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Mahadaji Shinde (L) and Peshwa Madhav Rao II (R) A New Order
The replacement of the Marathan Machiavelli, former regent Nana Fadnavis, in favour of the legendary general Shinde as the de facto and de jure guardian of the youthful Madhav Rao II sent ripples throughout the Empire. While Nana was a highly competent leader, well versed in warfare and finance, he was a powerbroker with himself in mind always. Shinde represented a more nobler idea, backed by the legend which was his career as a general.
But Nana had numerous allies, or rather individuals comfortable with their relation with the former regent. The all but autonomous vassals of the expansive empire were weary of any and all change. Change was destabilization was disaster. One could not grow fat and happy with changing leadership. Thus, it became a natural conclusion that these various tribes and people were leary of Shinde and his intentions.
Thus, with a chance to teach some highly important lessons to the young Peshwa (and warn off the reforming Durrani) Shinde conducted a lengthy campaign of statecraft, engaging in the personal politics of the court in order to retain the unity that allowed Maratha to repeatedly defeat invaders and teach the Peshwa how to civilly and cordially deal with those who sought to undermine (or at least were skeptical of) ones rightful place.
On the 17th of February 1790
On the 2nd of Cemaziy-el-ahir 1204
The Ottoman Emperor and the Empress of all the Russians recognize the need to end a struggle that is vain and unnecessarily grim, so that they and all their subjects may once again enjoy the fruits of peace and tranquility . . .
1. From the signing of this treaty, a state of perpetual and universal peace shall preside between the Sublime Ottoman State and the Russian Empire, as well as all their subjects.
2. The European frontier between the Ottoman and Russian Empires is confirmed to be the Dniester river, and in the Asiatic frontier the Kuban river.
3. The area between the Dniester and Bug rivers, called Edisan, ceded as per clause two by the Porte to the Russian Empire shall be henceforth demilitarized and all fortifications, including the forts of Hadjibey and Ochakov, must be demolished within six months of the signing of this document.
4. The validity of the Treaty of Kuchuk Kainarja (1774) is reaffirmed and recognized by both the Sublime Porte and the Russian Empire, as is the annexation of the Crimean Khanate by the Russian Empire.
5. Both sides affirm their intent to immediately release and repatriate any prisoners of war, and to do their best to foster a development of amicable ties along the newly defined frontier.
6. To guarantee a peaceful future, both sides agree to pledge themselves to a mutual policy of truce and non-aggression lasting five years, with a possibility of renewal once it expires.
[X] For the Ottoman State, Grand Vizier Cenaze Hasan Pasha
[X] For the Russian Empire, Prince Grigory Aleksandrovich Potemkin-Tavricheski
Previous Grand Vizier Koca Yusuf Pasha (left) and his patron Admiral Cezayirli Gazi Hasan Pasha (right)
Cenaze Hasan Pasha
The Grand Vizier in late 1789 and the beginning of 1790, Çerkes Meyyit Hasan Pasha, or alternatively Cenaze Hasan Pasha, was of Circassian origin, a slave serving one of the viziers of Ahmed III. He was later freed and acted as an aide to Melek Mehmet Pasha, an experienced statesman and son-in-law to the Ottoman dynasty, long-serving governor of Morea, Egypt, Vidin and other important provinces. For his services to Mehmet Pasha Hasan Pasha gained the additional nickname Kethüda. When in 1786 Melek Pasha was made a serasker, a vizier in command of an army, Hasan Pasha received his governorship over Vidin. However he was soon relocated to the Anatolian provinces as the then Grand Vizier and Serdar-i Ekrem Koca Yusuf Pasha took the frontier to his personal care due to the resumption of hostilities with Russia. After the dismissal of Koca Yusuf Pasha in May 1789, Hasan Pasha was appointed Grand Vizier in early June. However, when he received the Sultan’s Mühr-ü Hümâyun he was in bed due to illness, receiving the borderline impertinent nickname Cenaze – corpse. However, by July he was on the field with the reinforcements drawn from Anatolian provinces, marching to Serbia to rebel the Austrian invasion. As the main army had been waiting for the arrival of the Serdar-i Ekrem, the Austrians had deeply infiltrated the province, only facing resistance from newly created sekban irregular units. In the end this worked to the favour of the Ottomans, attrition caused extensive damage and losses to the invading army. The most important battles are fought close to Pristina, where Cenaze Hasan Pasha forced the Austrians away towards the Danube, harassing the retreating columns and in general causing great havoc to the ill-prepared invasion force. The failed campaign effectively ended the Austrian interest in the war, and the Grand Vizier started negotiations with the Imperial and Royal Court in Vienna immediately after the return of the Austrian army to Krusevac. The Ottoman Empire was forced to make only minor concessions, but most importantly it had broken the Russo-Austrian alliance that had greatly trouble Constantinople, fearing that the Ottoman armies would be trapped in Moldavia and destroyed between the two hostile empires acting as a hammer and an anvil. Due to a change of strategy, a calculative Ottoman initiative for the year and pure luck this scenario was avoided, and the war with Russia was also brought to an end in the early months of 1790. Due to his skilful handling of the mobilization, war effort and subsequent negotiations, the Sultan still had great confidence in his Grand Vizier. Known to aspire to continue the reforms of his father and uncle, the Sultan would certainly entrust even further demanding tasks to Cenaze Hasan Pasha of Circassia.
Koca Yusuf Pasha
Koca Yusuf Pasha was born around 1730 in Georgia, and like many of his peers came to Constantinople as a slave. He engaged in maritime trade and served under Cezayirli Hasan Pasha, working as a treasurer. He received vizier rank in 1785 upon being appointed to Morea. Soon, however, Abd-ül-hamid recalled him and appointed him the Grand Vizier. In late 1788 the Grand Vizier won two important victories over Austria, at Muhadiye and Şebeş. However, defeats soon followed and as Selim III ascended the throne he decided to sack Koca Yusuf Pasha and replace him with Cenaze Hasan Pasha. Koca Yusuf Pasha however remained in Moldavia in command of troops, as Hasan Pasha was busy rallying reinforcements for his expedition against the invading Austrians in Serbia. Koca Yusuf Pasha fought Rumyantsev at Jassy in the summer of 1789 and lost, however managing to save his army. The Pasha was also successful in the task of reinforcing the crucial citadel of Ismail and keeping the Russians preoccupied in the north and central parts of Moldavia, ending the year on the banks of Siret. The failure to capture Ismail, as well as the Austrian disengagement from the war made Count Potemkin reconsider the feasibility of prolonging the fighting, and a peace treaty was signed early next year, as much due to efforts of Koca Yusuf Pasha as the Grand Vizier Hasan Pasha. Koca Yusuf Pasha was credited for handling most of the initial negotiations due to being present in Moldavia, demanding that the loss of Yedisan was to be turned into less sour one with the demolition of the mighty forts controlling the steppe and by having the area be officially vacated by the Russian armies. "The walls of heroic Özi [Ochakov] will not hoist the Russian flag." was a proclamation of Koca Yusuf Pasha used to rally the troops during much of the fighting, and in the end that promise was upheld. The future of the Pasha remained uncertain in early in 1790, but he was likely to be given a senior governorship – or even the state seal.
Cezayirli Gazi Hasan Pasha
Originally a Georgian slave born in Rodosto in 1713, Hasan Pasha was manumitted and entered the Ottoman military in 1738, after having worked for Barbary pirates in Algiers, for which he gained his nickname. Initially a janissary, participating in war against Russia and Austria, he moved on to become a captain in the Ottoman fleet. He fought at the battle of Cesme in 1770 during the Orlov revolt, and albeit the battle was a grave defeat to the outdated Ottoman fleet, Hasan Pasha showed considerable bravery, being one of the few commanders who managed to salvage his ships and save his men. Despite of being the first fleet commander to return to Constantinople with this bad news, he was promoted to Kapudan-ı Derya with vizier rank soon after defeating the Russian fleet in the Aegean. Next the Pasha was tasked with quelling dissent in the Levant and in Egypt, bombarding Acre in 1775 and invading Egypt in 1786 to oust the increasingly unruly Mamluk emirs. His close aide and deputy Kethüda Ismail Pasha of Tripolitania was appointed as Egypt’s wali after the successful campaign, still serving in the role come 1790. Gazi Hasan Pasha also fought in the initial battles of the latest Russo-Turkish war, but due to poor health and failures on the field, he was recalled to Constantinople. However, due to the siege of Ochakov he was trapped with a large number of Ottoman soldiers and ships and made prisoner, though quickly ransomed. Hasan Pasha would likely be regarded as one of the prime candidate for the Grand Viziership, if not for the recent shortcomings and above all his old age.
Interior of the Neşetâbâd palace of Hatice Sultan, drawing by Melling.
A letter from Princess Hatice Sultan, sister of Selim III, to Antoine-Ignace Melling, architect of the Imperial Court Interestingly enough, the letters written by Hatice Sultan to the Porte's trusted French architect were the first recorded historical use of Latin script for the Ottoman language, at least by an important member of the Dynasty or administration.
My dearest Melling Effendi,
I wished to write to you to inform that peace is imminent. After the signing of the treaty recently with the Austrian representative, the Sâhib-i Devlet has reportedly left for Moldavia to finish negotiations with Prince Potemkin of the Russians. While this information is still not official and thus confidential, I am sure you are as joyous as I am to learn that the bloodshed of the north is about to end. Likewise I am, just like my brother, happy to hear that the good Meyyit Pasha has negotiated a treaty that allows us to retain most of our possessions; simply a narrow strip of land on the Black Sea is to be ceded. This means that my husband, the honourable Nakîb-zâde Ahmed Pasha, will be retaining his fortress up there on the Turla at Hotin. Do not worry, effendi, I have no intention of joining him there. Hotin is cold, hostile and distant, a mere frontier bastion of the abode of peace. I have never been there, in my husband’s province, nor does any part of my soul wish to see a ravaged country, burnt fields and shelled walls. The only earthly will that can drive me there is the authority vexed on my brother, the Padishah of this earth and all its towns and gardens. I am sure he wouldn’t do such a thing. My dearest effendi, the latest drawings you showed and sent me were simply gorgeous. I must admire the European art of fielding the pen, so much more sophisticated than the age-old drawings taught by our çelebis. As a matter of fact, we need to discuss certain of your plans and ideas I would wish to be commissioned, at my personal expense. I would be more than happy to host you as my guest in my Neşetâbâd Saray, by the Defterdarburnu, there is a plenty of room available even though the palace is quite in need of renovation. That is also on the list for our discussions, Melling Effendi. And please do bring a considerable selection of your presumably large collection of French books with you, as I explained earlier I am more than intrigued to learn the language.
Anyone who wants to send orders for a mini regarding the French and other assorted revolutions should do so by the end of Sunday. Mini will be up next week, and then we will have the full turn. Cheers.
The Barbary coastline as depicted in a copy of Piri Reis’s Kitab-ı Bahriye
Developments in the Ottoman Barbary
The political relations between the seat of the Ottoman Porte at Constantinople and the western North African eyalets turned into states changed considerably over time. In the sixteenth century, these areas all the way to the border of Morocco had been provinces under direct control, but after local military commanders seized power during the seventeenth century, they became increasingly independent yet generally loyal vassal statelets. The nature of the development was hardly surprising; these provinces had been incorporated into the empire in the sixteenth century by leading corsairs, such as Hayreddin Barbarossa, not by direct actions undertaken by the Ottoman State. Indeed, North Africa had fallen under Ottoman rule with relatively minor effort save for the sieges of Tunis. To safeguard the region against contact attacks from the Spanish the Ottomans had promoted the migration of Turks, but also posted thousands of Janissaries to the provinces. These Janissary officers slowly sought to increase their influence outside of military matters and Tunis and Algeria were subsequently ruled by Ottoman governors in consultation with councils led by Janissary commanders of the local army. The leaders, or Dayıs, of these councils gradually encroached on the authority of the governors. The social change in North Africa also brought forth a new influential group to the communities of Algiers, Tripoli and Tunis, as well as to the rural nobility, the kuloğlu – sons of servants. These children of Turks, often Janissaries, and local Arab and Berber women slowly became the new elite, especially in the bureaucracy and military.
The Dayis seized power in Tunis and Algeria in 1582 and 1670, respectively. Although a later governor, Ramadān Bey, managed to re-establish central control in Tunis, one of his followers, Husayn Bey, founded a hereditary governorship in 1705. Thereafter, Tunis became a virtually independent state with only loose yet amicable and loyal ties to the imperial center. In 1714, a Janissary officer by the name of Karamanlı Ahmed became governor of Tripoli of Barbary and Cyrenaica. He subsequently established a hereditary governorship that lasted more than a century, making Tripoli too practically independent. As the economy of all the Barbary States, but especially that of Tripoli, depended on piracy, the states soon found themselves at odds with foreign powers. Ironically, a large number of the non-ransomed hostages ended up sold to slavery in the Ottoman Empire proper. Overall, Ottoman diplomacy in the region either sought to regulate the behaviour of their nominal vassals or mediate in struggles among the vassals or between one of these and the neighbouring sultanate of Fez, in modern Morocco. The North African states had found an important source of income in piracy and made their livings preying on shipping. As mediators, the Ottomans often intervened in disputes between Fez and the Algerians. The Moroccan Sultan was also in frequent contact with Constantinople on matters of his own, seeking to secure funding, armaments or political backing.
Baba Mohammed ben-Osman, the Dey of Algiers from 1766 had found himself at odds with Denmark-Norway, demanding an increased tribute in exchange for tribute. The Danes refused, sending a fleet to the Mediterranean in 1769, but failing to meaningfully hurt the Dey’s fleet of pirates. After bombarding and blockading the port for a few year’s, the Danes were forced to negotiate a peace with the Dey. At this time the Ottoman central government was engaged in a war versus the Russians and couldn’t offer meaningful diplomatic or military aid to his vassal. Likewise, the Bey Hammuda ibn Ali of Tunis had come under attack by the Venetian fleet following a disagreement in 1784, the Ottoman State again preoccupied with the threat from the north. After numerous bombardments of Sousse and Tunis the Venetians had managed to convince the Bey to reduce raids on their shipping and to free some captives. The successors of Ahmad Karamanli had proven to be far less capable rulers than the forefather of their dynasty, yet they had successfully retained Ottoman recognition of their position in return for a limited tribute to Constantinople. The third Karamanli ruler, Ali Pasha of Tripoli found himself attacked by a fleet of Danish warships in 1789, rather unprovoked at least according to letters he had delivered to the Porte. The Danes moved forward to blockade Tripoli, and in the usual fashion the Pasha requested an intervention from the Ottoman State.
_ _ _
Shortly after the conclusion of the war versus Austria and Russia a letter is dispatched from the desk of the Grand Vizier Cenaze Hasan Pasha to the Crown Prince Regent Frederick of Denmark-Norway.
Your Highness,
Recently it has come to the attention of the Sublime Porte that the Kingdom of Denmark-Norway has taken hostile actions against the Sultan’s governor of Tripoli, Ali Pasha. While certainly these news upset the Porte, and sadden the Ottoman State in general, as the Danish envoy here has failed to provide conclusive evidence of any such recent wrongdoings on part of the Pasha that might warrant an aggression on this scale, I have decided to pen this letter to You in order to ask for a proper clarification directly from Your most honourable government. However, I must stress that in future the Sublime Ottoman State would naturally wish to be informed beforehand if military action is to be taken against its governors along the Mediterranean coast, and so that it may use its influence and prestige, religious and military, to sway the governors into following a policy that might not so deeply hurt the interests of the Danish-Norwegian crown. The Porte recognizes the problem posed by the geographic distance between Our two fellow seats of royal power, and thus would like to request that negotiations regarding the Danish presence on the coasts of Tripoli happen either here in Constantinople, or between an Ottoman and Danish naval officer off Tripoli. Certainly, we would like the Danish fleet to lift the blockade of the port of Tripoli hastily, for its prolongation is hurting legitimate and peaceful Ottoman trade in the region. With the Porte now finding itself in a state of most enjoyable peace, I have already instructed the Kapudan-i Derya to dispatch a limited fleet to observe the Tripolitanian coast. The Ottoman State hopes for a quick and amicable mediation to the dispute between the Pasha and Denmark-Norway, as well as for the further improvement of mutual ties between our states - God willing.
Grand Vizier Meyyit Hasan Pasha on behalf of His Imperial Majesty the Sultan Selim III
Several weeks later a message arrives at the Ottoman court.
To His Imperial Majesty Sultan Selim III,
The Danish-Norwegian crown is happy for the speedy and diplomatic approach the Ottoman state has taken to this issue. The recent steps taken by the Dano-Norwegian fleet were in protection of our mercantile interests in the region as well as a response to increased demands for tribute from the so called Governor of Tripoli. The Danish crown will cannot and will not tolerate the threat of open piracy on the Mediterranean sea, any longer. We seek only to protect our merchants and civilians traveling in the region from unwarranted attacks from the Pasha of Tripoli. We hope that we might find a partner in the Sultan, when it comes to fighting this blight. Furthermore, as a sign of further good will the blockade of Tripoli will soon come to an end. Yet unless the situation is improved and demands for further tribute cease within the next few months the Crown shall be galvanized into further action. We hope that this issue may be settled amicably and with dignity on both sides.
-Minister of Foreign Affairs, Andreas Peter Bernstorff
An example of Bektaşi calligraphy. Important motifs are the Shia symbols; imagery of Ali ibn Abi Taleb and the zülfikar. The snake naturally represents an enemy, the lion the faithful.
Bektaşîyye
The founder maybe the most influential Sufi tarîkat, order, in the Ottoman Empire, the Bektaşi Order is said to have been Hacı Bektaş-ı Veli, a mystic of either Persian, Turkish or mixed origin who came to Anatolia in the 13th century from Nişabur in north-western Iran. The order’s practices were highly unorthodox for contemporary Sunni Muslims as they blended elements of Islam with pre-Islamic Turkish shamanism, a belief system according to which all living things share a common soul and can be communicated with by shamans. The fusion of the two traditions had great appeal for the nomadic Turkmen tribesmen who were migrating into Seljük Anatolia between the 12th and 14th century. Indeed, by the advent of the Ottoman Empire, certain parts of Anatolian highlands were still inhabited by Turkmen tribes that were only nominally followers of Islam. Missionaries from the Bektaşi order helped speed the conversion of these tribes to Islam by placing Islamic religious figures such as Muhammad and Ali into shamanistic legends and by presenting apparent acts of magic similar to those worked by the shamans. In the late 14th century, members of the order began serving as chaplains and spiritual guides to the Ottoman Empire‘s elite Janissary corps, and soon it became an established practice that all members of these military units were inducted into the order as the founder of the order, Hacı Bektaş, was viewed as the guiding spirit of the Janissaries. Quite much like a patron saint in the Janissaries‘ former Christian belief. Not all adherents to Bektaşi Sufism were Janissaries; yet all Janissaries were expected to take vows of obedience to the Bektaşi sheikhs. The Bektaşis were notably syncretic and unorthodox; they consumed wine, allowed dancing in their services, and permitted unveiled women to attend, and participate in, their religious services. Bektaşis believed in a trinity that consists of God, the Prophet Muhammad, and Ali, celebrating and mourning the days holy to Shias. The Bektaşi beliefs, and especially the centrality of the figure of Ali in their cosmology, were similar to those of the Alevis and especially the Kizilbaş, whom the Ottoman religious authorities declared to be heretics liable to execution during the reigns of Selim I and Süleyman I. The Bektaşis’ connection to the powerful Janissaries was perhaps reason why the order did not face a similar fate early on. The tolerant, mysticist and saint-revering Bektaşi practices did have wide appeal to Christians in the empire and conversion of many Christians in the Balkans to Islam was thanks to the missionary work of the Bektaşîyye.
Mevleviyye
The Mevlevi Order of dervishes claimed originated with the mystical Persian poet Celâl-ed-dîn-i Rûmî, who lived and died in the Anatolian city of Konya, an important center of the Seljük state, in the 13th century. His followers called him Mevlânâ - our teacher - and the order takes its name from this title of respect, more commonly used in India and Southeast Asia. In addition to his poems, revered as holy texts by many Sufis, Rumi was remembered for introducing music and dance, the semâ ceremony, into Sufi practice as according to him it was through dancing that one could reach the union with God the Sufis sought. Rumi taught his disciples that, once that union was achieved, only poetry and music could convey the experience because simple language could not express the emotion that such a sacred union could produce. His followers ritualized the dance with an elaborate choreography and were called the whirling dervishes by Western visitors to the Ottoman Empire. The word dervish itself is derived from the Persian word darvish - mystic. Rumi’s son, Bah-ad-din Walad, reputedly founded the Mevlevi order and successive pirs, as the heads of the order were called, built a tekke, lodge, of dervish cells around the tomb of Rumi in Konya. The pirs of the order wielded a great deal of power due to the spiritual influence and wealth they derived from endowments made in the Mevlânâ’s name, this wealth and influence occasionally lead to disputes with the Ottoman administration, even though the Mevlevi Order was generally highly respected for its important contributions. Members of the order often taught music and calligraphy, Mevlevi tekkes becoming cultural and educational centers. The Masnavi-i Ma'navi, Rumi’s most important compendium of poems, was written in Persian and the order also highly valued works of other Persian mystical poets, thus Mevlevi lodges were among the few places where Ottoman intellectuals could study Persian language and literature. The Mevlevis were major contributors to what would become classical Ottoman poetry music, and the art of book illustration, as most of the empire’s artists were members of the order and learned their skills in the Mevlevi tekkes. Selim III and Valide Sultan Mihr-î-Şah were both members of the Mevlevi Order, entering into the order at the Galata Mevlevihanesi in the capital. Known as “Selim Dede”, the Sultan was a renowned composer, creating many musical compositions, including a Mevlevi ayin, a long and complex liturgical form performed during the semâ religious ceremony.
Şâzeliyye
The Shadhliyya Order of Sufis was often called the Protestant Order by Western visitors to the Ottoman Empire due to the absence of formalized ritual associated with it. The founder of the order was Abu al-Hasan al-Shadhili, a 13th century Moroccan mystic, and due to his association with the Arabic instead of the Persianate cultural sphere the Shadhlyya remained virtually unknown in the Ottoman heartlands. The order avoided the elevation of individuals to sainthood and decried the visiting of Sufi shrines as an ostentatious display that detracted from true spiritual life, preferring a more private and secluded practice of their zikir. This was partly due to the fear of persecution by the orthodox Sunni population, for the Shadhliyya were more prominent in the Arabic-speaking provinces of the Empire. The Shadhliyya were an elite order that produced poets and commentators on religious texts, becoming one of the most popular Sufi orders in Egypt throughout the Ottoman period, but the never gaining much influence or high-ranking followers in Anatolia or the Balkans. Unlike some other Sufi orders, the Shadhliyya held that asceticism and poverty were not a requirement, as God intended his creatures to live in this world and to take pleasure from his creation. This belief enabled them to gain considerable following in the rising merchant and middle class of North African cities. The order tolerated the music and dancing considered heretic by many orthodox Muslims, but otherwise aspired to keep its practice of Sufism within the boundaries set by conventional Islam.
Nakşbendiyye
The Naqshbandiyya Order were the most conservative and Sunni of the various Sufi traditions that flourished in the Ottoman Empire. The order was named after Bah-ad-din Nakşibend, also of mixed Persian and Turkish heritage, who lived in Central Asia in the 14th century. However, the Naqshbandis claimed that the founder of their order was in fact Caliph Abu Bakr, underlying the order’s identification with Sunni Islam. This largely distinguished and separated it from most of the other Sufi orders, many of which cited Ali, the Prophet’s son-in-law as a major source of inspiration and religious rulings. Another major difference between the Naqshbandiyya and other Sufi orders was that the Naqshbandis did not engage in any outward performance of their zikir, the act of mediation to reach God. Influenced by al-Ghazali, the Naqshbandis held that mysticism cannot negate anything that is taught by the Quran and the Sunna. Mysticism and Islamic law were instead seen as not only compatible but also absolutely necessary to one another. The rise of more conservative Sunni movements also ushered a new era for the Naqshbandiyya Order, its influence and adherents growing in numbers in Iraq and the Levant, but also even in central Anatolia.
Rifâiyye
The Rifaiyya Order of Sufism was maybe the most unconventional of Ottoman Sufi orders. Westerners in the Ottoman Empire dubbed the order the howling dervishes to distinguish them from the whirling Mevlana dervishes, due to the loud and boisterous zikir they employed. Members of the Rifaiyya Order further drew attention, and condemnation, with obscure public displays such as eating glass, dancing with snakes, and passing skewers through their cheeks. The order claimed Ahmad al-Rifa'i, a mystic who lived in southern Iraq in the 12th century, as its founder. The order was very popular in Egypt during the Mamluk period, and after the Ottoman conquest of Egypt in 1517, Rifaiyya disciples spread the order to Anatolia. The Rifaiyya Order’s practices included the public act of dawsa - trampling - wherein the sheikh of the order would ride his horse over the prostrate bodies of his followers.
The National Assembly meeting in Paris begins work on a new constitution for the country. One of the first steps taken by the Assembly is to demote Louis XVI to “King of the French” and to spell out the fact that he rules only because the people of France consent to his rule, rather than by some divine right. Although the relationship between the King and the Assembly is still acrimonious, on February 4th the King addresses the Assembly for the first time, and agrees to abide by the constitutional provisions that it will draft.
Another pressing issue facing the French National Assembly in 1790 is the dire state of French finances. The situation that has promoted the calling of the Estates General a year earlier has still not been resolved. The obvious source of cash is the Catholic Church, which is the single largest landholder in the country. Under the Ancien Régime the Church was exempt from paying taxes, although this exemption was stripped by the Assembly six months ago, along with other feudal privileges. Now, in an attempt to address the financial crisis, the National Assembly declares all Church property to be owned by the state. Shortly thereafter the Assembly begins to sell the lands to the highest bidder to raise revenue, often for bids that are merely a fraction of the land’s worth.
In taking control of the Church property the National Assembly, at least implicitly, takes on the social responsibilities of the Church, including caring for the poor, the sick, and the orphans. Given the state of government finances and the lack of government control outside of Paris much of this responsibility goes unfulfilled. In some places the Church continues to provide services, but as Church property is seized across the country the Church does not have the resources to continue in its duties. Soon there is an undercurrent of resentment against the National Assembly running through the poorer segments of the French population.
Despite the fact that most members of the clergy joined the Third Estate in forming the National Assembly, the seizure of Church property is a step too far for most of them. Many members of the clergy protest the move, pointing out that they voted to end the tax exemption for the Church so they could contribute to the state finances and now the state is turning around and seizing all of their property. Without land to support them it is not clear how churches and priests are expected to continue in their functions, since donations are unlikely to be able to support the Church in its current state. The Pope weighs in against the seizure of the land, decrying it as an infringement on the Church and the role of God in the society.
The response of the National Assembly to these protests is decidedly anti-clerical. In a show of force, the National Guard is sent out to seize valuables from parishes around Paris, and a regiment of soldiers is sent to Avignon, to displace the Papal agents and take control of the small exclave. They meet no serious resistance, but the growing conflict with the Church is certain to give other Catholic powers in Europe even more reason to be concerned about the direction that France is moving in.
Meanwhile in Belgium, emboldened by their victory against Austrian forces, the revolutionaries meet in Brussels and declare the formation of the United Belgian States. The Republic of Liege remains outside of this new country for now, as the grievances driving the two revolutions that have taken place in Belgium over the last year are divergent. In the United Belgian State the revolutionaries quickly form into two antagonistic camps, the Vonckists and the Statists. The former are liberals who wish to see a new constitution for Belgium, a democratic form of government, and the end of feudalism. The latter are the clergy, nobility, and representatives of large, conservative merchant families who wish to preserve the feudal order that Joseph’s reforms have threatened. In a violent coup shortly after the proclamation of the new country, Van der Noot quickly moves to arrest and imprison the most prominent Vonckists and to implement reactionary policies aimed at rolling back the Enlightenment reforms of Joseph II. Those Vonckists that are able to flee to Liege or France do so.
The Austrian response to the revolution in Belgium is hampered by the lack of coordination with Prussia and by the ill health of Emperor Joseph II. The Austrians in Luxemburg expect Prussian troops, stationed in the Dutch Netherlands, to help in the suppression of the revolts in Liege and in the Austrian Netherlands, but the Prussians never move against the revolutionaries. In February Joseph II dies, and is succeeded by his brother Leopold II. Leopold, eager to see the issue of the Belgian revolution resolved, sends a significant force of troops to reinforce his army in Luxemburg. By mid-year the Austrians appear poised to re-take the territory by force, especially considering the disarray inside the Belgian government.
Note: Orders are due Sunday, the 16th. Update will be next week.
His Majesty the Emperor and His Majesty the King of Prussia (…) declare together that they regard the actual situation of His Majesty the King of France as a matter of communal interest for all sovereigns of Europe. They hope that that interest will be recognized by the powers whose assistance is called in, and that they won't refuse, together with aforementioned Majesties, the most efficacious means for enabling the French king to strengthen, in utmost liberty, the foundations of a monarchical government suiting to the rights of the sovereigns and favourable to the well-being of the French. In that case, aforementioned Majesties are determined to act promptly and unanimously, with the forces necessary for realizing the proposed and communal goal. In expectation, they will give the suitable orders to their troups so that they will be ready to commence activity
Given on 19 September 1790
[X] Leopold II, By the Grace of God, Holy Roman Emperor; King of Germany, Hungary, Bohemia, Dalmatia, Croatia, Slavonia, Galicia and Lodomeria, Rama, Serbia, Cumania and Bulgaria; Archduke of Austria; Duke of Burgundy, Lorraine, Styria, Carinthia, Carniola, Grand Duke of Etruria; Grand Prince of Transylvania; Margrave of Moravia, Prince of Brabant, Limburg, Luxembourg, Geldern, Württemberg, Upper and Lower Silesia, Milan, Mantua, Parma, Piacenza, Guastalla, Auschwitz and Zatoria, Calabria, Bar, Ferrete and Teschen; Lord of Svevia and Charleville; Count of Habsburg, Flanders, Hannonia, Kyburg, Gorizia, Gradisca; Margrave of Burgau, Upper and Lower Lusatia, Pont-a-Mousson and Nomenum, Count of Provinces of Namur, Valdemons, Albimons, Count of Zütphen, Sarverda, Salma and Falkenstein, Lord of the Wend Margravate and Mechelen, etc. [X]His Majesty The King of Prussia
The Confederated Sejm called up in late 1788 would prove to be much longer and more contentious than any previous Sejm. The initial goals secured by King Stanisław August Poniatowski from Tsarina Catherine, to create a more centralized government for the Polish-Lithuanian Commonwealth and allowing an expansion of the Polish army were broadly supported, but the exact nature and extent of the centralization efforts were heavily debated.
Further complicating the situation in the Sejm was the lingering Prussian offer of alliance, made in October of 1788, and ambiguously left on the table throughout 1789. Radical members of the Patriotic Party were strongly supportive of such an alliance, seeing it as the only way to break Poland out of the shadow of Russia. More moderate members of the Patriotic Party, and supporters of King Poniatowski opposed such an alliance, wary of the price of an alliance with Prussia, and dubious of Prussia's ability to protect Poland from a vengeful Russia. Further support for the King and his faction came with the general support from Russian representatives for moderate reforms in the Polish government and administration. Radical Patriots maintained that the approved Russian reforms were not nearly enough, and while most moderates agreed with such sentiment, they pragmatically saw great danger in straining Russian "generosity", as Catherine and her advisors certainly saw their treatment of Poland.
The conservatives, loosely organized into the Hetman's Party, were left greatly disorganized throughout the Sejm. Though the Russian Ambassador tacitly allowed the King's faction and moderate Patriots to push forward reforms in 1789 bringing the clergy under the supervision of the Sejm, and cracking down on government bureaucrats and officials, many conservatives squirmed in opposition. While some conservative nobles supported the Russian line of making mild appeasements to the reformists, more hardline and prickly Magnates resisted the reforms entirely. They saw any expansion of the Sejm's powers as dangerous to their own well being, a potential threat to their much vaunted Golden Liberties. To them the political situation of the Commonwealth was a zero sum game, any expansion of the central government came at their expense, most unacceptable to their privileged lifestyle. Some of the most conservative nobles even sent word to the Tsarina, urging her to reverse course on supporting reform in the Commonwealth.
Events at the Great Sejm, as the Confederated Sejm was beginning to be called as its magnitude became increasingly clear, were further upset by parallel events in France. With the king and traditional elites of French society threatened and assaulted by the common people, alarmist voices began to compare the Patriotic Party in the Commonwealth to the French radicals. The Patriotic Party, as well as the King's faction, completely reject any comparisons between events in Paris and events in Warsaw, pointing out that where the French treatment of their king and political structures reject tradition and stability in the face of populism, the Great Sejm had been convened entirely lawfully and under no duress. Nor was the Great Sejm attempting to overturn or replace existing bastions of authority, since the Sejm had been the main official authority in the Commonwealth for centuries. Conservative opponents got more mileage out of drawing connections between the French anti-clerical measures and the Great Sejm's decision to erode Church authority. Reformists defended their action by emphasising that where the French had stripped the Church of lands and power, by force if necessary, while the Great Sejm had merely placed the clergy under government supervision, seeking harmony between government and clergy, not conflict. Many conservatives remained convinced that the Patriotic Party wished to emulate the French though, and would do so if given a chance.
As 1789 passed into 1790, the Great Sejm remained quite distant from completion, despite significant reform milestones on the government administration being reached. Conservatives remained fearful of excessive reforms and suspicious of the motives of the Patriots, while the Radicals clung to notions of alliance with Prussia and resisted the watered down reforms approved by the Russians. Concerned about the dangers of pushing their agenda with too much force and alienating moderate Patriots and compliant conservatives, King Poniatowski and his faction attempted to focus the agenda in 1790 on a topic that could receive broad support from the assembled Sejm, a mild expansion of the Polish Army. All but the most fanatical conservatives were at least grudgingly in favor of an expansion of the army, as a major reason the Confederated Sejm had been called in the first place was Tsarina had been convinced that a larger Polish army would be useful in supporting Russian interests in war. On the other side of the spectrum not a member of the Patriotic Party was against the expansion of the army, but the radicals felt the expansion sought by the king was too small. Pragmatic concerns such as the low quality of the existing army, Russia's response to a rapid military expansion, and the already poor state of Polish finances convinced most of the radicals to support a more moderate expansion of the army than they wished.
With 1790 having been spent building a consensus and securing support in the Sejm through a generally popular measure, King Poniatowski and his allies hoped to bring the Great Sejm to a conclusion in 1791, and secure the Commonwealth as a more modern and effective state.
The events within the United States of Belgium had a profound effect on the French. As thousands of Belgian revolutionaries fled into Paris, anti-Austrian sentiments quickly boiled to dangerous levels. The King himself still found wide acclaim among the French, but the disgruntled population rapidly turned against his wife. Brandishing her an agent and daughter of the enemy, the Parisian mobs that had so far dictated the course of the revolution could not stand the mention of the Queen.
The brutal efforts conducted in Belgium only poured fuel onto the fire, as the Austrians became both an enemy, for putting down a movement driven by liberty, and secondly a laughingstock for being wildly ineffective in their pursuits. The Emperor became a caricature onto which the woes of France, most if not all of them actually created by the French, were poured. Be it bread prices, bad weather or stepping into something foul, it could all be rapidly linked back directly to Vienna.
But nevertheless, the peace was kept for the time. The march on Versailles allowed the French to nullify a lot of the anger, and the subsequent assault against the Church sated the hunger for wanton destruction. Lafayette, uneasy at the helm of the church-robbing National Guard, ensured that the Queen received a host of special protections, lest the mobs finally decide to turn the jokes and jeers levelled at the Queen into actual action. The Guard itself also experienced a period of growth, as the prospect of ‘church wealth redistribution’ attracted thousands. The war on the Church was by many not seen as a war on the clergy, or God, but as a war on only the richest bishops and priests. Naturally the threshold for ‘richest’ was lowered rapidly, as even silver rings were seen as an outrageous luxury on the hands of provincial priests.
The flame of mob justice was predictably relit by the poorly timed and worded Elisabethenburg Declaration. The Austrians were coming to enslave France and end the people’s revolution – and more over they were proud to admit it. Establishing a coalition geared against the French people, the Declaration was clearly a last ditch effort by the established and privileged to maintain the Ancient Regime. Overnight, Royalist thought evaporated. Angry mobs marched down the streets of Paris, calling for the head of the traitorous Queen. The National Guard was deployed rapidly, but no Officer was brave enough to give the orders to fire; the mobs passed uninterrupted down the streets and alleyways of Paris, surrounding the hapless King, who now had no real chance at an escape. Lafayette would once again try to reason with the crowds from a balcony, but he himself sensed that reasoning was no longer the order of the day; the mobs wanted blood.
For the first four nights the siege camp was loud but unwilling to do violence. The National Guardsmen still guarding the King were unwilling to fire, and the mobs were too scared of the response to begin any violence. But as messengers from the south and Belgium reached Paris, the mood became frenzied. War! The Austrians, Spanish and Prussians were allegedly all preparing to launch an invasion any day, with British ships already off the coasts, disrupting Frances vital trade. The mobs finally stormed the Tuileries Palace, and the Queen and King were both dragged out before the National Guard finally fired, half of them into the air and half into the crowd, and the mobs dissolved. The Guardsmen took the King back to the palace, but against his protests, dragged the Queen into a state of arrest. Lafayette later ensured the monarch that this was for her own protection, but in truth he had little clue as to what the fate of everyone involved would be. The Assembly declared that a trial would be held, and that secondly, that there was now no option for France than to begin preparations for war.
The actions which have evolved in France and the Austrian Netherlands are appalling. Good and loyal subjects to their Majesties the Holy Roman Emperor and the King of France having gone array and support unlawful actions, against their true sovereign and masters.
We wholeheartedly congratulate his Imperial Majesty, the Holy Roman Emperor on the swift and successful repression of the rebellion within his territory, along with his ascension to the Imperial Throne which he now occupies. Furthermore we look towards the Holy Roman Emperor to lead Europe back to balance against the uprisings in France following his recent proclamation together with His Majesty, The King of Prussia.
It is the duty of the French people to oppose the rebels in Paris who unlawfully has gone against their natural liege lord. To restore King Louis XVI to his proper station and power as dictated by God and the heavens above, so that the wounds in the Kingdom of France may be healed and the good governance of the Kingdom may yet return to its former proper state. Louis XVI of France must be released from this unholy captivity and his people must return to their duties. Should this new assembly not declare itself unlawful and disband. Should order and stability not be restored to France on its own act, with just actions towards the King.
Should this national assembly in France not disperse and continue with their defiance of God and their sovereign. Russia will support in such a case support the Declaration of Elisabethenburg, providing aid to their Majesties, the Holy Roman Emperor and the King of Prussia.
Count Ivan Andreyevich Osterman, Minister of Foreign Affairs
Johann Wolfgang von Goethe described as he sat in a gondola that he felt for a moment 'co-master of the Adriatic' with the Venetians. For everything round him was, and is, serious, a great work of human energy, a monument not of one master but a people, and despite the thick mists and the collapse of commerce and power, and the filth in the streets (for which the newly energetic senate is now considering a list of sound Hessian recommendations), Venice remains as remarkable to a visitor as she had always been.
Some within Venice and without, have taken the Republics decline for granted. She is already in the past. Yet, after many years of stagnation, stasis and slumber, she has finally awoken. Once the senate merely existed, passing inconsequential propositions, lacking in urgency and missing energy in speech. No longer is it so. Once more, the senate has found its voice. By engaging the people, proposing change and the adoption of new ideas, life has be breathed into the apparatus of government and into the entirety of the Republic. Processions of nobles in the squares can once again be found upright and mellow, their faces full of good-humored magnanimity, little different from what they must have looked like a couple centuries before. In the cafes and coffee houses there is talk of change, of enlightenment ideas, an advance perhaps from the usual joking and luxury.
Over the centuries, and with an empire behind us, Venetian society became and remains highly exclusive. There is a general unspoken agreement that this must be broken down. We have taken the first steps, yet there is more to be done. The revival of the state has only just begun.
A letter is sent to one William Henry van Nassau-Zuylenstein, 5th Earl of Rochford (@Maxwell500 )
Dear Lord Willem Hendrik,
While in previous times I would not even have considered the very writing of this very letter, for a member of one of the great royal families of Europe rarely concerns themselves with foreign nobility of such low stature as yours, times have changed. With the Kingdom of France so violenty thrown into disarray, and the overthrow of Austrian authority in the Southern Netherlands, a dire situation exists for my feckless husband and brother. My husband's realm has already experienced a revolution once before, and with such a traumatic experience and lesson behind us, I look towards the future. An insurance of the Stadholder's line is needed, with only my husband and his two sons, were anything to happen to them in this turbulous time, God forbid, the Stadholderate would be once again vacant or even fall my brother, something I do not wish for a people I have come to love, despite it all. As such, I will not beat around the bush.
I offer you the hand of my daughter, Princess Louise of Orange-Nassau, my first and only daughter, who my husband would have seen married off to a man of limited mental capacities and lack of eyesight. While your forefather Frederik was an illegitimate son of Frederik Hendrik, the last trueborn son of William the Silent, it is exactly that direct agnatic descent from the founder of my new home that will legitimize your claim, should the line of my children ever die out agnatically. If you accept her hand, you will be expected to raise any heirs in the court of my husband, and you and yours will be recognized in the line of succession behind my and my husband's male line, enforced by my daughter's bloodline. If ever even the slightest threat of a return of unrest to my husband's land returns, you will be expected to make way for your British estates, to ensure the House of Orange-Nassau endures, even in these dire times.
I remain,
Her Highness the Princess Consort of Orange, Frederica Sophia Wilhelmina, Princess of Prussia
With the events in France and the Netherlands as a backdrop, the British general election centers on the issue of the response to the revolution in France. Although William Pitt the Younger is in no danger of losing his majority, the election forces him to articulate the government’s position on France. Despite promulgating the Reform Bill of 1789, Pitt and his government are hostile to the liberal tendencies of the new French government. There is a general feeling that the threat posed by the more radical elements of the revolution could materialize in Great Britain. As a result, while Charles James Fox advocates working with the new French government, Pitt adopts an openly hostile position. He is easily re-elected and re-appointed as Prime Minister by King George III.
In preparation for a possible conflict with France William Pitt the Younger orders a general review of the equipment and provisions of the army. The Master-General of the Ordinance, the Duke of Richmond oversees the effort. The Duke is thorough, and the review uncovers a large number of defects and shortages in the equipment and the provisions of the army. Combined with the lackluster results of the training exercises that the army holds during the year, this points to the fact that the British Army appears to be in a worse shape than previously thought. Discovering these problems before fighting starts is certainly a positive, as issues can now be addressed, but this is not the ideal opening to a military campaign.
Wilhelmina of Prussia has ambitious plans for the Dutch army, although these plans are wildly unrealistic. The Stadholder’s wife wants to see an army that is more than five times as large as the current one, at a time when the Dutch military infrastructure struggles to recruit enough people to keep its current size. To achieve this goal the plan is to introduce conscription for all men once they are old enough to serve in the army. Given the poor quality of the Dutch army organization, and the even worse quality of the Dutch government administration it is a true miracle that the abrupt introduction of the conscription system does not result in complete chaos. At the end of the day it is clear that the Dutch army is in no way able to recruit, train, organize, and supply a large number of men every single year, and major changes will need to be made before the country moves away from the current system of professional soldiers to one based on short-term service by conscripts.
King Frederick William II, worried about the attack on the Church in France, takes active measures to protect the status of religion in Prussia. The King forms the Immediate Examination Commission, which is tasked with carefully reviewing appointments at churches and the clergy throughout Prussia. In addition, the King moves to further censor from the papers and the social sphere all criticism of Protestantism and religion in general. The result is to drive discussions of the role of religion in society underground, which results in further radicalization of the ideas about religion and the role of government and the King vis-à-vis the people and society more broadly.
Although Austria ended the war with the Ottomans only to get into a new one with France, the new Emperor Leopold II moves to eliminate the war-time taxes and duties that were imposed to help fund the war. Although the duties are relatively minor, this is taken well in Austria and Italy where commerce was most affected by the extra duties, and there is an uptick in commercial activity in those areas.
Leopold’s predecessor, Joseph II has had a contentious relationship with the Austrian nobility. Inspired by the ideas of the Enlightenment he has promulgated reforms that are at odds with the interests of the nobility. Leopold does not share the idealistic worldview of his brother and given the events in France has a direct interest in maintaining the traditional order. First, he reassures the skittish Hungarian nobility that the local rights and privileges that exist there will be maintained. Second, he moves to roll back Joseph’s reform that abolished serfdom in Bohemia. The first measure is successful in establishing an understanding between the Emperor and the Hungarians, but the second one quickly leads to violence.
The serfdom reform under Maria-Theresa and its abolition under Joseph II have led to an economic boom in Bohemia. Former serfs moved to cities in search of paying jobs, while many nobles, having lost a source of free labor, either sublet their lands or invested their money in textile, coal, or glass manufactures. Those that failed to do so lost out in the process, and clamored for the restoration of serfdom, which Leopold has now put into effect. However, the new Czech urban classes, and the middle classes that benefited from the economic boom, are unwilling to give up their privileges and prosperity.
Spurred by liberal pamphlets and speeches in Prague, the middle class organize a boycott in protest of the new policy. Commerce grinds to a halt as goons hired by the nobility scour the city for serfs who have left the fields in the preceding years of freedom. Fistfights and violent confrontations between the former serfs and the goons are common, and a regiment of soldiers moves into the city to keep order. When the merchants refuse to sell to the soldiers, the soldiers ransack a number of stores, destroying significant property in the process. As a response the merchants, the middle class, and the poor organize a “City Guard” militia. A confrontation between this militia and the soldiers leaves three dozen dead, and the citizens of the city form a “Prague Commune” that meets and draws up a list of demands, starting with the departure of the soldiers.
One of the first moves of the more liberal Venetian Senate is to bring back the meetings of the Concio in order to elect the Doge. The move is applauded by the leadership of the middle and lower classes, although there is a backlash when it becomes clear that only the upper classes will be represented in the Concio. Inspired by the events in France and in Austria, members of the disenfranchised classes agitate in the streets, and eventually the confrontation turns to violence. An angry crowd with weapons storms the Senate and demands that it be abolished and replaced with a general Assembly of Freemen with universal representation. The conservative aristocrats point to the fact that this chaos is the result of the liberals appeasing the rabble, and begin to put together forces to end the insurrection.
The Spanish administration adopts many of the proposals of the commission that executed the census in the prior year. Many small and overlapping duties and fees are eliminated, and the structure of the taxes is simplified in order to both bring in additional revenue and to simplify the process. The reform does quite a bit to increase the cash available to the government, and since it simplifies and reduces the number of fees the merchants and landowners have to pay it is beneficial to commerce as well.
The naval expansion continues in Denmark, with more small ships entering service this year, and the ships of the line due to enter service the following year. To get enough trained sailors for the larger navy the Danish government moves to impress merchant marine sailors into the navy. There is dissatisfaction with the policy, considering the fact that the country is not really at war with any foreign power except the Barbary pirates. To mitigate the shortage in the future, the naval officer school is expanded, to allow for a larger class of officers in the coming years. For now, the Danes have managed to maintain pretty good naval quality even as the size of the fleet grows, even if the impressment policies are somewhat unpopular.
King Gustav III of Sweden takes the opportunity presented by the chaos in parts of Europe to promulgate reforms of the Swedish government. The King calls together the Estates General of Sweden and presents them with the Union and Security Act, which greatly strengthens the power of the King at the expense of the nobility and the Privy Council. At the same time, the Act abolishes noble privileges and opens many government positions to everyone, regardless of their birth status. Three of the four Estates accept the act, with the nobility refusing it. Going against centuries of precedent the King ignores the nobility, declaring the Act law despite its failure to pass the Estates General. Despite the opposition from the nobility, both the Act and the King are widely popular in the country, and the chaos in continental Europe makes the stability that the new arrangement offers attractive to some in the nobility as well.
While the Great Sejm continues to meet, the Polish government expands its current standing army. More notable than the expansion is the deliberate effort within the officers’ corps to cultivate a sense of duty and patriotism. Among younger officers in particular, there is a sense of duty of service to the Commonwealth itself, rather than to any specific commanding officer or government. In some sense this is a politicization of the officers’ corps, which may lead to a more active role for the military in the country’s politics, but it is also a rebuke of foreign influence in the country that has long been maligned by powerful forces outside of its control.
Following the Treaty of Jassy the Russian army withdraws to its side of the border. Despite the promises made in the treaty, the Russians appear to be uninterested in removing fortifications on their side of the border. Grigory Potemkin remains in the region, constructing a port that he names Odessa on the northern coast of the Black Sea. Under his oversight the infrastructure of the region continues to improve, making it likely that in the coming years the Black Sea will begin to play a more and more important role for Russian trade and navigation.
Back in St. Petersburg Catherine is unnerved by the events in France. Russia has had to deal with numerous peasant uprisings, but the revolution in Paris is seen by the Empress as even more dangerous. She issues edicts to crack down on the press, increasing censorship of publications, and punishments for criticism of the government. Despite having implemented some liberal reforms earlier in her reign, at this point Catherine is clearly interested solely in protecting the existing status quo and preventing liberal ideas from spreading to Russia.
With the wars against Austria and Russia over, the Ottoman Sultan turns towards the restoration of his rule and the rebuilding of his country. The standing army is reduced slightly, but the border fortifications are expanded, to make future conflicts more difficult for Austria and Russia. Numerous eyelet and sanjak administrators in Ottoman Europe are replaced with ones who are both more competent and more loyal to the Sultan, facilitating reconstruction in these areas.
Serbia is the only region where the Sultan’s authority remains tenuous. Many of the Janissaries who were part of the disbanded units travel to Serbia where they clash with the Serbian Free Corps for authority. In the aftermath the Janissaries gain control over the province, and although they are nominally loyal to the Sultan the reality is a lot more complicated. The local Serbs remain resentful of Janissary rule, and a number of them flee to Austrian Serbia as refugees.
Americas
The legislature of New York consents to the admission to the Union of a new state, Vermont, formed within the boundaries of New York, contingent upon the successful conclusion of negotiations concerning disputed real-estate claims and the boundary between the two states.
In the Spanish American colonies there is an ongoing evolution of the social class system called la casta. On one hand, the distinction between criollos and peninsulares is growing weaker – there are too many locals who are born in the Americas and too few Spaniards who want to move to the colonies. On the other hand, the distinction based on race is solidifying. As criollos become members of the ruling elite, rising to the key positions in colonial administrations at times, they become even more separate from the other colonial classes, such as the mestizos, mulatos, and negros.
To the surprise of many the Portuguese government begins negotiations with the separatists in Minas Gerais. The Portuguese are willing to budge on some economic issues, but not on the issue of the gold tax or the appointment of the local governor. By the time the negotiations break down, the “Minas Gerais Republic” has gained recognition and credibility across Brazil. A local regiment on its way to São João del Rei is attacked, and a regiment of Portuguese troops arriving in São Paulo also comes under attack by the locals who sympathize with the rebels. As casualties on both sides mount tempers grow short. The Portuguese appear poised to send a large military force to put down the rebellion, while the rebels are actively arming themselves and preparing for what is quickly becoming a war of independence.
Middle East and Africa
The Danish Mediterranean squadron withdraws from Tripoli, returning to its temporary base on Malta. Following the withdrawal of the squadron there are minor skirmishes between the Danes and the pirates, but no significant action for the remainder of the year. Despite the Danish anti-piracy efforts, pirate attacks in the Mediterranean are on the rise as other European powers are temporarily distracted by the events in France and elsewhere.
Mohammad Khan Qajar turns attention to his capital of Tehran and other areas of Persia under his direct control. Using some of his wealth he pays for the expansion and refurbishment of the infrastructure of the city and many of the important areas of northwestern Persia. Given the state of the civil war that has dominated the country for the last few years, the investments are key to preventing the deterioration of the social and economic situation in the country.
After the failure at Kerman, Qajar Khan regroups and re-organizes his troops for a campaign against Zand Shah Lotf Ali Khan. The two forces come close to each other near Persepolis, but Lotf Ali Khan does not realize where the Qajar army is, thinking it to be at least another two days away. In a surprise attack the Qajar rout the Zand forces, forcing Lotf Ali Khan to flee. With a small force of roughly one thousand horsemen the Zand ruler marches to Kerman, where he strikes a deal with the local governor to allow him to regroup in the eastern city.
Asia and Oceania
Timur Shah Durrani completes the reform of his army that he initiated a year ago. Faced with tribal insurrections and insurgencies, the Shah wishes to be able to rely on a professional fighting force, rather than on tribal fighters. The improvements are notable in particular in the discipline of the infantry forces that the Shah employs – they behave in a much more professional manner in training, and are likely to be able to withstand heavy fighting, rather than breaking and running. With a fighting force that is both competent and loyal, Timur Shah Durrani now seeks to re-exert his influence over all of the Durrani lands.
Mahadaji Shinde solidifies his control over the Maratha Empire as he courts the various Maratha vassals. Peshwa Madhav Rao follows Mahadaji’s advice and movements, seemingly content to let his regent do the actual work of governing the Empire. Nana Fadnavis, the former regent, having lost most of his influence in the Empire, retreats to Menavali where he lives a mostly secluded life. There are, of course, ongoing intrigues in the Maratha court that may undermine Mahadaji Shinde, but for now his position looks relatively secure.
Other Events
The alleged London Monster is arrested in London: he later receives 40 years for 10 assaults.
Peking opera is born when the Four Great Anhui Troupes introduce Anhui opera to Beijing in honor of the Qianlong Emperor's eightieth birthday
In summer and early fall of 1790 it appears, just momentarily, that the French Revolution may be winding down. Despite the seizure of church property in the first half of the year there is only sporadic violence across the country. First Minister Jacques Necker, the Marquis de Lafayette, and the Abbé Sieyès navigate a moderate course towards completion of the new constitution. Crowds celebrate the anniversary of the fall of the Bastille, and the royal family attends mass performed by Talleyrand to mark the occasion.
As the National Assembly continues its work on the constitution a number of political clubs become prominent in Paris and beyond. The most prominent of these is the Jacobin Club, where members meet to discuss politics and the state of the country. It is influential in pushing the National Assembly to adopt liberal measures, such as an independent judiciary, the abolition of hereditary offices, and jury trials. The King gives his assent to all of these provisions, and it looks like the constitution may be completed by early next year.
Across the border in the Austrian Netherlands the revolutionaries fare significantly worse than their French counterparts. The slow reaction from the Austrians and Prussians only serves to give more time for the in-fighting between the two factions of the revolutionaries. By the time Prussian troops gather in the Netherlands and Austrian troops arrive to reinforce Luxemburg Belgium is in disarray. The reconquest begins on July 27th with a decisive Austrian victory under Albert Casimir over a rebel militia made up of some five thousand men and 30 cannons and the concurrent occupation of Liege by Prussian forces under Friedrich Adolf von Kalckreuth. The rest of the Austrian and Prussian campaign is largely unimpeded, with Namur taken by their combined forces on September 23rd, and Brussels surrendering on October 2nd.
After the initial successes in Belgium the rulers of Austria and Prussia, concerned by the situation in Paris, issue a declaration on September 19th indicating their intention to restore King Louis XIV to his full pre-revolutionary powers. The declaration sends a shockwave through Paris, where it is taken as a declaration of war. The King and the royal family are believed to be complicit in the actions of the foreign monarchs, and a mob storms the Tuileries Palace. The National Guard has to step in to save the King and his family, but by taking the side of the royals against the people the Guard loses much of its popularity in the city.
With the mood turning against the King the moderates who have worked to create a constitutional monarchy quickly find themselves out of power. Necker is replaced as First Minister by Jacques Pierre Brissot, who begins preparations for war. Louis XIV is dismayed by the developments, but despite the urging of his brother, the Comte d’Artois, and his wife Marie Antoinette he remains resistant to any course that would see him side with foreign powers against France, in part due to the danger to his own life and the lives of his family.
The anti-French coalition cannot be said to be well-coordinated, and the French end up being the ones with the initiative as the Austrians and Prussians are delayed by the situation in Belgium. With surprising speed two French armies, under the commands of François Kellermann and Charles Dumouriez invade the Austrian Netherlands. Two days before Brussels surrenders to the Austrian forces the French win a victory against the Prussian army near Charleroi. The Prussians appear to be unprepared for the conflict, having set up winter quarters in the city expecting no further action until the spring. The French artillery decimates the hastily assembled Prussian ranks, and the remaining Prussian force withdraws first to Namur, and then to Liege. Facing a French army nearly twice his number, Albert Casimir remains on the defensive, hoping that the Prussians are able to regroup or that additional forces can be gathered over the winter.
In the south, the coalition is delayed by the Sardinian attempts to raise more troops for the war. Despite the Austrians providing the bulk of the forces, the Sardinians spend months trying to round up additional soldiers, a task that proves difficult given the short time and the lack of sophistication in the Sardinian military organization. Despite this, when time comes to march across the Alps, the Sardinians send only a small fraction of their force to join the Austrians. The goal is to link up with the Spanish in southern France, and so the Austrian-Savoyard forces move from Chambery to Valence. The French resistance is minor so far, although substantial French forces hold Lyon and Marseille.
The Spanish, for their part, march across the French border to Perpignan and Bayonne and then fortify their positions there. Both in the east and the west there is minor fighting between the Spanish and the French, but no major engagements take place. Having secured the two main routes across the Pyrenees the Spanish appear to be entirely content to let the rest of the coalition do the actual fighting.
The British are perhaps the most successful of the coalition partners. The British blockade of the northern coast of France is moderately effective, and it forces most ships to divert to France’s western ports, such as Brest and Bordeaux. The landing at Calais by a small force under William Howe is a resounding success, although the force remains in the city through the winter, without making any further progress against the French.
The year may thus have ended on a down note for the coalition if not for the deteriorating situation in Paris. In order to raise more troops for the war the National Assembly authorizes conscription of thirty thousand additional soldiers from across the country. In many parts of the country the military service is seen as a patriotic duty, but in the Vendee, where there was previously significant resistance to the anti-clerical direction of the country, the conscription order is too much. Peasants organize militias to oppose the National Assembly and to fight for their King and their Church.
In Paris, news of the revolt in the Vendee, as well as the apparent coalition successes in Calais and Valence, prompts panic. It is widely believed that the King is working with Louis Joseph de Bourbon, Prince de Condé, and other émigrés to undermine the country. Against the wishes of Jacques Pierre Brissot the more radical members of the National Assembly vote to provisionally suspend the King. This move prompts discussion about a trial for the King and for Marie Antoinette for colluding with foreign powers to undermine France.
The day before Christmas the King and the royal family escape Paris, having disguised themselves as servants. Loyal royalist officers and soldiers guide the King to Montmedy, where General Bouillé is in command of a force of roughly ten thousand troops. Bouillé’s forces, made up largely of Swiss and German mercenaries, are believed to be loyal to the King. From Montmedy the King issues a proclamation in support of the Austrian and Prussian attempts to restore him to power. Days later, Charles-François du Périer Dumouriez, commander of one of the two French armies in the Netherlands, pledges his support to the King. As the year ends, it is entirely unclear whether other officers will follow that example or chose to remain loyal to the National Assembly in Paris.
Great Britain Great Power (score: 45) Maxwell500 France Great Power (score: 40) Shynka Russia Great Power (score: 26) Sneakyflaps Austria Great Power (score: 19) Frymonmon Spain Great Power (score: 19) Harpsichord Ottomans Secondary Power (score: 14) XVG USA Secondary Power (score: 10) Stormbringer Prussia Secondary Power (score: 10) MastahCheef117 Netherlands Secondary Power (score: 8) DutchGuy Naples Secondary Power (score: 7) Sardinia Minor Power (score: 7) Cloud Strife Sweden Minor Power (score: 6) Korona Portugal Minor Power (score: 6) Terraferma Poland Minor Power (score: 5) aedan777 Venice Minor Power (score: 4) Spitfire5793 Denmark Minor Power (score: 4) baboushreturns Bavaria Minor Power (score: 3) Saxony Minor Power (score: 3)
Maratha Minor Power (score: 11) Dadarian Afghanistan Minor Power (score: 5) Ranger900 Persia Minor Power (score: 3) Arrowfiend
Great Britain
Tier : Great Power (score: 45)
Government : Limited Constitutional Monarchy
Ideology : Conservative
Population : 16.997 m.
Economy : £ 2,339 m.
Industry : £ 79 m.
Trade : £ 217 m.
Infrastructure : Good (0/5)
Administration : Good (0/5)
Education : Adequate (2/5)
Plurality : 7.9%
Militancy : 0.0%
Social reforms : None
Technology : Army (1), Navy* (2), Commerce (2), Culture (0), Industry (2)
Player : Maxwell500
Income : £ 181 m.
Expenses : £ 323 m.
Treasury : £ -1,357 m.
Army quality : Adequate (3/5)
38 infantry and 12 cavalry regiments, 20 artillery batteries
5 engineer and 0 irregular units
Navy quality : Good (1/5)
95 ships of the line [+10 ships of the line in 1791]
127 frigates and 75 smaller ships [+20 frigates in 1791]
Manpower : 0.077 m.
British North America
Population : 0.583 m.
Economy : £ 50 m.
Income : £ 1 m.
Military Garrison :
0 colonial and 1 local regiments
Naval Squadron :
0 ships of the line
6 frigates and 4 smaller ships
British Caribbean
Population : 0.725 m.
Economy : £ 45 m.
Income : £ 3 m.
Military Garrison :
0 colonial and 2 local regiments
Naval Squadron :
0 ships of the line
2 frigates and 5 smaller ships
British West Africa
Population : 0.158 m. [including natives]
Economy : £ 6 m.
Income : £ 0 m.
Military Garrison :
0 colonial and 0 local regiments
Naval Squadron :
0 ships of the line
0 frigates and 2 smaller ships
British East India Company
Population : 47.976 m.
Economy : £ 2,599 m.
Income : £ 89 m. [total BEIC income]
Military Garrison :
4 colonial and 12 local regiments
Naval Squadron :
0 ships of the line
2 frigates and 7 smaller ships
British Australia
Population : 0.008 m.
Economy : £ 1 m.
Income : £ 0 m.
Military Garrison :
0 colonial and 0 local regiments
Naval Squadron :
0 ships of the line
0 frigates and 1 smaller ships
France
Tier : Great Power (score: 40)
Government : Limited Constitutional Monarchy
Ideology : Liberal
Population : 27.428 m.
Economy : £ 2,966 m.
Industry : £ 52 m.
Trade : £ 138 m.
Infrastructure : Adequate (3/5)
Administration : Poor (0/5)
Education : Adequate (2/5)
Plurality : 12.1%
Militancy : 37.3%
Social reforms : None
Technology : Army (1), Navy (1), Commerce (1), Culture* (2), Industry (0)
Player : Shynka
Income : £ 140 m.
Expenses : £ 296 m.
Treasury : £ 88 m. [default on £2,551 m.]
Army quality : Adequate (3/5)
87 infantry and 23 cavalry regiments, 35 artillery batteries
10 engineer and 0 irregular units
Navy quality : Adequate (2/5)
45 ships of the line
40 frigates and 32 smaller ships
Manpower : 0.221 m.
French Caribbean
Population : 0.715 m.
Economy : £ 36 m.
Income : £ 1 m.
Military Garrison
0 colonial and 2 local regiments
Naval Squadron
0 ships of the line
1 frigates and 3 smaller ships
French Africa
Population : 0.430 m. [including natives]
Economy : £ 30 m.
Income : £ 1 m.
Military Garrison
0 colonial and 0 local regiments
Naval Squadron
0 ships of the line
0 frigates and 4 smaller ships
French India
Population : 2.302 m.
Economy : £ 128 m.
Income : £ 3 m.
Military Garrison
3 colonial and 2 local regiments
Naval Squadron
0 ships of the line
0 frigates and 5 smaller ships
Netherlands
Tier : Secondary Power (score: 8)
Government : Absolute Monarchy
Ideology : Conservative
Population : 2.133 m.
Economy : £ 329 m.
Industry : £ 6 m.
Trade : £ 40 m.
Infrastructure : Good (0/5)
Administration : Poor (0/5)
Education : Adequate (2/5)
Plurality : 21.7%
Militancy : 23.7%
Social reforms : None
Technology : Army (1), Navy (1), Commerce* (4), Culture (2), Industry (0)
Player : DutchGuy
Income : £ 32 m.
Expenses : £ 21 m.
Treasury : £ -65 m.
Army quality : Poor (2/5)
4 infantry and 2 cavalry regiments, 2 artillery batteries
1 engineer and 0 irregular units
Navy quality : Poor (2/5)
3 ships of the line
18 frigates and 10 smaller ships
Manpower : 0.006 m.
Dutch Caribbean
Population : 0.145 m.
Economy : £ 9 m.
Income : £ 1 m.
Military Garrison
0 colonial and 0 local regiments
Naval Squadron
0 ships of the line
1 frigates and 2 smaller ships
Dutch West Africa
Population : 0.137 m. [including natives]
Economy : £ 5 m.
Income : £ 0 m.
Military Garrison
0 colonial and 0 local regiments
Naval Squadron
0 ships of the line
0 frigates and 1 smaller ships
Dutch South Africa
Population : 0.321 m. [including natives]
Economy : £ 15 m.
Income : £ 0 m.
Military Garrison
0 colonial and 1 local regiments
Naval Squadron
0 ships of the line
0 frigates and 2 smaller ships
Dutch East India Company
Population : 5.336 m.
Economy : £ 313 m.
Income : £ 18 m. [total VOC income]
Military Garrison
1 colonial and 4 local regiments
Naval Squadron
0 ships of the line
2 frigates and 3 smaller ships
Prussia
Tier : Secondary Power (score: 10)
Government : Absolute Monarchy
Ideology : Conservative
Population : 6.853 m.
Economy : £ 581 m.
Industry : £ 6 m.
Trade : £ 20 m.
Infrastructure : Adequate (2/5)
Administration : Poor (4/5)
Education : Adequate (0/5)
Plurality : 7.5%
Militancy : 2.4%
Social reforms : None
Technology : Army (1), Navy (0), Commerce* (2), Culture (0), Industry (1)
Player : MastahCheef117
Income : £ 33 m.
Expenses : £ 64 m.
Treasury : £ -112 m.
Army quality : Adequate (1/5)
61 infantry and 22 cavalry regiments, 24 artillery batteries [emphasis on horse-drawn artillery]
8 engineer and 0 irregular units
Navy quality : Failing (4/5)
0 ships of the line
2 frigates and 4 smaller ships
Manpower : 0.009 m.
Saxony
Tier : Minor Power (score: 3)
Government : Absolute Monarchy
Ideology : Conservative
Population : 1.555 m.
Economy : £ 172 m.
Industry : £ 2 m.
Trade : £ 6 m.
Infrastructure : Adequate (2/5)
Administration : Poor (3/5)
Education : Poor (2/5)
Plurality : 5.6%
Militancy : 0.0%
Social reforms : None
Technology : Army (1), Navy (0), Commerce* (0), Culture (0), Industry (0)
Player :
Income : £ 8 m.
Expenses : £ 7 m.
Treasury : £ -19 m.
Army quality : Adequate (0/5)
3 infantry and 1 cavalry regiments, 1 artillery batteries
0 engineer and 0 irregular units
Navy quality : N/A
0 ships of the line
0 frigates and 0 smaller ships
Manpower : 0.014 m.
Bavaria
Tier : Minor Power (score: 3)
Government : Absolute Monarchy
Ideology : Conservative
Population : 2.567 m.
Economy : £ 284 m.
Industry : £ 4 m.
Trade : £ 11 m.
Infrastructure : Adequate (3/5)
Administration : Poor (2/5)
Education : Poor (0/5)
Plurality : 5.6%
Militancy : 0.0%
Social reforms : None
Technology : Army (1), Navy (0), Commerce (0), Culture* (0), Industry (0)
Player :
Income : £ 14 m.
Expenses : £ 12 m.
Treasury : £ -68 m.
Army quality : Poor (2/5)
3 infantry and 1 cavalry regiments, 1 artillery batteries
0 engineer and 0 irregular units
Navy quality : N/A
0 ships of the line
0 frigates and 0 smaller ships
Manpower : 0.026 m.
Austria
Tier : Great Power (score: 19)
Government : Absolute Monarchy
Ideology : Conservative
Population : 24.661 m.
Economy : £ 2,075 m.
Industry : £ 20 m.
Trade : £ 68 m.
Infrastructure : Adequate (0/5)
Administration : Poor (1/5) [land survey done]
Education : Poor (4/5)
Plurality : 6.0%
Militancy : 13.1%
Social reforms : None
Technology : Army (1), Navy (0), Commerce (0), Culture* (1), Industry (0)
Player : Frymonmon
Income : £ 119 m.
Expenses : £ 160 m.
Treasury : £ -584 m.
Army quality : Adequate (0/5)
87 infantry and 35 cavalry regiments, 32 artillery batteries
10 engineer and 0 irregular units
Navy quality : Poor (0/5)
0 ships of the line
3 frigates and 5 smaller ships
Manpower : 0.151 m.
Sardinia
Tier : Minor Power (score: 7)
Government : Absolute Monarchy
Ideology : Conservative
Population : 2.697 m.
Economy : £ 307 m.
Industry : £ 4 m.
Trade : £ 11 m.
Infrastructure : Adequate (0/5)
Administration : Adequate (0/5)
Education : Poor (3/5)
Plurality : 6.0%
Militancy : 0.0%
Social reforms : None
Technology : Army (0), Navy (0), Commerce* (1), Culture (2), Industry (0)
Player : Cloud Strife
Income : £ 16 m.
Expenses : £ 20 m.
Treasury : £ -36 m.
Army quality : Poor (4/5)
17 infantry and 5 cavalry regiments, 6 artillery batteries
0 engineer and 0 irregular units
Navy quality : Poor (0/5)
0 ships of the line
1 frigates and 4 smaller ships
Manpower : 0.005 m.
Naples
Tier : Secondary Power (score: 7)
Government : Absolute Monarchy
Ideology : Conservative
Population : 5.051 m.
Economy : £ 579 m.
Industry : £ 6 m.
Trade : £ 17 m.
Infrastructure : Poor (2/5)
Administration : Poor (3/5)
Education : Poor (0/5)
Plurality : 5.6%
Militancy : 0.0%
Social reforms : None
Technology : Army (0), Navy (0), Commerce* (0), Culture (2), Industry (0)
Player :
Income : £ 27 m.
Expenses : £ 22 m.
Treasury : £ -135 m.
Army quality : Poor (2/5)
5 infantry and 1 cavalry regiments, 2 artillery batteries
1 engineer and 0 irregular units
Navy quality : Poor (0/5)
4 ships of the line
5 frigates and 3 smaller ships
Manpower : 0.050 m.
Venice
Tier : Minor Power (score: 4)
Government : Limited Democracy
Ideology : Liberal
Population : 2.782 m.
Economy : £ 295 m.
Industry : £ 3 m.
Trade : £ 13 m.
Infrastructure : Poor (3/5)
Administration : Adequate (1/5)
Education : Poor (2/5)
Plurality : 11.3%
Militancy : 4.1% [liberal insurrection]
Social reforms : None
Technology : Army (0), Navy (0), Commerce* (1), Culture (0), Industry (0)
Player : Spitfire5793
Income : £ 13 m.
Expenses : £ 12 m.
Treasury : £ -73 m.
Army quality : Poor (0/5)
2 infantry and 0 cavalry regiments, 1 artillery batteries
0 engineer and 0 irregular units
Navy quality : Poor (2/5)
8 ships of the line
5 frigates and 7 smaller ships
Manpower : 0.023 m.
Spain
Tier : Great Power (score: 19)
Government : Absolute Monarchy
Ideology : Liberal
Population : 11.669 m.
Economy : £ 1,229 m.
Industry : £ 16 m.
Trade : £ 47 m.
Infrastructure : Adequate (3/5)
Administration : Good (0/5)
Education : Poor (3/5)
Plurality : 5.6%
Militancy : 0.0%
Social reforms : None
Technology : Army (0), Navy* (2), Commerce (0), Culture (0), Industry (0)
Player : Harpsichord
Income : £ 76 m.
Expenses : £ 111 m.
Treasury : £ -369 m.
Army quality : Adequate (2/5)
23 infantry and 8 cavalry regiments, 10 artillery batteries
3 engineer and 0 irregular units
Navy quality : Adequate (4/5)
37 ships of the line
40 frigates and 30 smaller ships
Manpower : 0.062 m.
Spanish Caribbean
Population : 0.958 m.
Economy : £ 64 m.
Income : £ 1 m.
Military Garrison
0 colonial and 2 local regiments
Naval Squadron
0 ships of the line
2 frigates and 4 smaller ships
New Spain
Population : 7.091 m.
Economy : £ 480 m.
Income : £ 1 m.
Military Garrison
0 colonial and 5 local regiments
Naval Squadron
0 ships of the line
1 frigates and 3 smaller ships
Spanish South America
Population : 5.687 m.
Economy : £ 347 m.
Income : £ 1 m.
Military Garrison
0 colonial and 4 local regiments
Naval Squadron
0 ships of the line
0 frigates and 4 smaller ships
Spanish Philippines
Population : 1.724 m.
Economy : £ 100 m.
Income : £ 0 m.
Military Garrison
0 colonial and 2 local regiments
Naval Squadron
0 ships of the line
0 frigates and 5 smaller ships
Portugal
Tier : Minor Power (score: 6)
Government : Absolute Monarchy
Ideology : Conservative
Population : 2.922 m.
Economy : £ 298 m.
Industry : £ 3 m.
Trade : £ 14 m.
Infrastructure : Adequate (0/5)
Administration : Poor (2/5)
Education : Poor (3/5)
Plurality : 6.0%
Militancy : 0.0%
Social reforms : None
Technology : Army (0), Navy (0), Commerce* (1), Culture (1), Industry (0)
Player : Terraferma
Income : £ 22 m.
Expenses : £ 20 m.
Treasury : £ -73 m.
Army quality : Poor (3/5)
2 infantry and 1 cavalry regiments, 1 artillery batteries
0 engineer and 0 irregular units
Navy quality : Adequate (0/5)
10 ships of the line
8 frigates and 12 smaller ships
Manpower : 0.017 m.
Brazil [liberal insurrection]
Population : 3.288 m.
Economy : £ 207 m.
Income : £ 0 m.
Military Garrison
1 colonial and 4 local regiments
Naval Squadron
0 ships of the line
1 frigates and 3 smaller ships
Portuguese Africa
Population : 1.390 m. [including natives]
Economy : £ 64 m.
Income : £ 0 m.
Military Garrison
0 colonial and 2 local regiments
Naval Squadron
0 ships of the line
0 frigates and 2 smaller ships
Portuguese East Indies
Population : 4.503 m. [including natives]
Economy : £ 258 m.
Income : £ 6 m.
Military Garrison
1 colonial and 2 local regiments
Naval Squadron
0 ships of the line
0 frigates and 4 smaller ships
Denmark
Tier : Minor Power (score: 4)
Government : Absolute Monarchy
Ideology : Liberal
Population : 1.779 m.
Economy : £ 134 m.
Industry : £ 1 m.
Trade : £ 6 m.
Infrastructure : Adequate (0/5)
Administration : Poor (0/5)
Education : Poor (4/5)
Plurality : 6.8%
Militancy : 2.3%
Social reforms : None
Technology : Army (0), Navy (0), Commerce (0), Culture* (1), Industry (0)
Player : baboushreturns
Income : £ 7 m.
Expenses : £ 16 m.
Treasury : £ -36 m.
Army quality : Poor (3/5)
2 infantry and 0 cavalry regiments, 1 artillery batteries
0 engineer and 0 Cossack units
Navy quality : Adequate (3/5)
12 ships of the line [+3 ships of the line in 1791]
10 frigates and 18 smaller ships
Manpower : 0.006 m.
Danish Caribbean
Population : 0.029 m.
Economy : £ 2 m.
Income : £ 0 m.
Military Garrison
0 colonial and 0 local regiments
Naval Squadron
0 ships of the line
0 frigates and 1 smaller ships
Danish Africa
Population : 0.137 m. [including natives]
Economy : £ 5 m.
Income : £ 0 m.
Military Garrison
0 colonial and 0 local regiments
Naval Squadron
0 ships of the line
0 frigates and 1 smaller ships
Danish India
Population : 0.575 m.
Economy : £ 32 m.
Income : £ 1 m.
Military Garrison
0 colonial and 0 local regiments
Naval Squadron
0 ships of the line
0 frigates and 2 smaller ships
Sweden
Tier : Minor Power (score: 6)
Government : Absolute Monarchy
Ideology : Conservative
Population : 3.261 m.
Economy : £ 325 m.
Industry : £ 3 m.
Trade : £ 13 m.
Infrastructure : Poor (2/5)
Administration : Adequate (4/5)
Education : Adequate (0/5)
Plurality : 3.1%
Militancy : 0.0%
Social reforms : None
Technology : Army (0), Navy (0), Commerce (1), Culture* (0), Industry (0)
Player : Korona
Income : £ 17 m.
Expenses : £ 17 m.
Treasury : £ -40 m.
Army quality : Adequate (2/5)
7 infantry and 2 cavalry regiments, 3 artillery batteries
1 engineer and 0 Cossack units
Navy quality : Poor (4/5)
7 ships of the line
12 frigates and 8 smaller ships
Manpower : 0.019 m.
Swedish Caribbean
Population : 0.014 m.
Economy : £ 1 m.
Income : £ 0 m.
Military Garrison
0 colonial and 0 local regiments
Naval Squadron
0 ships of the line
0 frigates and 1 smaller ships
Poland
Tier : Minor Power (score: 5)
Government : Limited Constitutional Monarchy [Great Sejm ongoing]
Ideology : Liberal
Population : 9.691 m.
Economy : £ 632 m.
Industry : £ 4 m.
Trade : £ 13 m.
Infrastructure : Poor (0/5)
Administration : Poor (3/5) [+1 at the end of the Great Sejm]
Education : Poor (3/5)
Plurality : 8.5%
Militancy : 2.0%
Social reforms : None
Technology : Army (0), Navy (0), Commerce (0), Culture* (1), Industry (0)
Player : aedan777
Income : £ 24 m.
Expenses : £ 29 m.
Treasury : £ -164 m.
Army quality : Poor (1/5) [patriotic officers corps]
20 infantry and 6 cavalry regiments, 4 artillery batteries
2 engineer and 0 Cossack units
Navy quality : Failing (2/5)
0 ships of the line
0 frigates and 2 smaller ships
Manpower : 0.089 m.
Russia
Tier : Great Power (score: 26)
Government : Absolute Monarchy
Ideology : Reactionary
Population : 30.785 m.
Economy : £ 2,097 m.
Industry : £ 14 m.
Trade : £ 43 m.
Infrastructure : Poor (2/5)
Administration : Adequate (2/5)
Education : Poor (2/5)
Plurality : 2.5%
Militancy : 0.0%
Social reforms : None
Technology : Army (2), Navy (1), Commerce (1), Culture* (2), Industry (0)
Player : Sneakyflaps
Income : £ 140 m.
Expenses : £ 214 m.
Treasury : £ -460 m.
Army quality : Good (0/5)
158 infantry and 25 cavalry regiments, 102 artillery batteries
12 engineer and 83 Cossack units
Navy quality : Adequate (3/5)
45 ships of the line
25 frigates and 27 smaller ships
Manpower : 0.272 m.
Russian North America
Population : 0.174 m. [including natives]
Economy : £ 12 m.
Income : £ 0 m.
Military Garrison
0 colonial and 0 local regiments
Naval Squadron
0 ships of the line
0 frigates and 0 smaller ships
Ottomans
Tier : Secondary Power (score: 14)
Government : Absolute Monarchy
Ideology : Conservative
Population : 28.216 m.
Economy : £ 1,760 m.
Industry : £ 10 m.
Trade : £ 35 m.
Infrastructure : Poor (2/5)
Administration : Adequate (1/5)
Education : Poor (0/5)
Plurality : 2.5%
Militancy : 0.0%
Social reforms : None
Technology : Army (0), Navy (0), Commerce (0), Culture* (0), Industry (0)
Player : XVG
Income : £ 81 m.
Expenses : £ 82 m.
Treasury : £ -115 m.
Army quality : Poor (3/5)
60 infantry and 20 cavalry regiments, 24 artillery batteries
5 engineer and 53 sekban units
Navy quality : Adequate (0/5)
20 ships of the line
32 frigates and 17 smaller ships
Manpower : 0.176 m.
Persia
Tier : Minor Power (score: 3)
Government : Absolute Monarchy
Ideology : Conservative
Population : 6.141 m.
Economy : £ 370 m.
Industry : £ 1 m.
Trade : £ 5 m.
Infrastructure : Poor (1/5)
Administration : Poor (3/5)
Education : Failing (3/5)
Plurality : 2.5%
Militancy : 0.0%
Social reforms : None
Technology : Army (0), Navy (0), Commerce* (0), Culture (0), Industry (0)
Player : Arrowfiend
Income : £ 6 m.
Expenses : £ 5 m.
Treasury : £ 12 m.
Army quality : Failing (4/5)
5 infantry and 4 cavalry regiments, 1 artillery batteries
0 engineer and 6 irregular units
Navy quality : Failing (3/5)
0 ships of the line
0 frigates and 2 smaller ships
Manpower : 0.059 m.
Afghanistan
Tier : Minor Power (score: 5)
Government : Absolute Monarchy
Ideology : Conservative
Population : 13.847 m.
Economy : £ 772 m.
Industry : £ 2 m.
Trade : £ 8 m.
Infrastructure : Failing (3/5)
Administration : Poor (3/5)
Education : Failing (2/5)
Plurality : 2.5%
Militancy : 0.0%
Social reforms : None
Technology : Army (1), Navy (0), Commerce* (0), Culture (0), Industry (0)
Player : Ranger900
Income : £ 13 m.
Expenses : £ 12 m.
Treasury : £ 23 m.
Army quality : Poor (3/5)
10 infantry and 7 cavalry regiments, 0 artillery batteries
0 engineer and 8 irregular units
Navy quality : N/A
0 ships of the line
0 frigates and 0 smaller ships
Manpower : 0.149 m.
Maratha
Tier : Minor Power (score: 11)
Government : Absolute Monarchy
Ideology : Conservative
Population : 71.362 m.
Economy : £ 3,978 m.
Industry : £ 14 m.
Trade : £ 46 m.
Infrastructure : Poor (0/5)
Administration : Poor (1/5)
Education : Failing (3/5)
Plurality : 2.5%
Militancy : 0.9%
USA
Tier : Secondary Power (score: 10)
Government : Democracy [next election 1792]
Ideology : Liberal
Population : 5.706 m.
Economy : £ 566 m.
Industry : £ 9 m.
Trade : £ 30 m.
Infrastructure : Adequate (0/5)
Administration : Adequate (4/5)
Education : Adequate (2/5)
Plurality : 20.9%
Militancy : 0.6%
Social reforms : None
Technology : Army (1), Navy (1), Commerce* (2), Culture (0), Industry (1)
Player : Stormbringer
Income : £ 27 m.
Expenses : £ 28 m.
Treasury : £ 9 m.
Army quality : Adequate (2/5)
10 infantry and 2 cavalry regiments, 4 artillery batteries
1 engineer and 0 irregular units
Navy quality : Adequate (3/5)
0 ships of the line
12 frigates and 7 smaller ships
Manpower : 0.061 m.
Social reforms : None
Technology : Army (0), Navy (0), Commerce* (0), Culture (0), Industry (0)
Player : Dadarian
Income : £ 66 m.
Expenses : £ 27 m.
Treasury : £ 170 m.
Army quality : Poor (0/5)
23 infantry and 7 cavalry regiments, 2 artillery batteries
0 engineer and 45 irregular units
Navy quality : Failing (2/5)
0 ships of the line
0 frigates and 3 smaller ships
Manpower : 0.102 m.
Notes:
I made some changes to the way manpower is calculated. If something looks very strange, let me know.
Maximum level of technology: 5.
Railroads require industrial technology level 5.
Steamboats require naval technology level 5.
