Noco19

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GM Note: Shebedaone and Dadarian are accepted as civilizations.

Reminder that orders are due August the 12th.
 

Dadarian

King of Queen's
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The Burial City of Hunya
By: Devid Etsegekh
Whereas the majority of cities during this age, particularly in the Middle East and China, originated in the confluence of rivers and were derived from overfed farmers and an emergent commercial class, the settlement of Hunya was unique in that it was developed not from farmers and commerce, but shepherds and religion. This is due to Hunya being a long held watering ground for pastoralists, summering near the lake. These pastoralists, when they past, were buried there in fanciful ceremonies, where pithouses (akin to those used in every day life for the pastoralists) were utilised as rough tombs where the dearly departed could be laid to rest alongside belongings for their trip into the ski. This was unique for steppe cultures, due to sky burial being a much more common ceremony to be seen due to the lack resources needed in the process. It is hypothesised that the pithouse ceremony began with individuals simply dying and then buried in their homes by superstitious family members who did not want to inherit the property and soon left.

This developed a permanent priestly caste which engaged with and maintained the ever expanding tomb city, which created a core group necessary for permanent settlement. This grew slowly over the generations until a legitimate population lived within the city year round. Although the concept of citizenship did not exist (due to the lack of other cities in which to play political dynamics off of), the city became an important resting stop between the mountains and the steppes....
 

Scrapknight

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Take A Look Inside A Book

Emerging Iron Age Illyria was a melting pot of cultures from across Europe and Western Asia. From the West came Celtic and proto-Celtic tribes pushed out by local conflicts. From the south came Corinthian merchants and exiled losers of political struggles. And from the East came some brave Cimmerians migrating west as they were displaced by Scythians, as well as scattered refugees from the hundreds of years of war churning through the Middle Eastern empires. Since Illyria was rich, fertile, secure, and not tightly controlled by a centralized political entity, it was very attractive to migratory peoples from across the region, who banded together with like-minded others in the coastal city-states. Over time, native Illyrian peoples, who also spoke a variety of dialects, intermixed with all of these. To be Illyrian in this period was to be of a place, or a city, rather than to speak a language, follow a cultural practice or look a certain way. This bred primitive religious and cultural tolerance in the city-states, largely out of necessity, but also brought great confusion. Confusion, in turn, brought opportunities for resourceful citizens to make good.

Out of the preisthood of Grisnik, the hermaphroditic star-god, rose an increasingly powerful class of translator-scribes, who made it their business to learn the languages of the wide variety of peoples in Illyria and proffer their services to help facilitate governing and commerce. The upper classes largely either spoke the local dialect of Ancient Illyrian or Corinthian Greek, which was a prestige language used frequently in trade, but both the lower classes and emerging middle classes spoke a dizzying variety of languages that often intermixed, and the translator-scribes quickly found themselves indispensible. Powerful lords might have slaves they could not give orders to; aspiring middle-class merchants might find they needed to conduct a business transaction in an unfamiliar tongue. Being able to speak at least a few words in a "vulgar tongue," as they were called in the period, was quite useful to all but the highest of the high classes. This, in turn, led to a blossoming of literature and libraries...​
 

XVG

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The foundation of Khart’Thinith – the mythological and historical narratives
A lucky discovery of a set of clay tablets from an ancient shipwreck dating to the 7th century BCE off the coast of Cyprus has shredded further light to the mystery of a crucial tale of Kinanan mythology. An epic detailing the mythology of the seas, a tale of Yam and his children and ultimately of the foundation of the most important Kinanan colony on the Mediterranean, Khart’Thnith or Qarthini. Previously only fragments of the founding myth of Qarthini had been found, but the recent discovery has now enabled researches to fill in the voids. A full translation of the text has already been provided, but a synopsis of it will also be presented here, and compared to its historical context and details that have surfaced in complementary and previous archeological and historical studies. Khart’Thinith in the Kinanan language simply means the City of Thinith. Then who was Thinith? According to already known fragments of the epic, a daughter of the trader god Makhar, who himself was the son of the great Kinanan sea deity Yam and the fire goddess of chaos Ishat. Several archeological findings from North Africa, Cyprus, Sardinian and of course the core region of Kinana itself have already made references to the mythical character, but previously her full identity had been shrouded in mystery. Passages from the recently found tablets tell us the full saga behind the foundation of her abode.

Makhar, who was greatly disappointed in failing to find a bride from his father’s undersea domain, was told by Yam to find a bride from the land, from amongst mortals. Makhar was of course angered; the other children of Yam had received heavenly brides, goddesses or demigoddesses. And seemingly, because his father had never trusted the scheming merchant, the fate of Makhar would be to find himself a mortal woman. But the pride of Makhar was high, he would only be content with the most beautiful maiden in all of Kinana, and thus he travelled to counsel with the chief servant of the gods on earth, Hirram the king of Yamud. At first Makhar demanded a daughter from Hirram, but the king hesitated. He had his daughters presented to the god in the middle of the night, their hair messy and eyes tired. Of course the god rejected them. Who was the fairest maiden in Kinana then? Šamma, the daughter of the king of Birruš, told Hirram. But Hirram had insincere intentions. He knew Šamma was to wed the new young king of Šurrum, the chief rival of Yamud. That was something the king of Yamud couldn’t stand; an alliance between Šurrum and Birruš could have undermined the power of Yamud. Makhar travelled to Birruš, abducted the princess and then brought her to Thamut, in order to present his bride to Yam. But Yam, unlike Makhar had expected, was furious. His son had meddled himself in the affairs of the mortals, and committed a grave crime. Although it pained Yam greatly, he had to expel Makhar from his realm for eternity.

Makhar, despite of being in such grim and stern way humiliated, couldn’t just accept it so easily. He argued for days with Yam, and eventually Ishat was able to convince Yam to show meagre leniency to his son, who despite of his mistakes was an able and skilled man. Thus, after a heavy worded reprimanding Yam dispatched Makhar and Šamma to a faraway land, the land of Affar or dust, from which the whole word for the geographic landmass of Africa was to also originate. Their task was to turn the desolate and void space into a prosperous country that might provide plentiful goods to the servants of Yam in Kinana proper. Yet unlike Kinana, rife with disputes between kings, princes and elders, this new land was to be one of peace, to be ruled over by a higher morale, higher laws and a higher judge. This was to be a part of Makhar’s punishment, the second part was that he was to be an equal with his mortal queen. Makhar and Šamma ruled over the land benevolently, slowly crafting it to their liking, creating gardens and fields, bays and ridges, deserts and oases. Eventually Šamma gave birth to a child, a daughter Thinith. She was raised by the pair to become a great judgess of the land of Affar, an arbiter between rivals and a mediator between completers. A great throne-shaped stone close to the Mediterranean coast was sculpted as the throne of Rabbat Thinith, eventually becoming the site of the colony of Khart’Thinith, and the location of the main cult sites of the demigoddess.

While obviously a large part of the above summarized mythology can be dismissed as simply religious tales and an epic adventure story typical to Kinanan mythology and literature, a few important hints regarding the foundation of Qarthini are provided on its lines. Firstly, the mention of the disputes between Yamud and Šurrum indicate that the colony in North Africa might have been initially founded due to a trade dispute or a discontented faction. Certainly, there was disgruntlement in both city-states. Likely reasons for exile include disagreements with the ruling kings, amongst merchant families or in the case of Yamud over clan-feuds due to various citizens of the sprawling town originating from a diverse stock of peoples. Secondly, the nature of Thinith as a matron of harmony and unity strongly indicates that the early colonizers were keen to welcome arriving settlers from other Kinanan states, aspiring to co-operate and help each other in the lands separated from the disagreement-ridden and politically fragmented Kinana by the vast Mediterranean Sea. Indeed, already in the immediate centuries after its founding, Qarthini became a Kinanan power of its own, and the openness of its trader society promoted an even more democratic and harmonious government that that of Šurrum. The path was set for the city of the Great Judgess to prosper, at least as long as her values of law, harmony and trading were respected.
 
Last edited:

Shebedaone

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The Kingdom of the White Elephant
By Plaek Phibunsongkhram,Professor of South East Asian History

ThaiKh.jpg

Tai soldiers razing the Ancient Mon Khmer city of Wainnaw to the ground


The Tai were originally a people from China where they were a vassal chiefdom to the State of Chu somewhere in the 8th century BCE to the 7th century BCE a large number of Tai began to migrate to Southeast Asia initially settling in regions under Khmer rule.The Khmer expelled most of the Tai from their realm in the 7th century BCE most of the Tai fled to Siam or further west to Burma.The Tai in Siam founded many cities from which several kingdoms emerged the two major ones being Yài Prà-tâyt Châat a large but disorganised confederation of Tai tribes and Prà-tâyt Tai a formidable kingdom founded by the third son of the last chief of the Tai in the State of Chu.Prà-tâyt Tai would eventually come up on top uniting most of the Tai chiefdoms along the Chao Phraya. Siam however was largely still under the control of the native Mon-Khmer kingdoms who each despised Prà-tâyt Tai.The Mon-Khmer Coalition marched on the Chao Phraya taking city after city but were ambushed outside the town of Ban Phainulok by a large Tai army who massacred the entire army.In the Indian scribe Adityavarman's account he describes the massacre as such "So many passed on that day that the Chau Rayaa turned red and only turned (back) to its natural state after ten decades". This battle marks the beginning of the subjugation and conquest campaigns of the Màhìton's of Prà-tâyt Tai against the Mon-Khmer kingdoms.
 

MastahCheef117

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The Epic of King Mursil of the Hittites
an excerpt from the chapter from "At the Dawn of Civilization: Tales and Legends of the Ancient World", Dr. Robert Guildford, 2010
The finest, most well-documented, and perhaps most indicative -- of societal, religious, and political norms -- of Hittite stories is known simply as the "Epic of King Mursil of the Hittites". The semi-biographical tale starts in 811 BC at the succession of Mursil IV to the throne at the age of 19 and chronicles, roughly speaking, his reign, until his death in 762 BC. Today Mursil is recognized as the founder of the Neo-Hittite Empire and as a ruler of great consequence from that period and region of the world. He greatly expanded the Empire's borders through military conquest and diplomatic savvy, and centralized authority and power in the Empire around the person of the king. He accrued great riches for himself and those vassals and lords that proved worthy, and sought to improve the development of the Empire through great building projects, including dams, large granaries, and great temples dedicated to the gods, particularly to his patron god Tahanna, god of storms and the weather. The earliest known exemplars of the Epic are dated to about 759 BC, just three years after his death.

The Epic of Mursil acts as a fascinating eye into Neo-Hittite literature, while also helping to serve as a cornerstone of legitimacy for the up-and-coming Hittite ruler. The epic is riddled with references to the blessings and favor of the Hittite gods, the most important and frequently-mentioned of whom is none other than Tahanna, as well as encounters with magical beasts and, in one adventure, a demon. Of particular note is the well-known chapter entitled "The Birth of Prince Tudhalilah", in which Mursil, at his wife's side as she gives birth to the future crown prince and king, experiences a series of dreams or illuminations. The author (who remains unknown to us today) relates that these dreams lasted "years upon years" -- though the exact extent is unknown -- though only several moments passed in the real world. In these dreams or visions Mursil saw his greatest conquests, his death with his son at his side, and the glories and victories of his own son's reign. Following his son's reign he experienced several visions of future Hittite kings as the Empire continued to grow in prosperity and strength, stagnate, and then proceed to decline. The Epic then continues as Mursil encounters an angel, "sent by the word of gods and at the command of Tahanna", to read a prophecy to the king: "The King of the Hittites shall know no peace, for he shall be content in his conquests and challenged by none; the sons of the King of the Hittites shall know no peace, for they shall be beset on all sides, and driven forth, and crushed, and conquered." It is claimed that this prophecy, and the vision he experienced witnessing the fall of his own empire in the future, drove him to conquer as much of the world as he could before his death, to prevent the collapse of his kingdom from foreign invasion. It goes without saying that these conquests, and the efforts Mursil made to secure them, were, in that regard, in vain.
 

Arrowfiend

Shoot 'em with the pointy end
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pJtLtKQ.png

The Polyphemians

As Greece entered its golden age of philosophy, many different trains of thought emerged among the thinkers of the time. Some could be considered like schools, the students and followers of the Corinthian philosopher Cecres being the most prominent, while others were more cult-like. One of the most famous (or infamous) groups were the followers of Cult of Polyphemus, also called "Polyphemians." Distinguished by their tendency to blind themselves in one eye in order to imitate their namesake Polyphemus, the Polyphemians were an order of poets, storytellers, and soothsayers. Much of the written material from the era about the Polyphemians comes from the Polyphemians themselves, who made use of the Greek script to record various information, such as the order's affairs or their many stories.

Although most modern information about them is gleamed from their role as poets, in Ancient Corinth, it was their role as soothsayers that made them famous. The first Corinthian tyrant, Erechtheus, is said to have consulted with the leader of the Polyphemians, the Kyklopios, which inspired the tyrant to overthrow the Bacchiadae clan. Many Corinthian rulers afterwards would consult the Kyklopios before making major decisions, hoping that the sea god's son Polyphemus would ascertain their fate. Indeed, it was the council of the Kyklopios that led the 6th century Corinthian tyrant Periander to...
 

Fingon888

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Apocalyptic Art in the 6th Century BC Gamir
Beginning around 630 BCE in Stakhr the murals that have been found in Gamirri noble and royal ruins begin to change. They retained their Assyrian influences but no longer were primarily concerned with the glory of the Gamirri horse lords or the legendary conquest and sacking of Orartu. The roughly twenty mural fragments that have been found in the period between 630 BCE and 540 BCE are known for their portrayals of doom and destruction, often by natural or supernatural forces. The most common element of the mural that is interesting is the proliferation of dead horses, usually killed by arrows or bearing signs of disease. Another common motif seen in five of the mural fragments is what appears to be a rudimentary representation of a fire storm. The licks of fire outside of the tornado confirm these five instances as being fire storms, but there are at least four representations of tornadoes that may have been meant to portray a firestorm as there is evidence they had been colored originally.

The classic view of this art tradition and movement by historians is that it is evidence of a growing sense of being encircled by massive enemies to the south and the west, namely the Elamites and Hittites. The Gamirri policy of peace seemed to be threatened by the expansionist conquests of their neighboring states. The quick conquest of the Luwians to the west and the once mighty Chaldean kingdom to the south seemed to have racked the Gamirri leadership with worry. The response of the once mighty warrior people seems rather spectacular compared to the daring conquest of the region by their ancestors, but this may be reflective of the slow movement of the Gamirri nobility towards civilized and aristocratic life styles.

- Excerpt from The Kingdom of the Steppe Nomads: The History of Gamir by Roger L. Franklin
 
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BlackCrown

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A Unified Government?

As Korean settlers spread throughout the Jomon Islands, their ideas became more and more rooted into society. One of these foreign ideas was that of a unified government, one which would help the various tribes prosper. The tribes, having always operated under one national identity, welcomed the idea, but were unaware as how to execute its formation. Thus, in 596 B.C. the tribes called for a Shibukai, a council of chiefs normally reserved for emergencies, within the central island of Honshu, hoping to create a leadership. Chieftains from all over the archipelago came to the meeting, each bringing their own wants and ambitions, and deliberations lasted for months without any progress. The Chiefs had turned to Kyushu for their future leadership and spent many a week debating the pros and cons of each of the island's chieftains, not even knowing what the government would do. However, leadership was not to come from the prosperous isle, and instead was found in a young chief from Hokkaido. Frustrated with the lack of progress, Chief Jimmu took it upon himself to order the sorry spectacle into something great. Fond of the current state of tribal democracy, Jimmu argued against the policy of a hereditary imperial family, as the Koreans had advocated for, instead promoting the formation of a Grand Chief, elected upon the death of his predecessor by a Shibukai.

This democratic idea was quickly accepted by his fellow leaders, and, as more ideas soon followed, it slowly began to morph into an acceptable form of government. Each of the four main islands, Kyushu, Hokkaido, Honshu, and Shikoku would be overseen by a Tenkai, a Great Chief, with one of the Great Chiefs being elected Shikai, or Grand Chief, who would take the role of leader in a Shibukai. While most affairs would be administered by local chiefs, the government was given certain duties and rights: The ability to create currency, the ability to create and enforce laws, the right to serve as a mediator between intertribe conflicts, and so forth. If any modifications to the government were to be made, a Shibukai would be called and cheiftans were to vote and argue for against the change, this system also applied to any new laws or acts for the government to enact. This system was largely based on ensuring tribal autonomy, and was largely primitive in nature, it is unclear wether or not the system will survive in the coming centuries. Regardless, a vote conducted at the end of the meeting unanimously elected Jimmu to the position of Shikai and Tenkai of Hokkaido, with the three most prominent of the remaining island's chiefs being appointed Tenkai of their respective islands.
 

XVG

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The administration of Šurrum
Yamud remained under the rule of its founding dynasty, serving as absolute monarchs and presiding over both political and religious affairs of the state due to their legitimacy stemming from the mandate given to the priest-kings as the penultimate authority and representatives of Yam Kabr – Yam the Great – in the land of the mortals. However, the rising power of Kinanan south, the mercantile superpower Šurrum slowly developed a substantially different administration, which was quite much in contrast to other Kinanan and preceding states. Yamud had a few political groupings inside and outside its walls, mostly old tribes based on the various peoples, of Semitic and yet unidentified stock who settled the area during and after the reign of the founder king Yam-Ruhib. These groups however always respected the ancient traditions and rulings, and no real challenge was directed against his clan and lineage, even though the tribes often quarreled with each other over political appointments, new land grants or the share of spoils. In southern Šurrum the situation was different, and albeit the population of the city was more homogenous, a political system slowly developed starting in the 9th or 8th century. The city had grown rich due to its proximity to important lumber resources and its location on an island which eased both trade and defence. Most of these riches were however provided by independent actors, not by the king himself. And unlike his counterpart in Yamud, the king of Šurrum had little religious importance, as priesthoods in the city were separate appointed offices. With the rise of these independent mercantile ‘princes’ leading prestigious families the authority of the king of Šurrum slowly waned, forcing him to agree to demands and proposals presented by the oligarchs when they happened to reach a consensus differing from the opinions of the king. Thus the king was eventually forced to create a council and turn the arrangement into an official institution. This formation is often erroneously called a senate, even though a council of elders might be a more fitting term, in the absence of a known Kinanan name for the organ. Its members came from the main oligarchic families, each family that owned in total at least twenty-five trade vessels was allowed to send their eldest member to take part in the sessions. Members were titled softim – judges, and they counselled with the hereditary king – malak. If the softim were unanimously opposed to a decision of the king, they were able to overrule him. Later on their power only grew, and they got to propose new officeholders, decide on diplomatic matters, turning the role of the malak into an increasingly ceremonial role. By the 7th century some segments of the Šurrumian-styled plutocratic oligarchy came to be adopted by the states in its sphere of influence.
 

Noco19

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RMfapvi.png

The Aviyam Revolt

651 - 647 BCE

Beginning in 651 BCE as a sporadic series of assassinations levied against Jesubite merchants of Jersualem, the Aviyam Revolt was a short-lived event, but one which revealed the evolving nature of the power structures of Kinana and marked a new era in the history of the Israelite tribes of Canaan.

Entering into 650 BCE, Aviyam ben Yeho'ahaz had become the central nucleus of the revolt. Though little is known of his origins, it can be determined that Aviyam had risen beyond his years, a youth who commanded respect. Son of Yeho'ahaz, a member of the tribe of Benjamin, it was from these tribesmen that Aviyam first developed his following. Promising an expulsion of the Jesubites from Jerusalem, Aviyam and his prior orchestration of a massacre against Jesubite elders lent him legitimacy, and so many Israelites flocked to his banner.

Mahheralim - often Mahher-Alim (trans: Soldier of El) - was one of the few surviving Jebusite leaders in the aftermath of attacks over the year. Alongside a retinue, Mahheralim took flight from the city to the coastal city of Asdad, then unto Yamud, seeking petition for aid from the great kings of the city. In his absence, Aviyam and his followers inspired far greater numbers than imagined, as numerous tribes swore behind Aviyam, including migrants from the land conquered by Egypt.

Thus, while Mahheralim pleaded by the king in Yamud, Aviyam named himself nasi, or prince, within Jerusalem, having seized the city with an ad-hoc force of Israelite tribesmen. Aviyam would then march on Asdad, frightening the local king into lending support behind a call for reaction.

King Abnrannu (trans: Son of Rannu) would send forth a military force to the south, to oppose what he envisioned to be a petty rebellion grown out of hand. Informed of a Kinanan army by Israelite tribesmen further north, Aviyam would relieve the siege of Asdad and march north in turn.

The first true battle of the Aviyam Revolt and the first of two crucial battles occurred in the Beit She'an Valley, known best by historians as the Battle of Yarmouk. Surprised and unnerved that the influence of Aviyam had reached this far north, the Yamud commander proved poorly in his capacities, allowing himself to be encircled by various tribal bands of Israelites and then promptly slammed with the brunt of Aviyam's center. Surviving records only serve to reinforce the disparity in morale, as it is said that Aviyam shined with divine light, chasing the Kinanans himself with a flaming sword.

By 649 BCE, Aviyam had proved himself a true force to be reckoned with, returning to take Asdad early within the year. Ruling both Jerusalem and Asdad, it was then that Aviyam declared himself king, seeking to revive an Israelite monarchy and in turn all the tribes. Factors developing from this proclamation were not doubt a major detriment to the revolt, as Aviyam had done little to endear himself politically to the tribes and to the other peoples of the region; the Jesubites faced extreme repression, replaced with relatives of Aviyam.

Nevertheless, Aviyam retained his influence throughout the year, with the Yamud King Abnrannu paralyzed with indecision. In desperation, the Jesubite Mahheralim instead travelled to the city of Šurrum, at first seeking aid from its king. Recognizing the weakness of the monarchy, Mahheralim instead made alliance with the council of elders, most notably a judge by the name of Hamalkalet (trans: Brother of the Queen).

Hamalkalet is regarded by all records as a wise statesman, and when presented with the ability to extend the influence of Šurrum, capitalized on the crisis. Organizing a force of local citizens and mercenaries, Hamalkalet is likewise regarded as the patron of an emergent mode of military organization - a unit of heavily-armored spearman which fought with coordination. Quickly assembling this new army, both Hamakalet and Mahheralim saw fit to challenge Aviyam again in open battle.

While this form of organization was novel and with the growing pains of an emergent strategy, it was nevertheless the deciding factor in the decisive defeat inflicted on the Israelites in the Second Battle of Yarmouk in 648 BCE - seemingly a different location, but close enough to be linked to the first battle. While Aviyam directed an arrogant attempt to bluster aside the assembled host, his men fell prey to the stalwart spearmen. It was soonafter apparent that Aviyam and his Israelite allies lacked the military acumen to adapt, and thus were handily defeated. In the aftermath, Aviyam himself was discovered among the dead. The cause of death however is speculated upon, as certain, incomplete records suggest intrigue by rival Israelites, while also romantically reference a final stand by the would-be king.

Within a year, that which Aviyam had erected collapsed. At the head of this emergent army, Hamkalet and Mahheralim oversaw the restoration of order in Asdad and Jerusalem, the former seeing the appointment of a governor from Šurrum, the later seeing the imposition of a harsh Jesubite resurgence. Mahheralim himself took a new name - Gar-Kalat - as a sort of bastardized tribute to his ally, and under his returned control, Jerusalem became staunchly aligned with the city of Šurrum, with Gar-Kalat imposed as king.

The Israelites themselves faced severe backlash, many from the tribe of Benjamin enslaved or outright killed, while others were subject to repression or even expulsion. Tribes poured back into Egypt, stressing the administrations there, while others faded off out east into the deserts, pale imitations of their former numbers and societies. The term levied upon the Israelites - Yawi - became of greater parlance in historic text, representing the total subjugation of these peoples, while other tribes like the Jesubites retained relevance.

In the course of a few years, it was thus seen that Šurrum was a city of immense importance, most especially in the south. And Yamud was a city on the verge of eclipse, its kings lacking the leadership and simple commercial strength to seize back sole prominence. And should such trends continue, it would seem that Šurrum was destined to be the center of Kinana, threatening the imposition of an order not predicated on the priestly reverence afforded to Yam and his kings, but to the power of wealth and oligarchy.

___

GM Note: Decided to put forward our first mini-update; I hope you enjoyed it. I plan on doing these more frequently, as I feel my main updates are getting quite bulky. I may even do another for this turn before the main update - maybe.

Thanks to everyone for getting in orders and IC on time, good to know interest is holding.
 
Last edited:

Noco19

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The World: 650 - 500 BCE

Europe

A radical shift in European climate irrevocably alters the human landscape of the region, as colder and wetter seasons take hold. In Scandinavia, land which once bore grapes, now saw its bronze age cultures forced south unto the mainland, occupying the southern shores of the Scandinavian Peninsula, the Jutland Peninsula, and making contact with the various Celtic cultures in northern Europe. With them, they bring a peculiar faith, centered around a supreme solar deity, with an earth-mother as consort.

The continental Halstatt Culture continues throughout the century and a half, as tribal societies advance around the central nucleii of chieftain rulers and warrior castes. Metal-working becomes prized and alongside this likewise comes a caste of craftsmen, further spreading prosperity across the continent. A network extends from Iberia to Eastern Europe by 500 BCE, sharing similarities in many aspects of culture with regional differences.

One such beneficiary of such trade would be the Illyrians of south-east Europe, who clung to the coast in various villages headed by kings, though still the society remained bound to tribalism especially inland. In their position along the Illyrian Coast, the Illyrians were situated in a melting pot of contact between the Celts, the Greeks, and eventually the Cimmerians.

Especially from the Greek world of culture, the Illyrians adopted readily - tales mirroring the motifs of Greek tragedies, sometimes the stories outright copied, mark the cultural heights of Illyrians in this age. Scribes emerge as an honored caste during this time, whose responsibilities seemingly began to be cultural translators before settling into the role of gate-keepers for knowledge. At the side of kings would thenafter stand scribes, a fixture in the power structures that serves to upset the triad systems of the most developed cities.

In this period of instability, it was quickly learned that outside contact was not always positive. From around 600 BCE to 540 BCE, the Illyrians would be wracked with a wave of migrations from Cimmerian tribes, themselves being ousted by the Scythians. Almost simultaneously, Greek colonists had likewise begun to regard the Illyrian Coast with an appraising eye, their colonies often earning them conflict with Illyrian polities. On the island of Hvar, the Greek city of Pharos was founded by Doric settlers.

The most egregious and notable instance of such overt Greek influence within the Illyrians was the conquering of Daorson. Erected by Daorsi tribe of Illyrians, Daorson had been one of the pinnacle cities on the Illyrian Coast, both for prosperity and Greek influence. As the city waned over the internal conflicts between the triad kings and the scribes, and the external conflicts with migratory Cimmerians, a force of Greeks landed in the city, seizing it in the name of Kynortas in 555 BCE. Of Sparta, Kynortas was an adventurer and thus sought to carve out a realm amid the barbarous Illyrians.

Despite the establishment of a Greco-Illyrian kingdom in Daorson, and the subsequent rise of a stable Kynortid dynasty, this was the extent of such outright Greek invasions. And indeed, while the Cimmerians raged war upon the Illyrians, their military reforms inspired from Greek and even Kinanan influence from their trade contacts survived the Cimmerians, who had been run ragged in the first place.

Through examining the state of Greece in this century and a half, it was easily evident why waves of colonists flocked away from their homeland. From 649 BCE to 569 BCE, a grand event known as the Peloponessian War dominated the Greek cultures, itself typically divided into a number of phases between which existed sporadic conflict.

The first phase, known as the Achaeanid War, primarily revolved around the Corinthian League and its subjugation of the Achaeans of the northern Peloponnese, a Doric people who nevertheless relented against the authority of Corinth. This would prompt the Athenians to seize for themselves a greater role in undermining the burgeoning Corinthian League.

Following soon after was the second phase, the Athenian War. Perhaps the most formative period, the Athenian War saw the Corinthian League and the emergent Delian League under Athens engage in a bloody and destructive series of campaigns. Though Athens would receive Aeolians and Ionians, it was for not, as successive occupations saw the city of Athens destroyed, monuments destroyed and shrines defiled.

Notably, the city of Sparta during this war grew to the forefront of opposition within the Corinthian League. A proud city with equally proud kings, Sparta had always disliked the overbearing regime of the Corinthian tyrants, dreaming of its own rule. This opportunity presented itself in the costly campaigns against Athens, as Sparta withdrew its support and reserved its strength, Corinth lacking the resources to compel servitude.

Emboldened, King Anaxandros of Sparta, of the line of Agiad and thus the senior of the two kings that ruled Sparta, marched on the weakened Corinth following the destruction of Athens, seizing the city. From there, his reign would see the overturn of the Corinthian League, its subjugated cities now under Sparta. This new state would be known as Lakedaimon, encompassing the Peloponnese and reaching into the Attica, with the remnants of Athens now sporting a monument on the Hill of Ares, commemorating the defeat of both Athens and Corinth by Lakedaimon.

Anaxandros and his successors would see the cementation of this new order, with wars dying down domestically, the only notable incident being the Kydonian War, which saw Spartan warriors assisting the Kydonian King in his campaigns for a few years. Ultimately, the city-state of Lakedaimon, its subsequent Lakedaimon League, and its host city of Sparta undid much of the cultural build-up of both Corinth and Athens, true to its austere, Doric roots. While stories of old were preserved and spread, few beyond military testaments emerged from this period.

Farther east, the rumored peoples of the Yugan finally emerge upon the steppes. Described as wild-haired and bushy, in truth, the Yugan were in fact of large host of Paleosiberians. Once occupying northern Siberia far to the east, the Kott Siberians had effectively displaced and sparked a great migration of tribes to the west. Encountering and frightening the Scythians, these Yugan followed. A confederated union of disparate tribes, what bound them together was a linguistic root in Paleosiberian language and a religious unity formed in opposition to the Kott, which were rendered as demons.

With chieftains acting as prophets and warriors, the Yugan were a peculiar people, and those cultures that learned their tongue were met with apocalyptic renditions of the Far East. Strange in many ways and the subject of rumors spawned by the Scythians and Cimmerians made the Yugan a distrusted peoples. By 500 BCE, they had settled along the coast and in the steppes, reviled as barbarians through myth.

Near-East

From previous centuries, it was apparent that the historic pinnacle of the Near-East for this century and half would prove to be the clash between the resurgent empires of the Neo-Hittites and the Neo-Elamites, who staked their domains over northern and southern Mesopotamia respectively, with peoples like the Gimirri stuck in the center.

Within the Neo-Hittite Empire, works such as the Epic of Mursil can be cited as indicative of a strange period of angst and uncertainy in the cultural make-up of the polity, likely coinciding with the apocalyptic art of Gamir. In the wake of this cultural phenomenon, the Neo-Hittite Empire would stagnate from 650 BCE to around 620 BCE, its leadership turning away from the expansion of their forebears.

Nevertheless, this did not stop the further rise of trade routes, as in their isolation, the Neo-Hittite kings would still pursue the policies of development. Hattusa would grow from newfound trade with emergent colonies of Greeks in Anatolia. From Hattusa, to Halba under the Aramaens of Bet Agus, to the Kinanan cities of Yamud and then Šurrum, an overland route of trade left in its wake growth, restoring the wounds still held from centuries of conflict.

Likely in response to this stagnation, the kings of Neo-Elamite grew audacious and ever-aggressive, utilizing increasingly heavy tribute from the subjugated cities of southern Mesopotamia to fund expansion. The kings of Gamir in response turned, wisely, to diplomacy to secure their safety from the Elamite campaigns; a succession of Gimirri kings would see themselves increasingly subsumed into the state structure of Elam, first expected to pay tribute, then expected to provide men, and eventually named mere governors over the province of Gamir.

The Elamites thus were able to subjugate a wide empire, exacting fealty from the Vannic remnants, from Gimirri chieftains, and Luwian tribes. To enforce such a regime, the Elamite kings relied on a burgeoning force of auxiliary and nomadic forces, drawn from the Medes, Persians, and Luwians. During the Akkadian Wars from 633 BCE to 600 BCE, a massive rebellion that saw the near annihilation of the Vannics by their subjugated Akkadian locals, the Medes were used to settle the lands extensively, earning the region the name of Media.

Such a regime simply could not hold. The weakness of the Elamite rulers and the animosity they incurred through their vast array of subjugated peoples made them an easy target for rebellion. Into the 500's BCE, Elam would become beset by rebellious governors, dissident armies, and intrigue at the royal courts. First came the Luwian revolt, which saw their virtual destruction and dispersal across the empire. But the cracks did not heal and soon after came the proclamation of an independent Median Kingdom, which was quickly supported by the Gimirri who rallied behind a new dynasty of rebel-kings against the governors.

Elam would expend its riches trying desperately to retain its empire, but it would be for not. The Medians and Gimirri broke free as the Neo-Hittite Empire emerged from its slumber. King Zidanna of Hattusa would prove to buck the prophecies of ruin, leading the power of the empire to secure the loyalties of the shattered Elamites. Gamir and Media would be loose vassals to the Hittites in one of the most formulative and attested peace treaties of ancient history, with the Elamites recognizing the Hittites as the senior of the empires and thus the hegemon of most of the region save southern Mesopotamia.

But the Elamites would not survive to see such a peace, as one final revolt sealed their doom. At the head of an army, the Persian Kurus would enter into Elam, seizing the state and putting to the sword the remaining elite of Elam. From thereafter, the Elamites were no more and now stood a Persian Empire. In the aftermath of such chaos, the empire shrank and soon found itself only suited to exerting power over nothing within Mesopotamia.

The Neo-Hittites would by 500 BCE have the fealty of the Mesopotamian cities, maintaining the premier cities and provinces installed by Elam, as well as the kingdoms of Gamir and Media. Zidanna became revered as a conduit of Tahanna and a securer of legacies, his reign maintaining still into the new century, his later years noted for wise rule and the establishment of history's first true standing army, comprised of well-paid warriors of Anatolian origin supplemented by Gimirri and Median horsemen.

The revolt of the Israelites under Aviyam would expose and preempt many factors leading to the usurpation of power from Yamud. Whereas the city had earned its dominant status by becoming the economic, political, and spiritual capital, it can be said that it lost the former two titles to Šurrum into the 600s BCE. Absorbing Asdad and Jerusalem into its political sphere, Šurrum and its olligarchic overlords had superior ties with the colonial settlements across the Mediterranean. It was trade that had built the Kinanan cities, and Šurrum was the master of trade.

Militarily, Šurrum likewise began to ascend to the detriment of Yamud. Concepts of citizenship tightly bound the peoples of Šurrum and from that was built the core of a military unit of armored spearmen. While Yamud of course would adopt this, Šurrum would prove superior. The Kydonian War saw this in action, as the kings of Yamud exhausted their forces against the defensive Kydonian forces of western Crete. Backed by Grecian adventurers and later the Lakedaimon League, Kydonia was resolute and seemed able to not merely defend, but go on the offensive, threatening the Kinana outposts of the eastern shores.

Only through the intervention of Šurrum forces would the Kydonian kings be forced back, though not entirely. The kings of Yamud thus were humiliated, lacking the leadership to overcome such strife. Their hold weakened and soon enough those of Damascus and other cities looked to Šurrum for guidance in all matters save spiritual.

Across the sea, the city of Qarthini grew increasingly independent, concurrent with sentiments in Šurrum in opposition to the control of Yamud. Especially among the political elite of Qarthini, personal feuds with the Yamud kings and trade ties with Šurrum would naturally align them together. Over the course of the sixth century BCE, Qarthini would shed its obligations to Yamud, investing its authority into a council of judges, from among whom came a senior judge to be housed in the Dome of the Throne of Rabbat Thinith as a supreme arbiter.

Meanwhile, Šurrum did much the same, though through the remaining facade of a monarchy. In actuality, a council of judges ruled Šurrum and in a wave of defections to the city, monarchs throughout Kinana would empower a similar organization of assembled elders. Only in those colonies dominated by Qarthini and the eastern shore of Cyprus which had developed a strongly religious community of Yam worshipers did the authority of Šurrum not reach, effectively neutering the position of Yamud.

Though conflict arose from this, records indicate that this transition was not exactly violent. Whereas Šurrum had shifted towards dominance, a succession of kings from Yamud had drifted towards the realm of religion. Though their temporal power waned, Yamud grew to fully embrace its status as a holy city, the priests of Yam becoming even more deeply intertwined with the city management. Yamud would become the site of pilgrims and would even receive minor tribute from Šurrum, to maintain the shrines and appease the sea god. Thus, Yamud and Šurrum schismed, the mainly aligned with the theocracy of Yamud, the south bound in the oligarchy of Šurrum.

The Egyptians during this period were strangely absent from international affairs, a fact which likely stems from hypothesized religious conflict from within. References to the Bull Set, a result of Hyksos influence rendering Set from a serpent to a bull, as a title suggests an attempt to supplant the religious hierarchy among the priesthood. What can be is attested to is the aftermath - the emergence of an independent kingdom of Kush, the breakaway of Libyan governors who now invited Kinanan traders, and the establishment of a new, potentially short-lived dynasty that by 500 BCE had declared Set supreme among gods.

Asia

In Central Asia, the settlement of Hunya emerges as the greatest of the cities in the region, hardly a feat given the nomadic nature of the surrounding Karasuk cultures. Rather than a city founded on agriculture, Hunya was firmly a product of its surroundings, being a waystation of shepherds and nomads. When death would inevitably happen on the route, the bodies were laid to rest overlooking the lake.

Lake Issyk-Kul was unique in that all around it stood snow-capped peaks, it never froze. Thus, it was apparent why religious prominence was invested into its waters. Pit-houses grew to dot across the region, eventually organized by emergent priests. The lake was seen most dominantly as a sort of gathering point, not simply socially, but spiritually, as it was believed that souls would gather in the waters to one day be reborn in the tides. Thus, to make the walk easier for their kin, tribes would begin to purposefully go out and erect pit-house tombs nearby.

With this basis, Hunya grew to be a fiercely religious, the permanent inhabitants in one way or another bound to the traditions of the lake faith. Shamans and priests who would accept and prepare corpses became leaders, with a sort of priesthood emerging from warriors who volunteered to stay and protect the area. More often than not, these priests were the aggressor, as soon enough tribute was demanded to upkeep the functions of the city and enrich the priests for their services. Those that did not adhere to the faith but who were simply using the lake as a watering hole were forced away through violence, sacrified if captured.

Hunya thus became an exclusive land, demanding obedience. Trade from more far-away tribes of Karasuk died as they avoided the region, but for many nearby, it was necessary to convert to use the mountain range for transit. Over a century and half, this faith made a heavy mark across the Tian Shan range.

In south-east Asia, Prà-tâyt Tai, a civilization headed by Tai migrants from China which lorded over a caste system that supplanted the native Mon-Khmer peoples, ascends to regional prominence. Fueled by trade down the Chao Phraya river, the independent tribes of Tai and Mon-Khmer who harvest rice on the banks are easily enough subjugated through economic might, integration into a commerce network prompting an ease of expansion.

Throughout both the Mun and Chi river valleys however, resistance was centered around native kingdoms of Mon-Khmer. Mounted upon elephants, the nobility of the Tai kingdom would prove fearsome, however it would take the better part of the century and a half to truly incorporate the beasts into combat. The primary use of these creatures had been in transport, but in gearing them towards conflict would mean the domination against many Mon-Khmer tribes. Those that fled fell into conflict with the border tribes of Laos, having been expelled north-east.

The inclusion of a larger share of Mon-Khmer saw the expansion of the Chaoo-naa caste, war bringing slaves through capture and expansion bringing Mon-Khmer farmers under the authority of the king. Expectedly, the Mon-Khmer peoples chafed, conquered and forced into a foreign system that lowered them into servitude.

To the south, the Tai saw the region known through Indian merchants as Malayadvipa (trans: mountain-insular continent), whose people were called the Malays. Reaching as far south as the Malay village of Chaiya, the Tai kings would secure suzerainty over them and trade with the mightier tribal kingdoms further south. Fear of a looming revolt by the Mon-Khmer, a fear predicated on the crisis of an enlarged Chaoo-naa caste, stayed the hand of Tai kings in expanding further.

In China proper, the Chu state oversees a period of cultural, commercial, and political expansion, its kings subsidizing reforms of thought and military. Over the course of 150 years, the Zhou Dynasty is ousted and replaced by the dominant power of Chu. The Shen likewise became picked apart by the Chu, although in its western reaches, the Quanrong had begun to settle down, bringing their strange dog-faith to the forefront of the local culture.

Notable of the culture of the Chu Dynasty was its association with the idyllic pleasantness of nature. Shamanism was prominent among emerging schools of thought, as were glorification of agriculture. Oddly enough, the shamans of the Quanrong were met more warmly than in any period before, as their more civilized societies after settlement saw their own aligned views of nature spread.

On the Korean Peninsula, the dynasty of Gunmi Giru unified the remnants of the Okjin successors, ushering in a golden age. The unified realm directly took the name of its founder, becoming the Gunmi Kingdom.

Chief among the factors of the Gunmi Golden Age was a trade network that now spanned from the stable Chu, to the Jomon peoples, all the way to the Tai in south-east Asia. The Jomon especially were impacted by such developments, as the wealth of Gunmi found its way into the isle of Kyushu, in the hands of Gunmi settlers.

Ideals of unification of the Jomon were laughable - the unification of a culture as disparate and primitive as the Jomon, especially in this period of ancient history being nothing short of a impossibility. While the Jomon culture as a whole continued to spread over the century and a half, its superior agriculture readily adopted, the tribes themselves saw no sense of unity between one another of a political sort.

Only in northern Kyushu did some form of societies evolve beyond that of tribalism, centered on kingdoms sometimes helmed by migrant Koreans. One such state, known as Na, was regarded as being virtually indistinguishable from a Chinese or Korean fiefdom, itself deriving its title from the Gunmi kings. Coinage from Gunmi is found in great amounts in historic sites, so it is believed that Na was a port of trade, its king if not Korean than a native who had completely adopted the stylings of a Gunmi noble.

The shamanism of the Gunmi likewise spread, and between the lands of Wa (as the Jomon were called), the same naturalist outlook on life circulated, in matters cultural and philosophical, the latter however moreso a product of importing the works of foreign scholars as opposed to native intellectualism.

Americas

Whether by sudden climate change, poor harvest, or political strife, it is unknown how the Tzimec civilization effectively disappeared over the course of 150 years. Especially in its eastern heartlands, depopulation was rapid, the effects rippling through society. Some historians suggest that the agricultural practices of the Tzimec inadvertently contributed to an over-silting of the river, triggering a massive environmental disaster. By 500 BCE, successor cultures had become to take root.

The Quellanka culture of South America gradually spreads down the coast, amalgamating with other Andean cultures, and ultimately superseded by the superior Paracas culture. With superior irrigation, the practices of the Paracas spread north back to the Quellanka, subsuming them.
 

Noco19

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GM Note: Thanks for everyone for contributing orders and IC - no kicks this turn!

I will hold off on setting a deadline until I finish map, which may roll out tonight.

Some important notes - this upcoming turn and subsequent turns until further notice will be 100 Years.

Also, I plan on doing minis much more often, to streamline the main updates and also give more detailed flavor for events happening across the world.
 

XVG

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Khart’Thinith
Qarthinian Republic

People and Society: The city of Khart’Thinith itself was settled by Kinanan colonizers from both Yamud and Šurrum; later welcoming arrivals from other Kinanan city-states. The merchant class of Qarthini has wisely stayed out of the disputes between Yamud and Šurrum, creating an independent polity that has slowly absorbed other Kinanan trade outposts and colonies in the region. To unite the various settlers from disparate political entities, a strong culture of its own was born in the North African colonies, emphasizing both harmony and wealth as ideals to be pursued. KInanan gods are revered in Qarthini, and Yam is one of the most prominent ones given the orientation towards sea. However, a state cult has slowly formed around the namesake of the city, the demigoddess Thinith – titled Rabbat, meaning either chieftess or judgess.

Location: City itself located in Northern Africa, presides over Kinanan colonies in Western Mediterranean

Cultural & Language Family: Northwest Semitic (a variant of the Kinanan language), Berber and Nuragic languages also spoken. Culturally also Semitic, though interaction with local cultures has created variation as compared to the Kinanan motherland.

Government: The government of Khart’Thinith itself is based on a similar council like that in Šurrum. However, the assembly of the city is even larger than that of its Kinanan counterpart, and includes several classes with varying voting power. The strongest are those associated with the most prestigious religious and merchant families, while those with less riches held less power. The assembly also includes envoys from smaller settlements and outposts that have come under Qarthinian tutelage – while these polities also have varying assemblies of their own. The assembly elects a chief executive that serves for three years at a time, titled šaf – roughly meaning eldest. However, from the ranks of the religious notables connected to wealthy families a second official is elected, a high judge or shofet alam who will review all actions made by the šaf.

Economy: Trade is the cornerstone of the Qarthinian economy, as merchants provide an important link between metal riches in Iberia, North Africa and Sicily and Kinana proper. Manufacturing has also developed in the main settlements, chiefly Khart’Thinith, and organized agriculture has spread inland with the expansion of the perimeter around the capital. Khart’Thinith mints its own coins.

Military: A core group of citizen-soldiers, equipped in a fashion emulating the Greeks and Šurrum, bolstered by native allies and mercenaries, as well as a citizen levy only called upon in times of the greatest despair. A navy has also been established, along with a network of border and coastal forts protecting lesser settlements. The city of Khart’Thinith has been extensively fortified after Berber raids during its first centuries.
 

Kho

Yekhe Khagan
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Rōma

8ZfCSez.png

Location: The city of Rome occupies a group of seven hills ('the Seven Hills of Rome') overlooking the Tiber River. Its complete territories are as shown, in dark red, on this map. [Almost 300 square miles (780 sq km), while the full population may be as high as 35,000]. It is positioned by a strategic ford of the Tiber - the nearest place to the coast where the river can be crossed.

People and Society: In Rome, the mass of adult male citizens is known as the
populus Romanus. This populus has the right to give assent to officeholders and their policies - this is not (yet) a vote per se. The bulk of the city's population are linked to each other, and to the city's institutions, by ties of kinship - whether real or imagined. Clans, as is common in the region, choose to come together to form a curia (plural: curiae). There are thirty or so Roman curiae, which together form three tribes: the Tities, Ramnes, and Luceres. These various curiae have important religious functions. Separate from all this was a separate tribal system created by Rex Servius Tullius, sixth of Rome's kings. Rome itself was separated by him into four urban tribes for military purposes, and all rural areas were split into various rural tribes. The number of the former was unchangeable, the latter to change as Rome's territories increased. Over time, though not quite yet, the importance of the former tribal system would decrease while the latter's - becoming a mark of citizenship - would increase. Dwellings, a number large and rather luxurious, spread across all the hills of Rome, making it one of the largest cities on the Italian peninsula.

Cultural Family: Italic Peoples; Latial Cultural Group, Latins. There is a clear sense of identity transcending the separate Latin communities which show themselves in the various distinctly Latin religious festivals that bring over thirty villages and towns together annually. The Latin Festival, or Latiar, held in
honour of Jupiter Latiaris, is the most prominent. Moreover, while Greeks are very exclusive when it comes to citizenship, Latins are generally very welcoming of other Latins - a Latin can take up residence in any Latin city and become a citizen, create legally enforceable contracts with its citizens, and marry from its citizens.

Language Family: Latin - an Italic branch of the Indo-European language family. Its alphabet is ultimately derived from that of the Kinanans through the Greeks and Etruscans.

Government: Lucius Tarquinius Priscus was the last of Rome's kings. How and why he was removed is unclear, but the general narrative is that he was a tyrant - later Roman historians recorded various details the truth of which cannot be ascertained. Rome was a kingdom, and then it was not. It cannot properly be called a Republic as of 500
BCE, as the historical record suggests the transition was not quite so smooth, but it appears to be headed towards that. Those who vie for absolute power remain and the various offices of the Roman state are not yet clear, its laws not yet set in (tables of) stone. For the moment, two elected magistrates called consuls are elected annually to manage Rome's affairs - whether that would continue to be the case remains to be seen. An advisory council of sorts may have existed under the kings of Rome, which appears to now be forming into a council of elders known as the senate. Tribal councils also play an influential, though secondary, decision-making role.

Economy: Trade and commerce appear to be an important part of the Roman economy - a port and market place appears to exist on the plain along the Tiber and communications, as well as trade, exist with, at the very least, the Greeks. The site of the Ara Maxima, a shrine of commerce to Heracles appears to have existed since the 8th century. The city is home to a wealthy and powerful elite, members Rome's leading families who assemble dependents to farm their land, guard their herds and flocks, and attend to household tasks. Agriculture is complex and more capital-intensive than in earlier centuries. Grape vines are grown, vital to a culture with ceremonial drinking. Olive trees are also of importance and planted almost religiously for their olive oil. Those who are not members of an elite family, it appears, are subject to one - working and serving them for their own livelihood.

Military: Rex Servius Tullius established the beginnings of the census. A compilation of the names of all Roman adults was to be regularly taken down. In it, all are classified by wealth - those who can afford to equip themselves for service on foot (the
classis, “those summoned”), and those who could not (infra classem, “below those summoned”).
All citizens are further subdivided into units known as centuries (
centuriae; singular, centuria). In this early period, these centuries comprised one-hundred men. Units termed centuriae have occupied a primary position in the organisation of Rome’s armies in the field even before the introduction of the census.


Commanders raise armies by summoning citizens to gatherings where they proceed to choose from all those eligible for service. The force raised in this manner is called a legion (legio; plural, legiones). Under the kings, the legion selected each year served as the city's army for that year. Legions are made up of sixty centuries (that is, 6,000 men).
When gathered for the above-mentioned choosing, residents of the city assemble for military service according to their four tribes. Members of the rural tribes gather in a fortified tribal mustering centre.

TCRXDCo.png

Rōma
 

MastahCheef117

Genro
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Ñodiseria
(Nodesia)
pnN8sXv.png

"Land between the waters" (Lake Constance and the Danube)

pthlLXm.png

Location: On the fertile plains and hills between the western Danube and Lake Constance, with the southeastern border being in the shadows of the Alps.

People and Society: Sedentary with a mix of animistic and polytheistic religious beliefs. Individual Nodesians generally find time to pray in the fields, forest groves, or in their homes; the Prince and his family conduct public rituals in the temple hall in Kwellynes, where animal sacrifices are conducted on most occasions to ask the gods for a plentiful harvest, peace, and so on. The Prince is generally aided in ceremonial religious duties by a small unofficial collection of celibate priests and priestesses who dedicate their lives to prayer and virtue. Farmers are valued for their crop; slightly above them in the social hierarchy are smiths and potters; Nodesian steel finds itself abroad increasingly due to trade and his highly-valued for its strength and overall quality, and Nodesian pottery is appreciated for its overall barter value and beauty. There is no real established merchant class, as most farmers and artisans barter for themselves. Though not necessarily a warlike people, Nodesians are often called upon en masse to defend their homes and villages from outside invaders and raiding tribes.

Cultural Family: Nodesian (Eastern Celtic/Hallstatt; Noric OTL)

Language Family: Nodesian language (Eastern Celtic; Indo-European)

Government: A simple confederation of tribes led by the most powerful and wealthy Nodesian, the Prince of Kwellynes. Kwellyness is the princely capital of Nodesia, a heavily fortified town (or city) atop a hill overlooking the Danube ("Sothmor", great stream). The city is surrounded by very fertile fields and plains and is a great defensive position. The Prince of Kwellynes serves as the chief interlocutor between rivaling chieftains within the confederation and is the highest and final authority to settle disputes. A small nobility class, drawn originally from the wealthiest villagers centuries ago, which has thereby blossomed into a wealthy and established if simple aristocracy, provide counsel for the ruling prince in times of strife and war, and generally serve either as the chiefs or elders (and their families) of local villages and tribes.

Military: Very decentralized, with no legal precedent. While smaller raiding parties of armed Nodesians may be gathered to attack nearby non-Nodesian tribes on the orders of local chieftains, the Prince of Kwellynes rarely, if ever, conducts or orders punitive expeditions to nearby peoples. Upon the Prince's call, able-bodied men will gather under his command to oust invading armies and hordes. In combat, there is somewhat of an emphasis on bravery; while shields are not banned from use, they are, in a sense, discouraged. Soldiers prefer one- and two-handed axes, as well as short- and longswords in battle. Skirmishers generally use slings or bows.


----

Nodesia: Noricum
Kwellynes: Heuneburg
 

Noco19

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GM Note: Both Cheef's and XVG's reapplications are accepted.

Map has been added - observant players may notice I've added in some cities. Give me feedback on how the city icon looks and if you want more, get to building them and ICing about your grandest cities. I'll probably try to add on only the major ones for now to prevent map clutter.

IC AND ORDERS DUE MONDAY, August 21st!
 

Arrowfiend

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Haxamanid Empire

Location: Persia

People and Society: A Corinthian trader named Herodotus is said to have remarked upon the Persians during his travels in the east: "The Persian youths learn three things... to ride a horse, to draw a bow, and to speak the truth." Honesty is a virtue highly valued in Persian society, with lying being an act punishable by death in Persian courts. The Persians have begun development of a system of laws based on their religious beliefs and ethical codes.

Religiously, many Persians worship a dualist, monotheistic religion called Mazdayasna. Adherents of the religion worship a deity called Ahura Mazda, or "Wise Lord," who revealed the truth of the universe to the prophet Zarathustra. Its maxims includes "There is only one path and that is the path of Truth" and "Do the right thing because it is the right thing to do, and then all beneficial rewards will come to you also."

Cultural and Language Family: The majority of the populace speak Old Persian, an Iranic language that has largely replaced the previously spoken Elamite. The few Elamite speakers that remain have largely assimilated into Persian culture after the ruling Elamite class was deposed. Other smaller Iranic minorities are also present and tolerated by the ruling Persian administration.

Government: The monarchs of Persia hail from the Haxamanid dynasty, formed by a Persian vassal of the Elamites named Haxamanis in the 6th century BC.

Economy: Trade with the east and west (the latter having declined as of late due to the bloody wars between the Elamites and Hittites) makes up the back of the Persian economy. Tribute from nearby Iranic tribes also contributes the empire's income.

Military: Having recently migrated to southwest Iran, the Persians have yet to develop a formalized military system. Horsemen form the bulk of Persian forces, with many Persian men being trained from childhood to ride on horses. Along with their cavalry are armored infantry, equipped with iron infantry very similar to the Elamites.
 
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