem consultivam. If any or all the plenipotentiaries from the cities which have the right to elect plenipotentiaries shall be confirmed further, they may remain for a second two years. And in arranging the table of expenditures we shall establish a salary for these commissioners and assessors, for such number as is designated to sit on the commissions and on the assessory.

3-o That the government's solicitude for all the cities shall deal proper justice to their requests, we permit our cities to bring the desideria of the cities before the sejm through the civic assessors or commissioners serving on the assessory and on the Commissions of Treasury and Police; and these, when it become necessary and they desire it, shall ask the marshal of the sejm for permission to speak, and this shall not be denied them, and they shall argue in the manner today practiced, whereby delegates from the commissions take the floor.

4-o After two years' public service in the aforesaid commissions or assessory, the plenipotentiaries elected by the cities shall at the next sejm immediately be ennobled, without fee for the patent nobilitatis, if they not yet be nobles.

5-o Every townsman may henceforth acquire landed and other property as hereditament, own it entirely, and bequeath it to his heirs as his rightful successors, possess property by succession or iure potioritatis; for which property, though they be townspeople, they shall be answerable to the court proper to property.

6-o Such townsman as shall purchase an entire village or town as hereditament that pays in taxes, every 10th grosz, at least 200 złotych, shall by virtue of the present law at the very first sejm, if he submit written application for it through the sejm marshal to the estates, be ennobled.

7-o Additionally, at every sejm 30 townspeople who own hereditary property in the cities shall be admitted to the privilege of nobility, with first consideration given to those who distinguish themselves in the military, serve on civilian-military committees of order, establish manufactures, conduct commerce in products of the country, and upon recommendation by landed deputies and upon recommendation by the cities.

8-o In all the armed forces (excepting the national cavalry), in every corps and regiment, citizens of civic condition shall henceforth be eligible to attain officers' ranks. And he who attains the rank of Stabskapitaen or company captain in the infantry, or captain of horse in a regiment, shall by virtue of the present law become a nobleman as well as his descendants, with all the prerogatives thereto pertaining, and we the King shall, upon showing of their commissions, issue diplomata nobilitatis to them, to which no stamp duty shall apply.

9-o Citizens of civic condition shall henceforth be eligible to serve in the chancelleries and palestras of all government commissions, court dicasteries, and other lesser courts, to act as court defender and to perform other services and to advance in rank in these offices according to their merits and abilities; and whoever of these attains the rank of chancellery regent in government dicasteries, shall at the very next sejm be ennobled, and we the King shall issue such diploma nobilitatis without fee.

10-o In the spiritual estate, persons of civic condition shall be eligible to hold prelatures and canonicates in collegiate churches, and doctoral canonicates in cathedrals, as well as all beneficia saecularia et regularia, excluding those that are established particularly for persons of noble birth.

11-o Commissioners from cities lying within the ambit of the commissions may be elected to the civilian-military committees of order of provinces, districts and counties, three apiece to each committee, be they of noble birth or of civic condition, provided only they own hereditary property in the city.

12-o Our cities of Gdansk and Torun, when they have requests, shall present them to the estates through their secretary to the marshal of the sejm or through their delegates, if they so choose, upon receiving from the marshal of the sejm permission to speak, which shall not be denied them.

13-o The penalty for falsely claiming possession of property shall be as follows: whoever give someone hereditary landed property in exchange for a promissory note, shall forfeit it in perpetuity, and the court shall grant the said property to him who demonstrates the promissory note. Even should it be the same person who holds the property in exchange for a promissory note who proves this status of the property, it shall be granted to him in perpetuity. And the landed-property court shall judge such cases praecisa appellatione.

14-o We abrogate all previous laws and statutes contrary to the present law on cities, and we proclaim the present act on cities to be constitutional law.

Article III. On Justice for Townspeople

1-o Leaving the cities to their proper jurisdictions within the city limits, we remove and exclude the cities with their suburbs from under all other jurisdictions, to wit, tribunal, landed-property, provincial, county and castle, except for pending postcommission matters that have been sent to tribunals. We refer the marshal's jurisdiction, as pertaining only to the residential city of us the King, to the descriptions of the authority of that jurisdiction.

2-o We abrogate secular and ecclesiastical jurisdictions and small towns created within lands initially granted to cities, if they are hitherto within the property, only as to judicature and police; we subject these jurisdictions to the jurisdiction of the civic authorities, while we reserve all rents and incomes of any nature for the owners of these lands in the jurisdictions.

3-o Where, however, cities have hereditary landed villages, they shall answer in matters of those villages in jurisdictions proper to property.

4-o All citizens owning property in a city and engaged in any commerce or craft shall submit to civic jurisdiction and pay taxes equally, without regard to any exemption.

5-o In each city, the elected civic authorities shall constitute the judicial jurisdiction. In these magistracies, matters of all kinds shall be tried in prima instantia. Cases not exceeding 300 złotych or in a misdemeanor case entailing a punishment of three days' imprisonment, shall be concluded definitively in these magistracies without possibility of appeal. In larger cases, appeal to higher appellate courts shall be permitted.

6-o For such appellate courts we designate the following cities, namely, in the Lesser Poland Region the cities of: Kraków, Lublin, Lutsk, Zhitomir, Vinnitsa, Kamenets-Podolskiy, Drohiczyn. In the Greater Poland Region, the cities of: Poznań, Kalisz, Gniezno, Łęczyca, Warsaw, Sieradz, Płock. In the Lithuania Region, the cities of: Vilnius, Grodno, Kaunas, Novogrudok, Minsk, Brest-Litovsk, Pinsk. To the appellate court in Kraków shall belong the cities lying in Kraków Province and in the counties of Sandomierz, Wiślica and Chęciny. To the appellate court in Lublin shall belong the cities lying in Lublin Province, the Stężyca district, the counties of Radom and Opoczno, and the Chełm district. To the appellate court in Lutsk shall belong the cities in the provinces of Volhynia and Belz. To the appellate court in Zhitomir shall belong the cities of Kiev Province. To the appellate court in Kamenets-Podolskiy shall belong the cities of Podolia Province. To the appellate court in Vinnitsa shall belong the cities of Bratslav Province. To the appellate court in Drohiczyn shall belong the cities of Podlasie Province. To the appellate court in Poznań shall belong the cities of Poznań Province and the Wschowa district. To the appellate court in Kalisz shall belong the cities of Kalisz Province and Konin County, and to Kalisz shall belong the cities of that part of Pyzdry County that is on that side of the Warta River. To the appellate court in Gniezno shall belong the cities of Gniezno Province, Kcynia County, and that part of Pyzdry County that is on the Gniezno side of the Warta. To the appellate court in Sieradz shall belong the cities of Sieradz Province and of the Wieluń district. To the appellate court in Warsaw shall belong the cities of the Duchy of Mazowsze and of the province of Rawa. To the appellate court in Łeęczyca shall belong the cities of the provinces of Łęczyca, Brześć Kujawski and Inowrocław. To the appellate court in Płock shall belong the cities of Płock Province, the Zawskrzyń district, and the Dobrzyń district. To the appellate courts in the cities of the Grand Duchy of Lithuania Region, namely: to the appellate court in the city of Vilnius shall belong the cities of Vilnius Province, the counties of Oshmiana, Lida, Ukmerge and Braslav, the province of Trakai and the county of Trakai. To the appellate court in the city of Grodno shall belong the cities of the counties of Grodno, Volkovysk and Merech. To the appellate court in the city of Kaunas shall belong the cities of the Duchy of Samogitia, of the counties of Kaunas, Prensk and Upita. To the appellate court in the city of Novogrudok shall belong the cities of Novogrudok Province and the counties of Slonim and Slutsk. To the appellate court in the city of Brest-Litovsk shall belong the cities of Brest-Litovsk Province and of Kobrin County. To the appellate court in the city of Pinsk shall belong the cities of the counties of Pinsk, Transriverine Pinsk, Mozyr and Rechitsa. To the appellate court in the city of Minsk shall belong the cities of the provinces of Minsk, Polotsk and Vitebsk, and of Orsha County.

7-o In these appellate cities, every two years, shall be elected 5 persons each, noble and non-noble, property-owning townspeople, even persons from the civic authorities of those cities, or from other cities of that department that are assigned to those appellate courts. And the persons elected shall constitute the appellate court, with the proviso that persons from the civic authorities and aldermen elected to the appellate court, while serving in appellate office, shall not sit on or judge in courts primae instantiae of the civic authorities from which they are chosen.

8-o These courts shall judge matters on appeal from the civic authorities, whose value exceeds 300 złotych or the penalty--3 days' prison, and does not exceed the value of 3,000 złotych or the penalty--3 weeks' prison, and that, with finality, without possibility of appeal. In all matters of value greater than 3,000 złotych, and penalty--than 3 weeks' prison, appeal as hitherto from the civic authorities primae instantiae we desire by the present law to proceed not to the appellate courts of the cities but to our chancery courts, both in the Crown and in the Grand Duchy of Lithuania.

9-o Civic authorities shall not judge criminal matters but shall send them directly to appellate courts, which have power to judge these criminal matters, with the stipulation that a criminal sentenced to a term in prison shall be subject to execution of the decree. But when he is sentenced to perpetual imprisonment or to death, the appellate court shall send the inculpatory evidence and the decree to the assessory court. If the assessory court deems the decree of the appellate court, sentencing the culprit to perpetual imprisonment or to death, to be proper, only then shall the decree be executed. And we retain with the chancery courts matters of malfeasance by civic offices, as well as of owners' incomes from cities, and all others stipulated by the laws of the Commonwealth.

10-o We stipulate that cities shall be subject to the Commission of Police in matters of internal government and general civic incomes.

IV. The Peasants

Both from justice, humanity and Christian duty, as from our own self-interest properly understood, we accept under the protection of the law and of the national government the agricultural folk, from under whose hand flows the most copious source of the country's wealth, and who constitute the most numerous populace in the nation and hence the greatest strength of the country, and we determine that henceforth whatever liberties, assignments or agreements squires authentically agree to with peasants of their estates, whether those liberties, assignments and agreements be done with groups or with individual inhabitants of a village, shall constitute a mutual obligation, in accordance with the true sense of the conditions and provisions contained in such assignments and agreements, subject to the protection of the national government. Such agreements and the obligations proceeding therefrom, freely accepted by a landowner, shall so bind not only him but also his successors or purchasers of the right, that they shall never arbitrarily alter them. Likewise peasants, of whatever estate, shall not withdraw from agreements freely entered into, or from assignments accepted, or from duties therewith connected, except in such manner and with such conditions as stipulated in the provisions of said agreements, which, whether adopted in perpetuity or for a limited time, shall be strictly binding upon them. Having thus guaranteed squires in all profits due them from the peasants, and desiring as effectively as possible to encourage the multiplication of the people, we declare complete freedom to all persons, both those newly arriving and those who, having removed from the country, now desire to return to their native land, insofar as every person newly arrived from any part, or returning, to the states of the Commonwealth, as soon as he set foot upon Polish soil is completely free to use his industry as and where he will, is free to make agreements for settlement, wages or rents as and to such time as he agree, is free to settle in city or countryside, and is free to reside in Poland or to return to whichever country he wish, having previously acquitted such obligations as he had freely taken upon himself.

V. The Government, or Designation of Public Authorities

All authority in human society takes its origin in the will of the people. Therefore, that the integrity of the states, civil liberty, and social order remain always in equilibrium, the government of the Polish nation ought to, and by the will of this law forever shall, comprise three authorities, to wit: a legislative authority in the assembled estates, a supreme executive authority in a King and Guardianship, and a judicial authority in jurisdictions to that end instituted or to be instituted.

VI. The Sejm, or Legislative Authority

The Sejm, or the assembled estates, shall be divided into two chambers: a Chamber of Deputies, and a Chamber of Senators presided over by the King.

The Chamber of Deputies, as the image and repository of national sovereignty, shall be the temple of legislation. Therefore all bills shall be decided first in the Chamber of Deputies: primo, as to general laws, that is, constitutional, civil, criminal, or for the institution of perpetual taxes, in which matters proposals submitted by the throne to the provinces, districts and counties for discussion, and by instructions coming to the Chamber, shall be taken for decision first; secundo, as to resolutions of the Sejm, that is, temporary levies, degree of coin, contraction of public debt, ennoblements and other incidental rewards, disposition of public expenditures ordinary and extraordinary, war, peace, final ratification of treaties of alliance and trade, any diplomatic acts and agreements involving the law of nations, the quitting of executive magistracies, and like matters corresponding to the chief national needs, in which matters proposals from the throne shall come directly to the Chamber of Deputies and shall have priority of procedure.

The duty of the Chamber of Senators, comprising bishops, province chiefs, castellans and ministers appointed by the King, presided over by the King, who is entitled to cast a vote of his own, and secondly to resolve paritas in person or by sending his judgment to that Chamber, is: primo, to adopt, or to retain for further deliberation by the nation, by the majority vote provided in law, every law which, having formally passed the Chamber of Deputies, shall immediately be sent to the Senate. Adoption shall confer the force and sanctity of law. Retention shall only suspend a law until the next ordinary Sejm, at which, if it be agreed to once again, the law suspended by the Senate shall be adopted; secundo, to decide every resolution of the Sejm in the above-enumerated matters, which the Chamber of Deputies shall immediately send to the Senate, together with the Chamber of Deputies by majority vote, and the conjoint majority, provided by law, of both Chambers shall be the judgment and will of the estates.

We stipulate that senators and ministers shall not have a votum decisivum in the Sejm in matters concerning their conduct of office, either in the Guardianship or in commission, and at such time shall have a seat in the Senate only to give explication upon demand of the Sejm.

A legislative and ordinary Sejm shall be ever ready. It shall begin every two years and last as provided in a law on Sejms. A ready Sejm, convoked in exigencies, shall decide only about the matter in which it be convoked, or about an exigency befallen after it be convoked. No law shall be abrogated at the ordinary Sejm at which it has been enacted. A Sejm shall comprise the number of persons provided by lower law, both in the Chamber of Deputies and in the Chamber of Senators.

We solemnly confirm the law on regional sejms, enacted at the present Sejm, as a most essential foundation of civil liberty.

Inasmuch as legislation cannot be conducted by all, and the nation to that end employs as agents its freely elected representatives, or Deputies, we determine that Deputies elected at regional sejms shall, in legislation and in general needs of the nation, be considered under this Constitution as representatives of the entire nation, being the repository of the general confidence.

Everything, everywhere, shall be decided by majority vote; therefore we abolish forever the liberum veto, confederations of any kind, and confederate sejms, as being opposed to the spirit of this Constitution, subversive of government, and destructive of society.

Preventing on one hand abrupt and frequent changes of the national constitution, and on the other recognizing the need to perfect it after experiencing its effects upon the public weal, we fix a season and time for revision and amendment of the Constitution every twenty-five years. We desire that such a constitutional sejm be extraordinary in accordance with the provisions of a separate law.

VII. The King, the Executive Authority

No government, be it the most perfect, can stand without strong executive authority. The happiness of peoples depends upon just laws, the effect of the laws--upon their execution. Experience teaches that neglect of this part of government has filled Poland with misfortunes. Therefore, having reserved unto the free Polish people the authority to make laws for itself and the power to keep watch upon all executive authority, as well as to elect officials to magistracies, we confer the authority of supreme execution of the laws to the King in his council, which council shall be called the Guardianship of the Laws.

The executive authority is strictly bound to observe the laws and to carry them out. It shall act of itself where the laws permit, and where they need supervision, execution, or even forceful aid. Obedience is owed to it always by all magistracies; we leave in its hand the power to press magistracies that be disobedient or remiss in their duties.

The executive authority shall not enact or interpret laws, impose taxes or levies by any name, contract public debts, alter the distribution of treasury revenues established by the Sejm, wage war, or definitively conclude peace or treaties or any diplomatic act. It shall be free to conduct only interim negotiations with foreign states, and to take temporary and timely measures requisite for the security and peace of the country, of which it shall inform the next assembly of the Sejm.

We desire and determine that the throne of Poland shall be forever elective by families. Experience of disastrous interregnums periodically overturning the government, the obligation to safeguard every inhabitant of the Polish land, the sealing forever of avenue to the influences of foreign powers, the memory of the former grandeur and happiness of our country under continuously reigning families, the need to turn foreigners away from ambition for the throne, and to turn powerful Poles toward the single-minded cultivation of national liberty, have indicated to our prudence that the throne of Poland be passed on by right of succession. We determine, therefore, that following the life that Divine beneficence shall grant to us, the eldest brother of the present-day Elector of Saxony shall reign in Poland. The dynasty of the future kings of Poland shall begin with the person of Anton Clemens Theodor Maria, eldest brother of the present-day Elector of Saxony, to whose male successors de lumbis we reserve the throne of Poland. The eldest son of the reigning king shall succeed his father to the throne. Should Anton Clemens Theodor Maria have no male issue, the right of succession is reserved to the Sejm, which shall be subject to no prescription, to elect another house to the throne after the extinction of the first.

Every King, on ascending the throne, shall execute an oath to God and to the Nation, that he will preserve this Constitution and the pacta conventa that shall be drawn up with the eldest brother of the present-day Elector of Saxony, as destined to the throne, and which shall bind him even as those of the past.

The person of the king is sacred and secure from everything. Doing nothing of himself, he shall be answerable for nothing to the nation. He shall not be autocrat but father and chief to the nation, and as such this law and Constitution deems and declares him to be. The incomes as they shall be provided for in the pacta conventa, and the prerogatives proper to the throne as stipulated by this Constitution to the future Elect, shall not be touched.

All public acts, tribunals, courts of law, magistracies, coin and stamps shall go under the King's name. The King, to whom shall be left every power of beneficence, shall have ius agratiandi those sentenced to death, except in crlminibus status. To the King shall belong the supreme disposition of the country's armed forces in wartime and the appointment of army commanders, howbeit with their free change by the will of the nation; it shall be his duty to commission officers and appoint officials pursuant to the provisions of lower law, to appoint bishops and senators pursuant to the provisions of that law, and ministers, as the prime officials of the executive authority.

The Guardians, or royal council, added to the King for supervision of the integrity and execution of the laws, shall comprise: primo the Primate, as chief of the Polish clergy and as president of the Educational Commission, who may substitute for himself among the Guardians the first bishop ex ordine, neither of whom shall sign decisions; secundo five ministers, to wit, a minister of police, a minister of the seal, a minister of war, a minister of the treasury, and a minister of the seal for foreign affairs; tertio two secretaries, of whom one shall keep the protocol of the Guardians, the other the protocol of foreign affairs; both without a decisive votum.

The Successor the Throne, having emerged from minority and executed an oath to uphold the Constitution, may be present at all sessions of the Guardians, but without a vote.

The Marshal of the Sejm, elected for two years, shall be of the number serving among the Guardians, without entering into their decisions, solely in order to convoke a ready Sejm in the event that he recognize in the cases requiring the mandatory convocation of a ready Sejm, a true need, and the King demur at convoking it, when said Marshal shall issue to the Deputies and Senators circular letters convoking them to a ready Sejm and stating the causes of its convocation. The only cases requiring the mandatory convocation of a Sejm are the following: primo, in an exigency involving the law of nations, more particularly in the event of war hard by the borders; secundo, in the event of internal disorder that threatens revolution in the country or collision between magistracies; tertio, in evident danger of famine; quarto, in the country's bereavement by death of the King, or in his dangerous illness. All decisions in the council of Guardians shall be discussed by the above-mentioned body of persons. The royal decision shall prevail after all opinions have been heard, that there be a single will in the execution of law. Therefore every decision from the Guardians shall issue under the King's name and with the signature of his hand, but it shall also be signed by one of the ministers seated among the Guardians, and thus signed, it shall oblige obedience, and shall be carried out by the commissions or by any executive magistracies, but particularly in such matters as are not explicitly excluded by this law. In the event that none of the seated ministers wish to sign the decision, the King shall abandon the decision, but should he persist in it, the Marshal of the Sejm shall request convocation of the ready Sejm, and if the King delay convocation, the Marshal shall convoke it.

Even as to appointment of all ministers, so also is it the King's right to summon one of them from every department of administration to his council of Guardians. This summoning of a minister to sit among the Guardians shall be for two years, with the King's free reconfirmation of it. Ministers summoned to the council of Guardians shall not sit in commissions.

In the event that a two-thirds majority of secret votes of the two conjoint Chambers of a Sejm demand change of a minister either in the Guardians or in an office, the King shall immediately appoint another in his place.

Desiring that the Guardians of the National Laws be bound to strict accountability to the nation for any and all their misdeeds, we determine that, when ministers be charged with breach of law by a deputation designated to examine their deeds, they shall answer in their own persons and property. In any such impeachments, the assembled estates shall by simple majority vote of the conjoint Chambers send the inculpated ministers to sejm courts for their just punishment equaling the crime or, their innocence being demonstrated, their release from proceedings and punishment. For the orderly carrying out of executive authority, we institute separate Commissions, having connection with the council of Guardians and bound in obedience to it. Commissioners shall be elected to them by the Sejm to carry on their offices for a time set by law. These Commissions are: primo of Education, secundo of Police, tertio of the Armed Forces, quarto of the Treasury.

The provincial commissions of order instituted at this Sejm, also subject to the supervision of the Guardians, shall receive orders through the above-mentioned intermediary Commissions, respectively as to the objects of the authority and obligations of each of them.

VIII. The Judicial Authority

The judicial authority shall not be carried out either by the legislative authority or by the King, but by magistracies instituted and elected to that end. And it shall be so bound to places, that every man find justice close by, that the criminal see everywhere over him the formidable hand of the national government.

We institute, therefore: primo Courts of first instance for every province, district and county , to which judges shall be elected at regional sejms. The courts of first instance shall be ever ready and vigilant to render justice to those in need of it. From these courts, appeal shall go to chief tribunals that shall be for each Region, comprising also persons elected at regional sejms. And these courts, both of first and of last instance, shall be landed proprietors' courts for the nobility and for all landowners in causis juris et facti with anyone.

Secundo We secure judicial jurisdictions to all cities, pursuant to the law of the present Sejm on the free royal cities.

Tertio We shall have separate referendary courts for each Region in matters of free peasants under former laws subject to this court.

Quarto We preserve chancery, assessorial, relational and Kurlandian courts.

Quinto The executive Commissions shall have courts in matters pertinent to their administration.

Sexto In addition to courts in civil and criminal matters for all the estates, there shall be a supreme court, called a Sejm Court, to which persons shall be elected at the opening of every Sejm. To this court shall be subject crimes against the nation and the King, or crimina status.

We command that a new code of civil and criminal laws be drawn up by persons designated by the Sejm.

IX. Regency

The council of Guardians shall be also a Regency, headed by the Queen, or in her absence by the Primate. A Regency may have place in only three cases: primo, during the King's minority; secundo, during an infirmity causing permanent mental alienaton; tertio, in the event that the King be taken in war. Minority shall last only until 18 years of age; and infirmity respecting permanent mental alienation shall not be declared except by a ready Sejm, by majority vote of three parts against the fourth of the conjoint Chambers. In these three cases, the Primate of the Polish Crown shall immediately convoke the Sejm, and if the Primate be slow in this obligation, the Marshal of the Sejm shall issue circular letters to the Deputies and Senators. The ready Sejm shall arrange the order of seating of the ministers in the Regency and shall empower the Queen to take the place of the King in his duties. And when the King in the first case emerge from minority, in the second come to complete health, in the third return from captivity, the Regency shall tender him account of its deeds and answer to the nation for the time of its office, even as is prescribed of the council of Guardians at every ordinary Sejm, in their own persons and property.

X. The Education of Royal Sons

Royal sons, whom the Constitution destines for succession to the throne, are the first sons of the nation, wherefore attention to their good education is a concern of the nation, without prejudice, however, to parental rights. Under the government of the King, the King himself, together with the Guardianship and with a supervisor of the education of the King's sons designated by the estates, shall see to their education. Under the government of a Regency, the Regency, together with the afore-mentioned supervisor, shall have the education of the Kings's sons entrusted to them. In either case, the supervisor designated by the estates shall inform every ordinary Sejm about the education and conduct of the royal sons. It shall be a duty of the Educational Commission to submit a scheme of instruction and education of the royal sons for confirmation by the Sejm, so that in their education uniform rules continually and early instill in the minds of future Successors to the Throne religion and love of virtue, country, liberty and the national constitution.

XI. The National Armed Force

The nation bears a duty to its own defense from attack and for the safeguarding of its integrity. Therefore all citizens are defenders of the national integrity and liberties. The military are nought but a defensive force drawn and ordered from the general force of the nation. The nation owes reward and esteem to its military because they dedicate themselves solely to the nation's defense. It is the military's duty to protect the nation's borders and general peace, in a word, to be its strongest shield. That the military fulfill this charge unfailingly, they shall remain always in obedience to the executive authority, as prescribed by law, and shall execute an oath of fidelity to the nation and to the King and to the defense of the national Constitution. Thus the nation's military may be used for the general defense of the country, for the safeguarding of fortresses and borders, or in aid of law, if any not be obedient to its execution.

Signers:

Stanisław Nałęcz Małachowski, Great Crown Referendary, Marshal of the Sejm and of the confederation of the Crown Regions. Kazimierz, Prince Sapieha, General of Lithuanian artillery, Marshal of the confederation of the Grand Duchy of Lithuania. Józef Korwin Kossakowski, Bishop of Livonia and Kurland, chief coadjutor of the Wilno Bishopric, as deputy. Antoni, Prince Jabłonowski, Castellan of Kraków, deputy from the senate of Lesser Poland. Symeon Kazimierz Szydłowski, Castellan of Żarnów, deputy from the senate of the Lesser Poland Region mp. Franciszek Antoni Kwilecki of Kwilec, Castellan of Kalisz, deputy for the constitution from the senate of the Greater Poland Region. Kazimierz Konstanty Plater, Castellan of Trakai, deputy for the constitution from the senate of the Grand Duchy of Lithuania mp. Walerian Stroynowski, chamberlain of Busko, Deputy from Wołyń, deputy for the constitution from Lesser Poland. Stanisław Kostka Potocki, Deputy from Lublin, deputy for the constitution from the Lesser Poland Region mp. Jan Nepomucen Zboiński, Deputy from the Dobrzyń district, deputy for the constitution from the Greater Poland Region mp. Tomasz Nowowieski, master of the hunt and Deputy from the Wyszogród district, deputy for the constitution from the Greater Poland Region. Józef Radzicki, chamberlain and Deputy from the Zakroczym district, deputy for the constitution from the Greater Poland Region mp. Józef Zabiełło, Deputy from the Duchy of Samogitia, deputy for the constitution. Jacek Puttkamer, Deputy from the province of Minsk, deputy for the constitution from the Grand Duchy of Lithuania Region.
 
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aedan777

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The Guardians of the National Laws

An executive council formed by the Constitution of May 3, the Guardians of the National Laws were appointed directly by the king to carry out duties for the Polish Commonwealth. The Guardians could not create or interrupt laws, and the acts of the foreign minister are provisional upon the Sejm's approval, but the Guardians hold power over the enforcement of laws and the preservation of stability, through commissions subordinate to them. In addition, the Guardians are also given seats in the Senate, giving them a voice in the creation of laws as well. The first Guardians were appointed by King Stanisław August Poniatowski shortly after the adoption of the Constitution of May 3, with their duties soon to be undertaken.

Primate of Poland- Prince Michał Jerzy Poniatowski
401px-Tokarski_Primate_Micha%C5%82_Poniatowski.jpg

Brother to the King and Primate of Poland, as well as Archbishop of Gniezno, since 1784, Michał is the only member of the Guardians who occupies a pre-existing position. His service to the Guardians is to act of the chief of the Polish clergy, and president of the Commission of National Education. A strong supporter of his brother, Michał's backing of the Great Sejm's proscription to bring the clergy under the Sejm's supervision was a major reason the Polish clergy gave no serious objection. The Commission of National Education, of which Michał has been the head of since 1776, is also the only commission overseen by the Guardians that was not created by the constitution, having been founded in 1773, and serves as the basis for the other commissions. As Europe's first centralized board of education, the Commission has been widely successful at encouraging literacy and educational standards in the Commonwealth.

Minister of Police- Jacek Małachowski
413px-Jacek_Ma%C5%82achowski.JPG

The sole conservative member of the Guardians and a long standing supporter of Russia, Jacek was one of the conservatives who was brought over to support the constitution after the negotiations between the king and the Russian ambassador, since he was supportive of a stronger Commonwealth, but not one that broke ties with Russia. As Minister of Police, his duty is to oversee the newly created Commission for Police to ensure law and order are fairly maintained throughout the Commonwealth.

Minister of the Seal- Scipione Piattoli
440px-Scipione_Piattoli.PNG

Despite not being a Pole, Piattoli played a major role in the creation of the Constitution of May 3. As a close advisor to the King, he was instrumental in mending relations between the king and the Patriotic party, without which the Constitution may well not exist. Also involved in the writing of the Constitution itself, none can doubt the significant contribution Piattoli has made to the Commonwealth, regardless of his origin. As Minister of the Seal his duties will be those of the previous position of Great Chancellor, though without the Chancellor's authority on foreign affairs. The seal in the position's title refers to the King's seal, used by the minister to approve any documents that enter is office, without which they have no authority. Thus the Minister of the Seal will function as the King's closest advisor and a powerful supporter.

Minister of War- Ignacy Potocki
Kucharsky_Ignacy_Potocki.png

A member of the influential Potocki magnate family as well as member of the Commission of National Education, Ignacy has been a long standing proponent of reform, and opponent to the King in the 1770s and 80s. As a prominent member of the Patriotic Party, he found himself in the moderate faction, and during the Great Sejm mended his relationship with the King in part due to his friendship with Scipione Piattoli, and became a supporter of the King's drive for a moderate constitution. Also a supporter of ties to Prussia, Potocki was a serious supporter of the army expansion in 1790, which would secure him the position of Minister of War when the Guardians were appointed. As minister, his role is to oversee the newly created Commission for the Military to ensure the Polish army is capable of defending the nation and preserving the Constitution.

Minister of the Treasury- Hugo Kołłątaj
397px-Huga_Ka%C5%82antaj._%D0%93%D1%83%D0%B3%D0%B0_%D0%9A%D0%B0%D0%BB%D0%B0%D0%BD%D1%82%D0%B0%D0%B9_%28XIX%29.jpg

A major leader in the Patriotic Party and active member of the Commission of National Education, Hugo would also be an author of the Constitution of May 3. Supporting a strengthened position for the King, Hugo was be influential in bring the moderates together for the Constitution, as well as preventing a breach of ties with Russia. Among his many ambitious goals for the Polish Commonwealth was a system of universal taxation, and improving the state's finances to support a larger army. In light of his economic interests and education, Hugo was appointed as Minister of the Treasury, to oversee the newly created Commission of the Treasury.

Minister of the Seal for Foreign Affairs- Prince Adam Kazimierz Czartoryski
423px-Peszka_Adam_Kazimierz_Czartoryski.jpg

A cousin of the King, Prince Adam was once offered the Polish crown in 1763, only to refuse it. A well educated man with many interests and a prominent position in the nobility, he has been a major patron of the arts and supporter of education, being the first minister of education for Poland's Commission of National Education, and founder of many schools. Having spent many years in England and other courts of Europe, Prince Adam was considered an ideal candidate for the position of Minister of the Seal for Foreign Affairs. His first tasks would be to deal with any fallout from the adoption of the Constitution and attempt to convince Anton Wettin, brother to the Elector of Saxony, to accept the position of Royal successor to the Polish Crown.
 

Sneakyflaps

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kFZfuE8.png

The early months of 1791 was spent in the Russia court with eager anticipation of the news arriving from the west. The French revolution still causing much distress and worry to Empress Catherine. Though her spirit was raised when news reached that the revolutionaries opposing the Holy Roman Emperor had been defeated in the Austrian Netherlands. Further joy and cheer was celebrated in the Empress’ court when news arrived that Louis XVI had escaped captivity and that the army in the north had defected to his side, showing the true love of the people for his cause.

Despite the good news, the Revolution in France had shocked her deeply, and her once liberal ways had increasingly faded week by week, to the point of where even her grandson, Alexander, could see the difference of her action and ideas. As such as the year went by, the young Alexander began to receive and ever increasing focus from several prominent members of the Russian court as the liberal star to guide Russia out of her darkness.

It was behind the scenes that these prominent courtiers began to influence the Empress. The Empress had always been fond of her grandson, far fonder of him than of her own son, Paul. She had in the past toyed with the idea of having Alexander succeed to the Russian throne, surpassing his father. And now that the courtiers began to meddle with the idea, it became all the more prominent of an idea, an idea which the Empress began to hear often and with much support of those she would have listened greatly to in her youth.

Though despite the good news from France, not all news from the west. Another rebellion in Bohemia combined with the growing strength once again of Poland gave the Empress new worries. She had in times past allowed the latter, as well as the more liberal path the country was taking, but following all the events which had occurred, her doubt grew by the day.

It did also not help that the court became more and more divided on the issue of Poland. By now two factions had formed, the first favoured intervention into the affairs of Poland. Especially now that the new constitution had been presented and that many thousands of nobles would lose their vote. They feared that the growing power of central authority could once again rival Russia and her interests. Putting her back into decade long wars that had so devastated Russia in the past.

The other party favoured the strengthening of the Polish Crown, seeing it as a useful buffer between Russia and the west. Especially the more powerful Western neighbors of Prussia and Austria, the former having so recently worked together with Britain to in plans to oppose Russia over their conquest of against the Turks.

So far the party favouring cooperation with the Poles has held power, but as Catherine became ever more conservative their power became all the more threatened.
 

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218px-Blason_Nassau-Zuylestein.svg.png

Your Highness,

I am truly humbled - to wed your daughter is a true honour and privilege; one that no doubt most men in Europe would hope and dream for. I can think of nothing other than to say that I accept such a privilege wholeheartedly and pledge that I shall do my utmost in service to your daughter, and to you who would become family.

I shall put my affairs in order here in Great Britain, ensuring that my estates remain well maintained, and then make for Amsterdam. I look forward to making your acquaintance, and that of my bride.

Your truly,
William Henry van Nassau-Zuylenstein
5th Earl of Rochford

( @DutchGuy )​
 

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Note: French Revolutionary War mini orders are due Thursday the 27th. General orders will be due sometime next week, but feel free to send them early.

Also a reminder that I give bonuses to rolls for IC you guys write.

Cheers.
 

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To His Serene Highness Prince Anton of Saxony,

Your highness, it is my most esteemed wish that this missive reaches you in good health. As you may have heard by now, Poland has adopted a constitution after many long years of political quagmire. Many inhibiting factors to Polish sovereignty have been removed, and the Polish Commonwealth stands ready to join the other powers of Europe in friendship and harmony as an equal. Unlike events ongoing in France, Poland has had its reform come about through peaceful and lawful means, with many traditional rights and powers of the nobility secured and enshrined in our new constitution.

Among the provisions in the constitution is naming of Your Highness as heir to the Polish throne. His Majesty King Stanisław is unwed and without legitimate progeny at an advanced age, so there is scant possibility of him producing an heir of his own line. Well aware of the deleterious effects of interregnums to the Polish-Lithuanian Commonwealth during previous elections of kings, the Constitution has made the Polish Commonwealth a hereditary monarchy, rather than an elective one. As such an heir should be determined before the death of our current king. Though His Majesty has many relatives, the Great Sejm determined that the heir to the throne should be a descendant of a previous king, rather than merely a relative of our present one.

As Your Highness is a grandson of King Augustus III of Poland, it was determined that a fitting heir to the Polish throne lay in your person. This is, of course, dependent upon Your Highness' acceptance of the offer to be Successor to the Polish Throne. In the event that Your Highness were to refuse to be Successor to the Throne, then the Great Sejm will instead determine a different candidate to offer the position to.

I hope to soon receive Your Highness' reply in the affirmative.

Prince Adam Kazimierz Czartoryski
Minister of the Seal for Foreign Affairs for the Polish Commonwealth
On Behalf of His Majesty King Stanisław August Poniatowski
 

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Military Review by the Shah
The crack and boom of musketry spread over the plains. A row of human shaped targets down at the end of the range seemingly blowing in the wind, but a careful eye would spot the number of hits along their forms. The last two years had been a time of change for the military of the Durrani Empire. Following the decline of the empire early in his reign, and the partial recovery of lost lands just a decade previously, Timur Shah had found himself more and more reliant on tribal alliances to provide manpower to control the empire.

Now that was no more, or at least, well on the way to being no more. Before him the men of one of his own personal regiments was practicing their shooting drills, while on the other side of the field another regiment was practicing with the bow, and a third was going through melee drills. These three were the ones currently in the capital for training, while the rest of his men were preparing. The Durrani had languished too long, it was time to reunite the lost lands. The Balochs to the south were the obvious first option. Some would have said the Sikhs, but Timur had fought the Sikhs before, successfully yes, but they were well holed up in their mountains. They would be better brought in by other means, or at least waiting until the Durrani had more power behind them.

Further on the Marathans were reforming, old rivals. Despite all that, Timur was not foolish. Where many might see a target to conquer, he saw a potential rival against an even bigger threat, one that had been encroaching in the area for years. A reformed Maratha, that could be worked with. The current system that 'empire' ran under was so full of gridlock and internal independence that any negotiation was doomed to failure.

Then to the North was the scattered tribes. Many a small nation, not great in wealth, but at the same time, none would care if they were moved, or removed. Land that could easily be brought into the empire and bring either fertile plains or more manpower depending on how reasonable he was to the peoples there. At the moment, he was leaning much more toward the former then the latter.

There were other targets then those, some quite tantalizing, but even as the Shah watched another volley of fire coming from the musketry regiment, he knew which was the obvious pick. His men needed something to actually put their training to use against. To the south they would go, to bring the Balochs back into the empire and reestablish the coast line. Watching past his men, watching the discipline instilled over the last year, he had no doubt they would have victory. If not, well, then they would have new lessons to take upon themselves. He would not rest till Durrani was secure, until he had united and broken the tribes beneath his heel to create an empire that could last the test of time, and not nearly dissolve upon his death like it had under his father.

Now though, he just needed some prestige and wealth to do it.
 

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In early 1791 a letter is dispatched from the desk of the Grand Vizier Koca Yusuf Pasha to Prince Grigory Potemkin.

Your Highness,

Firstly, I must thank you and the Russian government for their commitment to the well-being of the population and lands of the ceded territory of Yedisan. The establishment of new towns can only be beneficial to trade in the larger Black Sea region; which can further act as a catalyst and a prerequisite to the development of more amicable ties between our two empires, a development we both surely seek. However, as you in person happen to be resident in the region, and the most senior Imperial Russian official on this side of the great Dnepr, I pen this letter in order to inquire you about the Russian commitment to the conditions in the third clause of the treaty signed, by your person, at Jassy past February. Namely, reports have reached the Sublime Porte in Constantinople regarding a failure to fulfill the obligation to demolish the fortifications abandoned by the Ottoman Empire to the Russian Empire at Ochakov and Hadjibey. As such, I have been instructed by the Sultan to ask for an official clarification regarding the matter, as obviously there must be a good and solid reasoning for the delay. In the opinion of our Sultan it would be a great sadness and sorrow if the Russian Empire decided to not honor its obligation; for a dark shadow would then be cast over our relations, which both our Sultan and his honorable Divan would have been more than happy to see improve and prosper.


Grand Vizier Koca Yusuf Pasha on behalf of His Imperial Majesty the Sultan Selim III
 

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French Revolutionary War: 1791

640px-R%C3%A9volte_Fouesnant.jpg


In the winter of 1790-91 the French Revolution appears to be in serious peril. The flight of the royal family to Montmédy has left the National Assembly in disarray. The half-written constitution that the Assembly has been working on makes France a constitutional monarchy, but with the King having sided with the foreign invaders the path forward is unclear. Some members of the Assembly want to re-draft the constitution, but many believe that a new election is necessary so that a new body, not tied to the monarchy the way the National Assembly is, can address the problem.

In the dead of winter the entire city of Paris is on edge. The Assembly is paralyzed by indecision, and snippets of news that reach the city hint at an uprising in western France and the defection of the French army under Charles François Dumouriez to the royalist side. Rumors spread that the prisoners held in Parisian prisons are conspiring with the enemies of the revolution, and on January 22nd, 23rd, and 24th hundreds of Parisians raid the prisons and murder over one thousand prisoners, many of them Catholic priests who opposed the anti-clerical measures passed by the Assembly a year ago. Jean-Paul Marat, a firebrand radical journalist, incites the rest of France to follow the example set by the Parisian mob. With the Assembly powerless to take any action, the Paris Commune sends out gangs of soldiers and guardsmen to hunt down and kill more priests held prisoner in and around Paris.

In the last week of February, leaders of the Paris Commune organize a gathering at the Champ de Mars to gather signatures for a petition to the National Assembly to either abolish the monarchy altogether or to disband. The crowd attacks and hangs two men they believe to be spies, prompting Marquis de Lafayette and his National Guard to try to restore order. The National Guard are met with a hail of stones and some gunshots, and they fire into the crowd after one of their number is shot. Dozens of members of the mob are killed. In the aftermath of the massacre, Lafayette declares martial law in Paris, prompting radicals such as Marat and Danton to leave the city. The National Assembly dissolves after scheduling elections for a new constitutional body.

In the opening weeks of 1791 the French army is in considerable disarray. Following the King’s call for action against the National Assembly tensions are high between the officers’ corps and the soldiers. In some cases, soldiers turn against their commanders and attack them. At Lille, soldiers attack and take prisoner General Théobald Dillon, leaving the French forces in the area in chaos. Mass desertion is common, amongst both the soldiers, who leave to return to their homes, and the officers, who make their way abroad to join the émigré forces fighting against the revolution. By the time spring arrives, all but a few of the French armies have essentially collapsed due to lack of leadership, mass desertion, and infighting between the revolutionaries and the royalists.

The only place where French armies have retained cohesion is the northeast, largely due to the immediate threat posed by the Austrians and Prussians. The defection of Charles François Dumouriez to the royalist side gives the anti-revolutionary coalition a clear advantage over the revolutionary forces. Everything appears to be poised for a decisive coalition victory as the armies gear up for the spring campaign. In these desperate weeks of the spring of 1791 the revolution is saved only by the incompetence of the coalition forces.

The French army under François Christophe de Kellermann moves on Montmédy in pursuit of the King, who has chosen to remain in France as long as possible. When it becomes clear that Kellermann’s forces are much larger than the royalist forces under Bouillé, the royalists flee across the border into the Austrian Netherlands, seeking safety. Despite sending numerous messages and begging for the help of the Prussian forces under the Duke of Brunswick, the royalists receive no aid from the Prussians. They are finally overcome by the revolutionaries some fifty miles outside of Liege where the Duke of Brunswick is encamped and are forced to surrender. The King Louix XIV is taken prisoner and is then swiftly executed for treason against the country. When the news of the King’s demise reaches Paris the city erupts in celebration.

Further north the Austrians, together with Dumouriez begin an offensive from Brussels into France. The collapse of the French forces at Lille make this an easy task, although the Duke of Brunswick and his forces remain in Liege, refusing to make any further moves against France. This leaves the invading coalition force significantly smaller than it should be, giving French generals Jean-Baptiste Donatien de Vimeur, comte de Rochambeau and Nicolas Luckner and opportunity to counter it. In a battle at Lens, just outside of Arras, the French inflict significant losses on the coalition before retreating. The coalition forces are not in a position to pursue the French who fall back, but retain most of their fighting forces.

In June, the Austrians attempt an offensive towards Paris, determined to deal a decisive blow to the revolutionaries. In a battle on the right bank of the Somme just outside of Peronne they decisively defeat the French troops under comte de Rochambeau, but the victory is hollow. The delays have given the revolutionary government in Paris time to organize a proper fighting force to defend the country. Most of the three hundred thousand men that were conscripted six months prior have been trained, armed, and organized into a fighting force. General Luckner and general Adam Philippe, Comte de Custine lead a combined force of well over one hundred thousand men, not counting the swelling numbers of Lafayette’s National Guard in Paris. Although the French make no attempt to cross the Somme and attack the Austrians, given the current situation a continued Austrian offensive towards Paris would amount to suicide.

Elsewhere the coalition similarly fails to take advantage of the chaos in France. The Spanish make no move against the French, despite facing no resistance. Further east, the Sardinian army that was supporting the Austrians withdraws back to Sardinia, leaving the Austrian forces isolated and without support in southern France. The presence of the Austrian forces in Valence does give the royalists a chance to attack and seize much of the Provence, including the important cities of Marseille and Toulon, but this setback does not make any immediate difference to the course of the revolution. If anything, the ongoing uprising in the Vendee, Brittany, and Normandy is a much more immediate threat to the revolutionary government than the relatively minor Austrian and royalist forces operating in the south.

By June the worst of the chaos in France is over. A National Convention is elected by universal male suffrage, charged with writing a new constitution. This body becomes the de-facto government of the country after Lafayette lifts martial law in Paris. On June 21st the National Convention votes to abolish the monarchy altogether and declares a republic. Worse news for the coalition is the fact that more and more newly recruited French troops are finally reaching the northeastern front. Although newly trained and led by young officers, many of the soldiers are extremely loyal to the country and are eager to fight against the foreign invaders who threaten it. Just how well they perform in combat remains to be seen, but the chance to easily and quickly dispatch the revolutionary government has now been lost.
 

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To Grand Vizier Koca Yusuf Pasha from Prince Grigory Potemkin

Your Excellency,

I agree with your assessment, the improvement of trade can only benefit the whole region, bringing new riches both the Russia and the Ottoman Empire. As for your question in regards to the status of the fortifications previously in use during the late war, the same said fortifications which we are treaty bound to demolish. I seek not to beat around the bush, but for the time being, most of the resources which had been earmarked for the demolished have been forced to be redirected. The events in Poland, the revolution in France and several murmurs of unrest have forced us to apply the funds to other measures for the time being.

While we have not begun the full demolition of the forts, then small progress has come underway, and as evident to both us and any trader in the region, no move have been made to restore, build new or in any other way affect fortifications in the region. It is the wish of my government to assure the Ottoman Empire, your sultan, of our wish for good relations and that the fortifications will be demolished in time when stability has returned. We do not desire anything but good relations with the Porte, and we will hopefully soon be able to show our full commitment.

Prince Grigory Aleksandrovich Potemkin-Tavricheski on behalf of her Imperial Majesty, Empress Catherine of Russia
 

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Reflections on the French events
Emperor Joseph II had lead a period of radical reforms during his reign, and in doing so had inaugurated the ire of nearly every one of his subjects. His anti-clerical zeal had made him the enemy of the church, his reforms to the landed estates saw the nobility's power shrunk, and high taxes to fight an unpopular war against the Ottoman Empire were extracted from the peasantry and nascent middle class.

Near the end of his life, he knew he was dying. He had invited his brother, the future Emperor Leopold II, to Vienna to try and reign alongside him. His brother, ruling in Tuscany, delayed his movements until after his brother had died, not wanting his own reign to be tainted by association. When the Emperor died, there were no tears shed for him.

Seeking to improve the monarchy's standing with the elite and privileged, when Emperor Leopold II ascended to the throne he quickly quashed many of his brother's reforms. A recent land evaluation reform was promptly dropped, not having a desire to move forward with an ambitious land taxation plan. Upon being crowned King of Hungary, he made it know the privileged position the Hungarians had within the Empire, greatly assuaging some of the fears they had with his brother. One of his cruelest changes was the reversal of serf emancipation in Bohemia, which caused a minor uprisings in Prague with the recently freed serfs resisting being tied back to their land.

Perhaps the biggest issue facing the Emperor was France. It was the prevailing thought in Vienna that the King of France was being held against his will by the revolutionaries, and that he was a prisoner in his own country. Leopold II was eager to show he would stand up for the monarchy wherever it was, and that he would not stand to see the power of an absolute monarch swept away.

In the autumn of 1790, the Emperor met with the king of Prussia at Schloss Elisabethenburg, located in the Duchy of Saxe-Meiningen. In it, they issued a joint declaration of their intention to intervene in France if they were called by other power or each other. When news kept flowing out of Paris, the two decided to act, and quickly forged a loose coalition of forces to attack France, and try and restore order and wrest the control from the revolutionaries.

Revolutionaries in the Austrian Netherlands had revolted against Joseph II's reforms as being too liberal, but that meant little to Leopold II, who sent forces to crush the uprising. From there, he quickly sent his army to move against the French revolutionaries. The Austrians had the most success, engaging the French several times before being forced to withdraw. The Prussians, who had agreed to the war, simply stood idly by and refused to support the Austrians, creating huge tensions between Emperor Leopold II and the king of Prussia. The Emperor going so far as to allegedly suggest a peace with the French to attack the Prussians, but this was an unsubstantiated claim.

The Emperor's allies in the south of France were equally as difficult to work with. The Spanish refused to cooperate and coordinate with the Emperor's forces, and the Sardinians seemed to be all over the place, supporting the invasion and then withdrawing after not having accomplished anything. Leopold II had some relief, Great Britain's actions against the French were satisfactory, and the Emperor established a good working relationship with the British monarch.

After the execution of Louis XVI was learned of in Vienna, Leopold II quickly had fears for the well being of his sister Marie Antoinette. It was partially the desire to help his sister and her husband and partially the desire to ensure the monarchy remained strong in France that led him to intervene in the ongoing revolution. With the King having been murdered for siding with the Coalition, the news of the establishment of a Republic in Paris were causing more and more concern in Vienna. Leopold II's goal was to attempt to secure safe passage for his sister and her children to Vienna, and to try and keep his fragile coalition alive against the increasingly large number of angry revolutionaries.
 

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Reflections on the Austrian Netherlands
After the uprising of reactionaries in the Austrian Netherlands, and deteriorating conditions with the war against France, there was an increasingly large amount of worry about maintaining the safety and security of the Austrian Netherlands. Leopold II had already been threatening to cede the territory to the French in order to secure the British participation in the coalition.

The Emperor took a careful note of the conditions that the Empire was facing in the Netherlands, and was beginning to make moves to secure the position of the Empire in the region. Informal talks had been taking place with Karl Theodor over transferring the territory to him for ceding the Electorate of Bavaria to the Emperor for his direct rule. Karl Theodor would thus reign over Electoral Palatinate and the southern Netherlands, consolidating his lands considerably.

The Emperor also held correspondence with the Dutch Staatholder William V, where an agreement was starting to form. Having the desire to ensure the southern Netherlands did not fall to the French, a conditional arrangement was agreed upon to be triggered on continued coalition struggles in Europe. The western portions of the Austrian Netherlands would be ceded to the control of the Dutch Republic, while Antwerp would be made an Imperial Free City, with the Scheldt being opened to let the city's trading base grow once again.

After the Louis XVI's murder at the hands of the Revolutionaries, priorities changed once again. The Emperor was approached for the Dutch Republic to intervene in the war against France, conditional on the Emperor ceding all of the Netherlands to the Republic. After further talks with the Price-Elector, an agreement was finally promulgated in Vienna.

The Electorate of Bavaria would pass to Leopold II, who would be the Elector for Bohemia and Bavaria simultaneously. Bavaria would become part of the larger Hapsburg Realms, expanding the territory under the direct rule of the Holy Roman Emperor. In exchange, the Emperor announced on August 18th he was renouncing his claim as Duke of Burgundy, appointing Karl Theodore as the next Duke. The Austrian Netherlands would be reorganised as the Kingdom of Burgundy, with Karl Theodore holding the title of King of Burgundy. The new Kingdom would remain within the Holy Roman Empire, and King Karl Thodore would remain the elector of the Electoral Palatinate.

The Emperor was making moves to try and secure his Empire from the deteriorating situation in France, spurned by the lackluster performance of his allies, and greater trust he held with the other princes of the Holy Roman Empire. Leopold II's distrust of the Dutch Republic and fear that they would engage in a war against the French that would see the territory lost was the primary cause of the shifting priorities in the Imperial circle. The Emperor was going to be looking much more internally, hoping to disengage from the "dreadful" French affairs.
 

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Emperor Leopold II, King Karl Theodore, and the Fürstenbund
The transfer of Bavaria directly into the Hapsburg realms had been the goal of the Emperors for quiet some time. When Karl Theodore had previously proposed the swapping of Bavaria for the Austrian Netherlands, the Protestant electors and princes quickly stood in opposition to the plan, forming the Fürstenbund, or League of Princes. Emperor Joseph II was shocked at the sudden and quick response to the transfer, and he quickly dropped any ideas of following through with it.

Leopold II inherited the same circumstances that his brother was faced with. The sudden revolt of the Austrian Netherlands whilst at war with the Ottoman Empire saw the province fall rapidly. Having such far flung territory was impracticable and dangerous for the stability of the Empire as a whole. It was Leopold II who opened the subject of the transfer with Karl Theodore once again, this time acting to neutralise the expected opposition from the northern Princes.

As the Emperor elevated the Kingdom of Burgundy from a Duchy (the Duchy also being revived from the Emperor's title alone), he also met with Elector Friedrich August III at Schloss Moritzburg to attempt to ward off any further revival of the Fürstenbund. In exchange for the Kingdom of Burgundy being proclaimed in the Empire, the Electorate of Saxony would be allowed to ascend to a Kingdom as well, to balance out the power differentials. Thus, in a proclamation by the Elector he became King Friedrich August I of the Kingdom of Saxony.

Emperor Leopold II also took pains to confirm with the Electorate of Brunswick-Lüneburg that the transfer was acceptable to them. George III, who had no personal connection to Hanover and did not visit unlike his predecessors, agreed with the Emperor that the transfer was acceptable, removing yet another large stumbling block that Joseph II had previously struggled with.

While lacking the same anti-Clerical zeal of his brother, the Emperor wrote profusely to Friedrich Karl Joseph von Erthal, the prince-elector and archbishop of Mainz, to secure the archchancellor's support. The archbishop had originally opposed the plan because of the status of the Archbishopric of Salzburg, Joseph II had often mused of secularising the territory. King Karl Theodore, now far more interested in running his Burgundian Kingdom, did not raise the issue and Leopold II declared no interest in making any moves to change the status of Salzburg.

The Emperor found it difficult to communicate with the king of Prussia, several letters had gone unresponded to, but the king's previous willingness to provide no opposition for other plans the Emperor had for the Austrian Netherlands was all that Leopold II needed. With a mostly content Empire now behind the addition of Bavaria to the Hapsburg realms, it was seen as unlikely that the king of Prussia would lodge a protest, and if he had would have far less political support than he enjoyed just a decade prior.
 

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King Friedrich August I of Saxony gives his assent for Anton of Saxony to be named heir to the Polish Throne.

Frederich August and Charles Theodore, along with the Archbishop of Mainz agree to the agreement promulgated in Vienna regarding the transfer of Bavaria and the Austrian Netherlands, and the elevation of the Duchies of Burgundy and Saxony to the status of Kingdoms.
 

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Nieuwe-Kerck-Featured-800x445.jpg

A very much Royal Wedding

On the 21st of September 1791, after several months of preparation and the passing of quite a few laws to change royal succession, the Princess Frederica Louise Wilhelmina van Oranje-Nassau was to be wedded to Willem Hendrik van Nassau-Zuylenstein, who many in the Princely court viewed as an upjumped heir to bastards, and worse, an Englishman . Yet this English dandy had a certain flair the court had long lacked, and the alternative, a German duke lacking of mind, body and heart, so much his lord father had to propose the match, was undoubtedly worse, and unlikely to sire heirs. While the Stadhouder has two healthy sons, they are the last of the Stadholderly line. Only descended from Willem de Zwijger cognatically, their claim had been shoddy at best when the last legitimate agnatic descendant of William de Zwijger,King William III of England and Ireland, II for Scotland, died without heirs and left the throne to the House of Hannover. Stadhouder of Friesland (Frisia) and Groningen, Willem Friso was descended through his mother from Willem de Zwijger ,and through his father, directly to a younger brother. This did not make the strongest of claims, and the King of Prussia and a French nobleman would challenge him for the venerable and highly sought after title Prince of Orange, for they too carried either the blood of the Zwijger or owned the land the title had originally belonged to, the Princedom of Orange, now a part of France. Such was the lineage of the Princess of Orange.

Her lower lineage however, had meant that suitable husbands had been far and few between. After a cancelled match between her and the Prussian Crown Prince, her cousin (The future Friedrich Wilhelm III, who would eventually marry a Mecklenburger), the only other offer had come from another German.


Charles_George_of_Brunswick-Wolfenb%C3%BCttel.jpg


But her next offer was hardly any better. While Karl Georg August, Hereditary Prince of Brunswick-Wolfenbüttel was of both suitable social stature and religion, the Hereditary Prince was born both blind and mentally restricted, and with his childlike demeanor, it was not suspected that any children would come from such a union. For the daughter of a Sovereign Prince, that was hardly fitting, and as such the search was continued. The young Louise, a great beauty for her time, unaffected by the more severe inbreeding of many royal families of Europe such as the Habsburgs, had gotten many offers from lesser men, yet it would be her imperious and truly regal mother, Wilhelmina of Prussia, who found her a more suitable match. Seeking to shore up the ever shaky position of the House of Orange in a time of trouble and a new, ever more hostile form of Republicanism, her mother dove into the family annals, seeking a match of their own, distant blood. One was found in the groom, one of two agnatic descendants of Willem de Zwijger still alive, and yet unmarried. Yet his ancestral line was no more noble then that of his bride, for his ancestry was tainted once with bastardry, the founder of his line being a bastard son of the youngest son (Frederik Hendrik) of Willem de Zwijger. With the other line safely secured in the Netherlands, Wilhelmina contacted the last heir of the line, now an English dandy, ruling over several small lands both in the Netherlands and England, gained through marriage into the English nobility, granted to his bastard ancestor or else.

Wilhelmina, or as she was known jokingly by the less civilized Patriots hiding in France, the Prussian Iron Bitch had openly arranged the marriage and most of the details with her daughter, like herself, a strong willed and relatively independent woman despite her position and age. While Willem Hendrik van Nassau-Zuylenstein was certainly below her stature, she would find the slightly older man to be most charming, and consented to the match as her mother had done before her, and would enable to visit her family almost when she wished, for the Dutch estates of the Zuylenstein family were not far from the capital. If worst were ever to come, not all of the line would be lost, for were the Netherlands to ever fall, she would rule were her father and brothers ever captured.

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The Bride and Groom

In the early morning of the day itself, the carriages arrived at the Nieuwe Kerk in Amsterdam, carrying the Stadhouder, his family and the bride to be, and the other the groom, with what few servants and family he had left. A ceremony in the traditional, calvinist style was held, for that was and remains the religion of that country, in a lightly decorated church devoid of once papist influences one would see further south, and indeed, Burgundy. Such frivolity and needless expense did not fit in with the protestant tradition, and as such, the bride appeared in an light orange dress, for it would be a few decades yet before the now so common white dress was to become popular amongst women for marriages. In other regions different colours were preferred, such as in Scandinavia, where brides were commonly wed in black.

For the groom, he took on a radical new style as was being rapidly popularized by Beau Brummell, who would later be essential in the development of the modern suit and tie, with early forms emerging around this time as men's fashion was simplified and moved towards the Victorian times and their more strict, formal and somber dresscode. Away were the frivolities which would have adorned his wedding suit but a few years ago, and yet the simple, but elegant suit had a flair of its own. Over the top and overly decorated was now on its way out.

An appropriately grand feast was held later that day at the Mayoral Palace in Amsterdam, which had long since been taken over by the Stadhouder and his family, becoming the Amsterdam Royal Palace in all but name. Before the year was out, rumors began to take hold that the Princess was pregnant.

 

aedan777

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And what of Lithuania?
177px-Coat_of_arms_of_the_Grand_Duchy_of_Lithuania.svg.png

The Polish Constitution of May 3 reworked the fundamental nature of the Commonwealth that dated back to the Union of Lublin in 1569, ending the dual union between the Kingdom of Poland and the Grand Duchy of Lithuania, rechristening the Commonwealth as simply the Polish Commonwealth to reflect its new unitary state. Needless to say this was not popular with Lithuanian delegates at the signing of the Constitution, and lingering pressure and discontent on the matter forced the Great Sejm to consider further legislation to mollifying the Lithuanians. Though the King and most of the Patriotic Party were loathe to lose ground on the unitary Poland they had finally forged, political realities convinced them to relent, to a degree.

A product of compromise, the Reciprocal Guarantee of Two Nations would be passed in October of 1791, which enshrined the union between the Grand Duchy and the Kingdom, though acknowledging the centrality of the new governing institutions laid out in the Constitution. The commissions for the military and treasury were to have an equal number of representatives from both Poland and Lithuania, with alternating the presiding office between them, while the Police commission would have two thirds of its members be Polish, and one third be Lithuanian. Lithuanian tax revenues were also to only be spent within the Grand Duchy. Despite these concessions, the centrality of the new Polish government remained uncontested, and the position of the Grand Duchy was de facto, if not de jure, one of a subordinate province. Though some Lithuanians remained irritated with such a state of affairs, most would be mollified with the concessions, aware that no more could reasonably be expected.

The Reciprocal Guarantee of Two Nations was just one of many legislations and acts passed by the Great Sejm to modify and augment the Constitution of May 3 before its full effects came into being with the end of the Great Sejm, unable to be further amended until 25 years in the future.
 

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Portugal at a glance: 1640-1790 Part 2

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As Queen Maria I settled into her reign, she succeeded her father as the first Queen regnant of the 650-year-old country, which was still recovering from the devastating 1755 Lisbon earthquake. Up to that time, Maria and her husband Infante Pedro has been outside of the political arena but were entirely unsympathetic to the Prime Minister, the Marquis of Pombal. When the Tavora Affair erupted, the Marquis made a real enemy out of her and upon her rise to power, found himself dismissed and exiled.

It would be the first of many acts in which Her Majesty would flex her monarchical muscle, effectively demonstrating that the reins of power not lay with the King, Peter III, but the Queen herself.

Several feared other purges were coming and while Her Majesty never fulfill this prediction, instead keeping most of Melo’s ministers, she decisively restored the privileges both the nobility and the clergy previously enjoyed. Continuing her assault upon the Marquis’ legacy she released all of his political prisoners with the economy reorganized and the Pombaline monopolies dismantled.

Maria had come to detest his enlightened views as well as his anti-Jesuit policies. This bad blood had been many years in the making, but it wasn’t until the Tavora Affair that the animosity came to a head. However, Maria needed to pay heed to avoid becoming too reactionary especially when other events in Europe came front and center. The tidings in France caused great upheaval in the continent, and Portugal was no exception. Liberal factions were becoming uppity despite the relative popularity of the crown. The same could not be said in Brazil.

800px-rodolfo-amoedo-bandeirante-800x1220-7.jpg

With the flames of revolution spreading fear in neighboring nations, the colony in Brazil agitated making several demands in a manifesto and while Maria was acquiescent on many points, she remained firm on one: Brazil was Lisbon’s and by extension hers by right. Willing to continue to further develop the area economically but resistant to withdrawing the gold tax and any real political change, those in Brazil rose up to proclaim the Minas Gerais Republic. Back home, many were surprised by the crown’s agreement to negotiate, arguing that due to this approach it bought the rebels time to organize and gain not only recognition but credibility across the colony. Indeed, as the Portuguese mobilized its colonial forces, regiments came under attack from the locals.

The situation was surely to escalate and Queen Maria proclaimed that if it must, then it will be on her terms. With few remaining enclaves to the east of Africa such as Goa and East Timor, Brazil became the bedrock of the Kingdom’s economic fortunes. Without it, the blow would be more devastating than the historic earthquake decades before. But the Queen had something in mind: This upstart Republic would be quashed and done so not only by Portuguese arms but with the aid of Madrid. At court, her inner circle including her husband King Peter III, advised that the army was more than capable of dealing with the laborers and their barbaric weapons. But while Portugal was presently powerless to deal with events in Paris and France itself, to the chagrin of other European monarchies, she knew of the consequences manifesting itself way beyond the borders.

As the diplomatic contacts between Lisbon and Madrid were ongoing, the army was ordered to raise another regiment of troops to ship off to Brazil. The queen decreed that the filth needed to be crushed swiftly or else it would grow beyond control. Brute force. As an act of pious mercy, Queen Maria I would issue a public announcement to be delivered to the so-called Republic granting amnesty in exchange for their surrender, one last chance before open and unrelenting hostilities were to begin.

The small rebellion in her eyes, contained huge stakes. Both domestically and internationally. Failure to put this down would be looking weak against a populace whose liberal elements seek to emulate the Parisian Commune. Worse, losing the colony would spell the end for the kingdom’s territorial and colonial ambitions. The following year would be critical for the country…and the crown.
 

XVG

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Z48GrZW.jpg

A view of the Ottoman capital from the European side. Pictured is the Yildiz park area, which started to seem increasingly attractive to the Ottoman Sultans and court elite as the change of the century approached. Selim III would commission one of his famed modern pavilions here.

Dawn of the Era of Restructuring

Cenaze Meyyit Hasan Pasha had remained the Grand Vizier for the duration of 1790. At first, he was greatly in the favour of the Sultan and his extended court, as the fast conclusion of the potentially destructive war against both the Russian Empire and the Austrians was celebrated in the capital. Furthermore, as the dawn of peace arrived, Meyyit Hasan Pasha accomplished a series of decisive administrative reshufflings in the Rumelia and Silistria Eyalets, stabilizing the post-war authority of the Sultan over the regional governors of various sanjaks, who had shown signs of defiance even before the outbreak of hostilities. The process further went to effect in Anatolia, and along with the cutting of the size of the Ottoman military to more affordable and realistic levels, this enabled budget deficit of the Sublime State to be reduced greatly. However, by late summer of 1790 things had moved to another path, a path that would result in the Grand Vizier’s replacement. To start with, the Russians had failed to demolish the fortifications in the ceded territory of Yedisan, greatly infuriating some circles in Constantinople. This was seen as a personal failure on the part of the Pasha, who had so much boasted about not seeing the Russian tricolour waving on the walls of Ochakov and Hadjibey.

Furthermore, trouble brewed in the Rumelia Eyalet, in the Sanjak of Smeredevo, also known as the Belgrade Pashalik. Clashes and campaigns against the Serbian Free Corps had continued in the summer heat, and as the Ottoman central authority was re-enforced over the various disparate janissary garrisons spread around the Balkans, many of those who had been intended for retirement had in fact joined their fellow janissaries in this vital border sanjak. This erosion of authority annoyed the Sultan, and despite of his initial successes Meyyit Hasan Pasha was dismissed in late September 1790 in favour of Koca Yusuf Pasha, now Grand Vizier for the second time. As Koca Yusuf Pasha had always been considered an ally of the group of reformers, who had been gathered in Constantinople by both of the young Selim III and his uncle Abd-ül-Hamid, it was only natural that his appointment resulted in the Sultan to start moving towards his goals of restructuring and reinforcing the ailing Ottoman State. While the situation was certainly far from ideal, the groundwork and structure for a reform was already in place, and the mind of many notables in the capital but also in provinces was favourable towards it. Firstly, the war with Russia had been concluded fairly fast, and territorial losses despite of the defeats in 1788 and 1789 had been negligible. Secondly, Meyyit Pasha had already succeeded in initiating limited changes to the administration in provinces, securing the loyalty and support of core eyalets and sanjaks for a reformist endeavour. And thirdly, the Sultan had already managed to involve himself with changes, even though slight, with the military establishment dominated by the Janissary corps.

With the groundwork laid for reform, the Sultan in early 1791 convened his divan in the capital, its ranks joined by a set number of advisers, many of them either foreigners or simply Western-educated. Those whose opinion was solicited included the Grand Vizier, twenty eminent Ottoman statesmen and ulema, the Ottoman ambassador to Russia, one French military adviser, the court’s favourite architect Antoine Ignace Melling, and Mouradgea d’Ohsson, an Armenian intellectual in the service of the Swedish embassy. A number of memorandums and missives were drafted by the conventions lasting for weeks, creating a concrete plan and timetable for extensive administrative, economic and military reform of the Ottoman state. Of the three fields, focus was first given to the economy, still badly battered in the aftermath of decades of futile warfare against more advanced enemies. The authors shared the implicit assumption that strengthening the state was the prerequisite for administrative reform and a reorientation of the empire’s foreign policy. But their specific proposals for change differed markedly, falling into two distinct categories: those advocating a return to the practices of the golden age of the Ottoman Empire, and those embracing reform through the emulation of contemporary Europe. Ironically enough, in many of the documents falling to the latter category, Tsar Peter the Great of Russia was cited as an example for fast and successful reforms of all state apparatuses in a short amount of time, something that Selim III was very keen on seeing the Ottoman Empire imitate.
 

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La Terreur : 1791

640px-BatailleduMans1793.jpg


By mid-summer of 1791 the fortunes of the Revolutionary France and the Coalition are reversed from six months ago. The French are massing an army that is much larger than what the Coalition has been able to put together, and appear ready to overwhelm the Austrian troops and drive the Coalition out of France and Belgium. To complete the role reversal, the French chose to focus their attention elsewhere, allowing the Coalition time to regroup and continue the war.

Contrary to all expectations, most of the three hundred thousand troops, conscripted in 1790 and the early months of 1791, are not directed to northeast France and the Rhine. Most of the troops are entrusted to Armand Louis de Gontaut, who is directed to crush the revolts in northers and western France. The National Convention clearly sees the internal threat as more significant than the external one. In addition, some elements of the National Convention take this opportunity to radicalize the new troops, turning them into an instrument of the revolution rather than an instrument of the state.

In addition to the suppression of the revolts, the army under de Gontaut has the goal of spreading the revolutionary ideals and transforming the French countryside. Soldiers are encouraged to pillage estates that belong to the émigrés, or other former nobles. Churches are systematically burned down, and the clergy are executed. Anyone suspected of any kind of counter-revolutionary activity is promptly executed. The harsh methods quickly become known as la Terreur.

As a method of raising money for the government la Terreur is only moderately successful, but it is wildly successful at dividing France into the supporters of the revolution and their opponents. In the areas affected by la Terreur there is no middle ground – those who support the revolution intend to fully and completely destroy anyone who does not, and so everyone has to pick a side. In the conservative provinces of Normandy, Brittany, and Vendée a lot of people chose to side with the royalists, given the horror of the atrocities committed by the revolutionaries. The British begin to supply these royalist forces with both money and weapons in order to organize a resistance to de Gontaut.

When it becomes clear that the revolutionary forces are going to face armed resistance, the methods employed by de Gontaut and the revolutionaries become even more cruel. In a letter to the National Convention de Gontaut writes, “We'll have peace only when no Vendée remains. We'll have to exterminate that rebellious people." Given the size of the revolutionary army that is sent to these provinces, the aid the British provide makes little difference and the outcome is largely pre-determined. In a series of relatively small battles the revolutionary forces overwhelm the hastily-assembled royalist armies. No prisoners are taken. After Nantes is occupied, the revolutionary forces murder at least four thousand locals, including priests and nuns, women and children, by drowning them in the Loire for not showing a sufficiently consistent support for the revolution.

La Terreur devastates northwestern France. Overall, more than one hundred thousand people die in the span of six months, and many local communities are wiped out. Minor sporadic resistance to the revolutionary occupation continues, mostly in the form of occasional guerilla attacks, but the organized royalist presence has been crushed. In addition, the expedition proves to be good training for the revolutionary forces - de Gontaut is able to find quite a few young, capable officers who do not come from a noble background, and these officers are able to instill discipline, a sense of duty, and surprisingly good training across their units.

In December, with the winter helping put an end to most royalist attacks, de Gontaut leads the majority of his forces back to Paris. The news of la Terreur precede him, and the city and the National Convention are on edge, unsure of what to expect when the perpetrator of la Terreur and his army enter the capital.

While la Terreur takes place in northern and western France, the situation to the east resembles a stalemate. Nicolas Luckner and Comte de Custine lead an army that is larger than its Austrian counterpart, but not overwhelmingly so. With the delayed arrival of the Prussians under the Duke of Brunswick, the two sides are almost evenly matched. The French begin a gradual advance, and the Coalition forces gradually withdraw from France, with the two sides not fighting any major battles. Later in the year the Coalition forces are joined by the Bavarian/Burgundian troops, as they look to fortify their positions. The year ends with only Calais, where the British under William Howe are based, and Lille, where the Austrian and Prussian troops are, still occupied by Coalition forces. However, given the extensive fortification efforts over the course of the winter months, these are likely to be targets that are difficult for the French to take.

Further east François Christophe Kellermann remains in Metz, after making an abortive effort to take the fortress of Luxemburg. In the south the Austrian troops withdraw from France, but they leave behind a well-armed and well-organized royalist resistance in the Provence. Having seen the effects of la Terreur in the northwest, the royalists and other anti-revolutionaries in the south are preparing for a total war to defend their homes and their lives whenever the revolutionary troops arrive. The British blockade is extended to the western coast of France, and is beginning to have a serious effect on the French trade and the economy. For now the National Convention is able to raise funds year-to-year by seizing property that used to belong to the nobles or the church, but sooner or later this method of “financing” the government is likely to become insufficient.