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XVG

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Lt. Gen. Boris Vsevolodovich Gromov, Commander of the 40th Army

A letter to the Office of President Najibullah.

Comrade President,

I must confess that at first I was hesitant about giving permission for such an offensive, but it was the opinion of our diplomatic corps and Defence Minister Cde. Yazov that the terrorists of [REDACTED] in this region do in fact constitute an existential threat to your strategical survival. Thus I have been tasked with providing the necessary support units for this operation; including both planning, logistics as well as direct combat involvement of local Soviet ground forces. If needed, the Defence Minister has also authorized me to continue supporting such an offensive deeper into enemy territory, in order to allow you more breathing space and a strategic depth. Our combat aid, however, will mostly constitute of aerial and artillery support. I propose a launching date of no later than [REDACTED]. I will momentarily be arriving to Kabul to discuss the execution of this plan with your General Staff.


B. V. Gromov
_ _ _ _

A letter to Gen. Abdul Qadir Aqa, Commander of the Afghan Air Force, and Gen. Shahnawaz Tanai, Defence Minister.

Comrade General,

I thank you for your commendations, general. I am confident that the task of defending Afghanistan and the legacy of its revolution is now in as able hands as before. However, as for these requests on acquisition, it would probably be more prudent to turn to Cde. General Varennikov, special Deputy Minister of Defence for affairs in Afghanistan. I hear that he is planning a visit to Kabul in the next months.

Sadly I must also predict that your request for the [REDACTED] tactical [REDACTED] might be turned down. Firstly, this aircraft has seen only limited use in the Afghanistan theatre, and secondly it is considered to be of a too high technical priority to be deployed in the hands of other allies at the moment. The Ministry of Defence fears that delicate technology might end in wrong hands if any of these aircraft were to be shot down. I will personally try to advocate for such a delivery, recognizing the usefulness of the plane, but I fear that it will be in vain. Instead of the [REDACTED], our Ministry of Defence is far more likely to offer the [REDACTED], which has proven its effectiveness in ground attack role during our operations.

The other requests, however, seem far more likely to be accepted, but I would still recommend discussing them in more detail with comrade Varennikov. However I am certain that you will be receiving all the required and essential equipment for the continuation of effective combat operations to pacify the country, within the limits of the guidelines required to protect the secrecy of our state-of-the-art weaponry. Do not worry, you will not be abandoned. I wish you and your aviation and armed forces in general the best of luck, generals.

B. V. Gromov

_ _ _ _

200px-Flag_of_the_Soviet_Air_Force.svg.png

Maj. Gen. Dmitriy Savvovich Romanyuk, Commander of the 34th Composite Air Corps

Reply to Gen. Abdul Qadir Aqa, Commander of the Afghan Air Force.

Comrade General,

Upon further study of the provided targeting list, my command and our Defence Ministry can conclude that attacks on them do not constitute a threat to the withdrawal phase of our forces. Our attack aviation can be used to conduct the first wave of such a large aerial offensive, aimed at degrading the already poor enemy air defence capability by attacking known locations from higher altitudes with more accurate and sophisticated weaponry, clearing the way for your attack aviation and helicopters to engage targets in these sectors. I propose launching this attack on a set date, utilizing our aviation located at both [REDACTED] and [REDACTED] air bases. Furthermore, I can request the Main Intelligence Directorate of the General Staff, as well as the Ministry of Defence Space Units to provide advanced targeting imagery for the selected locations. I request that you send a liaison officer, or arrive in person, to discuss the planning and execution of this operation at [REDACTED]. It is the strong opinion of both my person and the higher echelons of the Soviet Air Force, that such a heavy and complete aerial offensive will further bolster the confidence of your armed forces, and frustrate the evil schemes of Islamabad and Washington D.C.


D. S. Romanyuk
 

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From the Commander of the Afghan Air Force,

To Lt. Gen Mohammed Khalim, Liason to the 355th Regiment

Most Urgent!

Satellite intelligence provided to us by our Soviet allies has indicated that one of the main commanders of the █████████ ████ ██████████ has made himself present in the vicinity of ████████, travelling unguarded by anti-air capability in a large and easy to spot and well lit convoy.

It is imperial that Air Units of the ███th Regiment immediately carry out a strike on the ███████ ██████ Compound and the villages orbiting it, in order to destroy the known foreign funded terrorist, ██████ █████████. It is recommended that the heaviest calibre of available munitions is used for the completion of this vital task.

Execute immediately,
Strictly confidential.

Very best to luck of you.
 

Korona

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General (Abdul Wahid) Babajan
 

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Comrade General Gromov,

We look forward to your arrival. In the meantime, word has reached me that you will soon be testing an experimental artillery piece. Please, allow us to use or at least observe its use in the aforementioned offensive.

-Najib

----

Comrade General Baba Jan,

An assessment of the strategic situation of our forces has forced me to call on you to command the 4th Corps. You will organise the defence of a significant part of the country, with many undermanned garrisons. New resources will be allocated to you as we deem appropriate immediately. Your standing orders are to not engage in any offensive operations, but instead salvage forces for the defence.

May God grant you strength and good fortune in your undertakings.
-President Najibullah.
 
Last edited:

Julius Maximus

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Defense Minster, Chief of Army Staff, Shahnawaz Tanai
To Lt. General Boris Gromov, Commander of the Soviet 40th Army,

I thank you for your quick response Comrade Gromov, and on behalf of the Afghan National Army and that of the Defense Ministry we fully understand the delicate protection of Soviet military technology within the [REDACTED]. We shall always follow Soviet guidelines pertaining to the safekeeping of said technology within all Afghan military equipment from being in the hands of our enemies. And if the acquirement of the [REDACTED] is deemed not acceptable by the Soviet government, we shall not be disgruntled with the result.

I also thank you for your efforts to help us acquire the much-needed war material to crush the rebels, even if some is not possible at the moment, you will always have a friend within the Defense Ministry and of the ANA Comrade.

Best of luck Comrade Lt. General Gromov.

- - - -
To General Valentin Varennikov, Special Deputy Minister of Defence,

Comrade General Varennikov, I hear you will be visiting Kabul in the coming months to oversee the Soviet 40th Army's final movements back into Soviet territory, I send this communique beforehand to establish agreements between our two governments for the betterment of Socialism and that of Afghan-Soviet relations into the future.

With the absence of the Soviet 40th Army coming soon, the Afghan National Army and other elements will be fighting independently against the rebels. As such to help smooth over the transition we request from your office and of Moscow the purchase of [REDACTED], [REDACTED] and [REDACTED] alongside the arrival of [REDACTED] to assist and bolster our capabilities going forward.

Alongside this we request that [REDACTED] be trained in [REDACTED] for 6-12 months, using the [REDACTED] as the [REDACTED] we shall assume will not be available for purchase by the Afghan government. And I can say on behalf of the entire Afghan government and military we hold no ill-will towards the Soviet Union over the [REDACTED], as we understand the delicate situation that vital equipment could end up in enemy hands which is against the interests of all involved.

Best of luck Comrade General Varennikov, may we see victory against our enemies soon.

Shahnawaz Tanai,
Defense Minister
Chief of Army Staff
 

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As much as a young guy from the outskirts of Kabul could, Nasrat took care of his appearance. His moustache was well-trimmed, his hair grew to his shoulders, and his poor man's shalwar kameez was always as clean as it could be. A lot of effort, for no real forthcoming gain. Perhaps, one day, he could get a job in the civil service or in one of those fancy stores downtown. Whenever he found the time he would scower various parts of town and looked for work. Even if he had to shine the boots of soldiers, it'd bring a little extra pocket money in. Whenever all his chores and work in his neighbourhood were taken care of, and he wasn't flying kites or playing football, he would look around - about every three days. Despite living in a hole with a million in a half people under constant siege and shelling, life was....okay. It was okay. A narrow passing grade.

Three weeks ago, his afternoon stroll took him past Kabul University, like so many other nights. Despite his careful appearance, he was clearly not a student - reason enough for two policemen to arrest him. To his surprise, he wasn't taken to the nearest police station. To his relief, he wasn't taken to the KhAD building either. Instead, he was dropped off at the closest army post and was given directions to the recruitment office. There he was escorted to a small office, where he was offered tea and jalebi. He almost accepted, but then declined not knowing what was in it. What did he do? What did they want? Was he KhAD after all? Why was he stuck in a tiny office with a table, two chairs, a window, and a picture of the president? Nasrat tensed up and answered every question as if he were interrogated - an attitude clashing with the calm demeanor of the officer sitting opposite of him.

"Good afternoon, my friend. What is your name?" an officer asked.

"Nasrat."

"Nasrat?"

"Just Nasrat."

"Where is your father from?"

"The Panjshir valley."

"Nasrat Panjshiri", the officer noted. "What is your date of birth?"

"Mother says Muharram 1389."

"March 1969, then. Which day?"

"My lucky number is twenty."

"Twenty March 1969. Married?"

"Tomorrow I will ask--"

"Unmarried."

The officer taking his information explained the situation. The detested Shuravi were leaving Afghanistan. While Nasrat knew better than to object, the officer insisted that this was a bad thing. Mostly because the army was understaffed and undergunned. President Najibullah and General Tanai were working on fixing that, which included a renewed drive to recruit as many soldiers as they could - whether they wanted to or not.

"Private Panjshiri, two days from now, after Friday prayers, you are to report yourself as present here. If you fail to do so, the Afghan National Army will consider you to be a deserter and you will be punishable as such.

"The punishment being?"

"Death."

"Yes sir."

For the next three years, Nasrat was stuck in the army. In the next three weeks, he learned many things. His height, weight, and that he had a good physical condition and stamina. He learned how to march, clean and shoot many different types of 'Kalashnikov' - a 'normal' one, one that had an under-folding stock (which was the same weapon), a longer one with bigger magazines and a bipod (which was also essentially the same weapon), an even longer, heavier one which was belt-fed (and was not the same weapon), fire a rocket launcher(which wasn't even a Kalashnikov), how to wear his boots without getting blisters, that he should keep drinking, that Pakistan was the spawn of the devil, and that he was from now on attached to the 11th Infantry Division in Jalalabad. He was told not to think about that -that's what his officers were for- but he couldn't help but feel that this was a one-way trip. Jalalabad was still held by the Afghan army, but the way there was an ambush-prone highway and terrorists were converging on it. But at least this death wasn't certain. Three weeks after that fateful stroll, he climbed in the back of a truck with a flower in his Kalashnikov (the one with the underfolding stock) and sat between the guys he trained with. His shalwar kameez and sandals were traded for a tan uniform and black leather boots, and his hair had been shaven off to make way for an unbearable itch.

Four hours later, he was outside the airport of Jalalabad digging trenches and piling up rocks and sandbags for the imminent attack. It was hot and humid - like he was breathing aush. Day in, day out, he piled up rocks and sandbags and dug out emplacements, dragging heavy machine guns into place. Life sucked. It really did. And something told him it would soon suck a lot more.
 
Last edited:

Korona

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200px-Roundel_of_the_Afghan_Air_Force_%281983-1992%29.svg.png

From the Desk of General Baba Jan, Commander of the 4th Corps
Shindad Air Base
4th Corps HQ
Herat
The Arg
The Office of the President
Kabul
Comrade President,

I thank you for your appointment of a man such as myself to the command of the 4th Corps. I feel most honored to serve Afghanistan and yourself, and I am humbled that you, in all your wisdom, deemed me capable enough to command the 4th Corps. I am fully prepared to establish Herat as a safe and secure stronghold for all loyal Afghanis, and as a symbol of the people's indomitable will. I once thank you, and I shall keep you in my prayers for all fortnights to come.

With Admiration
الجنرال عبد الواحد بابا جان
General Abdul Wahid Baba Jan
 

Rolman99

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As salaam alaikum wa ramatullah Brother Mohammad Nabi Mohammadi, ((@Shebedaone))

Bismillah, I must ask a great favor of you, brother. As I am sure you know, mujahideen of the Mahaz are present along the highway, in between the shuravi-kafir cities of Shindand and Farah. In their quest for jihad in order to become mumins before Allah, the Most High, it has been decided that these fighters are needed elsewhere to fight. Therefore, I must request two things of you: Firstly, Insha'Allah, you may allow these mujahideen to move through your territories in order to reach their new target. Secondly, I would recommend to you that you send in your own brave mujahideen into our section of highway-- I cede it to you, so that it may stay out of shuravi-kafir hands.

La 'ilaha 'illa-llah, Muhammadur-rasulu-la,
Pir Sayyid Ahmed Gailani
 

Shebedaone

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Wa Alaykumsalam Warahmatullahi Wabarakatuh Pir Sayyid Ahmed Gailani,(@Rolman)

Bismillahirahmanirahim


The Faithful Mujahideen under my command would be honoured to take on the role of their brothers in the Mahaz e-Milli though i would like something in exchange that should i call upon this favour you would be honour bound to answer it and if you agree to this then the Mujahideen of the Mahaz are free to traverse through the land of Afghanistan defended by those of the Harakat i-Inghilab who would die a martyrs death for their God,Country and fellow Afghan brothers.

Ashadu alla ilaha illallah wa Ashadu Anna Muhammadar-rasulullah ,
Mohammad Nabi Mohammadi
 

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Wa Alaykumsalam Warahmatullahi Wabarakatuh Pir Sayyid Ahmed Gailani,(@Rolman)

Bismillahirahmanirahim


The Faithful Mujahideen under my command would be honoured to take on the role of their brothers in the Mahaz e-Milli though i would like something in exchange that should i call upon this favour you would be honour bound to answer it and if you agree to this then the Mujahideen of the Mahaz are free to traverse through the land of Afghanistan defended by those of the Harakat i-Inghilab who would die a martyrs death for their God,Country and fellow Afghan brothers.

Ashadu alla ilaha illallah wa Ashadu Anna Muhammadar-rasulullah ,
Mohammad Nabi Mohammadi

Certainly, it shall be done.

--Pir Sayyid Ahmed Gailani, As salaam alaikum.
--------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------
As salaam alaikum wa ramatullah Commander Yusef, ((@Mikkel Glahder))

Brother-Commander Yusef, I hope all is well with you. Remember that solace can be found within Allah the Most High, for he is everything, and is all a man needs to subsist in the world. These are your orders for striking the shuravi-kafirs: The Harikat has permitted that you may travel through their territories, so I tell you this now: abandon your position and move through the countryside, southwards, towards Zaranj. Begin pressing the enemy from the North, but be sure that you will synchronize with our own troops in the attack. The city will be pressed from two sides and it will fall. Use your tanks and artillery well to maximize damage against the entrenched enemy positions.

La 'ilaha 'illa-llah, Muhammadur-rasulu-la,
Pir Sayyid Ahmed Gailani
 

XVG

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GM: Keep in mind that orders are due today. Again I reiterate the plea to use the same message chain I used for the briefings also for the orders.
 

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XVG

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September-November 1988

dDHHGeX.jpg

Soviet motorized infantry patrol along the strategic Salang highway.

Kabul

Rumours spread in Kabul city about the creation of brand new government units in the various military camps of the capital. Open recruitment was done for the new mountain battalions, quite much akin to the existing yet badly depleted and exhausted commando units already at the government’s disposal. The WAD also recruited men from regular army divisions for so far unknown tasks, with many Khalqis suspecting the Parchamis are preparing for a new round of political infighting once the Soviets pull back in entirety. Three new divisions were established in the capital region, two drawn from the ranks of sarandoy, and the third a brand-new formation, mostly relying on conscripts. None of these formations reached intended manpower strengths. Recruits from other regions of the country, mostly the stable north, were dispatched to these formations and to reinforce Jalalabad. This was rather unpopular, and even some conscripts believing in the PDPA and its ideas deserted back to their homes, ironically some of them decided to enlist in local militias to avoid punishment.

Operation Copper-55


r6giO1N.gif

DRA troops of the 14th and 8th Infantry Divisions meet during the autumn relief operation.

The first major offensive of the second half of the year was launched in late September of 1988, after the Afghan general staff managed to convince the Soviet Defence Ministry of its necessity. Government armoured formations and the 8th Infantry Division were sent south from Kabul to prepare for an immediate operation to reconnect with Gardeyz, Sheikhabad and Ghazni. The operation began with a massive aerial and artillery assault on mujahedeen positions on the Ghazi and Pul-e-Alam highways, Su-22s and Su-7s constantly taking off from Bagram to attack the mujahedeen. The government offensive began later that day, with mechanized columns moving down the roads protected by constant artillery shelling. The government troops advanced steadily, as the positions along the roads had been only recently lost due to Soviet withdrawal. By October the government tanks reached the outskirts of Pul-e-Alam, and after a week of brutal fighting seized the city. Meanwhile the armoured spearheads to their west reached Sheikhabad, and by the beginning of November linked up with the defenders of Ghazni region, the 14th Division. The mujahedeen of Mahaz-e-Milli had largely avoided a direct confrontation with the heavily armed government formations, and instead conducted ambushes and mine attacks along the road, causing considerable havoc but failing to stop the determined and well-planned offensive. Operation Copper-55 further continued with an attack towards Gardeyz, reaching the besieged garrison town in late November. Shelling and bombarding of Baraki continued to December, with government troops massing to seize the city, while reinforcement and supply columns moved to Ghazni and Gardeyz, and troops began to set up new checkpoints on the cleared roads. As a result of the operation General Mohammad Nabi Azimi was hailed as a hero of both the PDPA and Afghanistan, and was expected to receive a promotion and even more demanding tasks in the coming months.

Operation Nasr-e-Mubeen

As mujahedeen prepared for an attack on the Jalalabad road under the operational leadership of Hekmatyar, the Hezb-e Islami Khalis, which had managed to maintain more cordial relations with the Mahaz-e Milli, prepared its own operation, commanded by the formidable Haqqani and his foreign fighters. The target was the government garrison of Khost, and the assault was quickly launched ahead of time due to the rapid advance of the DRA units involved in Operation Copper-55. The HiK fighters infiltrated the nearby mountains over the first weeks of October, and by November were daily shelling the airport, crucial for the supply of the DRA garrison. Several helicopters were destroyed on ground. The government air power, heavily involved in backing the battles on Jalalabad road and in the Gardeyz axis only managed to conduct a few strikes a day. Two Su-7s strayed to Pakistani air space on the 3rd of November, and one of them was downed by a Pakistani F-16. Later, on the 17th, another jet was lost to a Stinger missile fired by Haqqani’s men. These victories and the failure of the government air power to properly target the mujahedeen entrenched in the hills greatly increased morale. By December the siege circle around Khost was tightened by a large margin, and the mujahedeen also prepared positions along the Gardeyz-Khost road, anticipating the DRA troops to continue their armoured assault through this difficult terrain. By then HiK fighters from the northern areas started to arrive to the front via Pakistan, along with considerable numbers of volunteers drawn from all over Afghanistan. Mohammad Yunus Khalis seemed determined to turn the Paktia province into a personal stronghold by seizing the crucial border town.

Operation Ghashey


As the government’s main formations of the Kabul area were engaged in the offensive to restore road connection to the besieged government enclaves, the mujahedeen along the Kabul-Jalalabad road saw a perfect opportunity to undertake the offensive the Pakistanis had been pushing them towards to for a long time. The general leadership of the offensive fell upon Hekmatyar’s men, who were provided with a great deal of weaponry and advisers by the Pakistanis. With Khalis and Sayyaf also joining the attack, the operation codenamed Arrow became a major test for the Pakistani project in Afghanistan. The attack was begun with diversionary shelling and attacks on Kabul by Sayyaf, who managed to even send infiltrators to disrupt the operations of Kabul airport. Government artillery and air forces responded by shelling his strongholds in Paghman, and important reinforcements were rushed towards the mountainous area. For the first time, tactical ballistic missiles were also used, though they inflicted only little damage to the heavily entrenched Wahhabi positions, and neither did the motivated fighters tremble due to the continuing bombardment. At the same time, fighters of both the Hezb-e Islamis sneaked on the road between Surobi and Jalalabad, quickly seizing a multitude of checkpoints, cutting the road at several sites and besieging many bases of the 11th Division and sarandoy. One of the most successful commanders of the otherwise HiG dominated operation was Abdul Haqq of the HiK, who managed to seize several heavily defended checkpoints with only a few dozen men. Reinforcements arriving from Kabul in the form of commandos and 15th Armoured Brigade were ambushed just east of Surobi and forced to return. The mujahedeen were able to hold important segments of the road for weeks, destroying many crucial bridges and laying down hundreds of anti-tank and anti-personnel mines. The operation was a tremendous success, and even though the fighters withdrew in the end of November, the road was barely accessible and far more prone to ambushes. Only one heavily defended convoy managed to reach Jalalabad during the last week of November, and the situation in the city quickly deteriorated. Soviet-made artillery rockets and tactical missiles however continued to rain down in Nangarhar province, managing more direct hits than against Paghman heights.

Mahmud-e Raqi


TLDt8ij.jpg

Soviet TOS-1 'heavy flamethrower system' saw its combat debut in the DRA's Mahmud-e Raqi offensive.

The second government offensive operation was launched in November, after the arrival of sophisticated Soviet troops, along with a prototype weapon operated by chemical units. The heavy flamethrower system and its support equipment is deployed at Bagram along with a heavy number of Soviet engineers, artillerists and attack helicopters. The operation to secure the principal government airbase by seizing Mahmud-e Raqi began on 20th of November, and fighting only lasted a few days, as the government forces and Soviet support units quite literally flattened the entire city with thermobaric and conventional munitions, paving the way for mechanized troops of the recently upgraded Sarandoy formations to seize the location and almost immediately dig in. The losses to Massoud’s men were extraordinarily heavy, and there were considerable fears that the Soviets could use the new weapon, the TOS-1, as devastatingly in the Panjsheer valley.


Taloqan


qdqscnf.gif

Jamiat-e Islami fighters of Ahmad Shah Massoud in action during the heavy fighting in the outskirts of Taloqan.

The focus of Massoud’s men was in the north, in the province of Takhar. The capital, Taloqan, stood isolated and cut off from the closest government presences at Feyzabad and Kunduz. After the Soviet withdrawal, it was to be an easy target, Massoud deduced. The fighters of Jamiat-e Islami and allies from the Shura-e Nazar concentrated in the hills outside the city and began the assault in late September. Quickly they breached the lines of the already demoralized garrison, making their way to the last hills still hosting government outposts. Desertions were massive, and the city was quickly faltering as the mujahedeen tightened the siege. Heavy air strikes targeted the nearby hills, but were largely ineffective until the deployment of Soviet attack helicopters, two of which were brought down during the two months of heavy fighting. In fact, the heavy assault of Massoud made the Soviets redeploy troops to Kunduz, fearing that the mujahedeen might be aiming to increase their presence along the rugged border territory between the USSR and Afghanistan. But in October, as the fighting was reaching a stalemate, the government was ready to attempt a counterattack. The Jowzjani militias of Dostum had redeployed to Kunduz, and along with local sarandoy and the regular 18th Infantry Division launched a massive attack on the Kunduz-Taloqan road. After a week of solid advances, Massoud’s men managed to stop the columns at the mainly Uzbek locality of Bangi, some thirty kilometres to the east of Kunduz, at the cost of largely abandoning the siege of Taloqan. Heavy casualties were however inflicted on the government troops, and Massoud’s men could return back to the outskirts of Taloqan in force by late November. The city was unlikely to hold very much longer unless a far heavier relief operation was to be attempted. Helicopters and cargo jets managed to drop enough ammunition and other supplies for the garrison to hold out for a few months more, but the situation was getting critical for the remaining civilian population.


Tarin Kowt


On the 7th of October, the government garrison of Tarin Kowt packed up their gear and left the city in orderly fashion. Within hours the black flag of jihad flew over the former government buildings of the PDPA government, the capital of the Oruzgan province had been ceded to Hekmatyar and his allies without a fight. A few days later the government troops, militiamen and PDPA officials arrived in Qandahar, but without their heavy weaponry. Mujahedeen of both Mohammadi and Hekmatyar showcased shiny and fuelled tanks to their supporters the next week. The capture of the provincial capital greatly increased Hekmatyar’s prestige and influence in Oruzgan. A local agreement of co-operation was reached with Mohammadi, and Hekmatyar’s men could move around in the region without a problem. Such an alliance was praised by many tribal leaders.

Zaranj and Laskhar Gah


Mahaz-e Milli fighters of Vali Farah Yousef abandoned their positions on the Farah-Shindand highway in the cover of night, leaving it to the control of government sarandoy arriving from the two cities, and to the mujahedeen of Inqilab-e Islami. As Inqilab engaged several government checkpoints on the Delaram road, attracing the attention of DRA reserves and the air force units based at Shindand, Vali Farah Yousef managed to make his way south without being detected and bombed. Together with reinforcements arriving from southern parts of Helmand province, Vali Farah Yousef launched a heavy attack on Zaranj, quickly reducing the government presence to the city only, but failing to make actual inroads to the urban area. After relentless shelling and aerial bombardment he is forced to call of the attack. Another contingent of the Mahaz-e Milli fighters in Helmand attempted an attack on Laskhar Gah, but was detected by the heavy presence of pro-government tribes in the flatlands, and their concentrations and equipment were destroyed in a joint Afghan-Soviet air raid. Thanks to the aid provided by Inqilab, they were able to however cut the highway at several sites to the west of the city.

Chaghcharan


sIgbA4s.jpg

Hazara fighters of Harakat-e Islami-yi Afghanistan showing off captured government equipment after their victory in Chaghcharan.

Instead of turning their attention towards the beleaguered forward positions guarding Kabul, the Shia mujahedeen of the Tehran Eight’s Sazman-e Nasr operations room launched a surprising attack on the town of Chaghcharan, taking both the DRA troops and Sunni mujahedeen off-guard. The small airfield was of great interest to both the Hazara fighters and their Iranian patrons, even though the city isn’t populated by a majority of Hazara, but by instead nomadic Aimaqs. Indeed, many of the tribes saw the Hazara Shia attack as akin to a foreign invasion, with local tribes who had previously been neutral flocking to the arms of the government, or even joining ranks with mujahedeen loyal to Hekmatyar. Fighting was heavy and overtly confusing, especially after a large contingent of government troops, of Tajik stock, defected to Massoud. Infiltration and influencing was used heavily by the Shia forces, which had mastered the art of subversion, managing to mobilize their own Hazara demographic far better than any of their foes or competitors could influence their own respective popular support bases. In the end the second regiment of 17th Division couldn’t handle the massive attack and effectively disintegrated by ethnic lines, as the Tajiks and Hazaras joined their fellow ethnic groups in either Massoud's or the Shiite ranks, while the Pashtun and Aimaq split between joining Hekmatyar or fighting their way through to the nearest government garrison on the Herat highway. Chaghcharan, the capital of Ghor province, fell to the hands of the Shia forces commanded by Abdul Ali Mazari and Sheikh Anwari on the 15th of November 1988, even though both HiG and Jamiat-e Islami had fighters on the outskirts, Tajiks loyal to Massoud even occupying a few neighbourhoods in the southwest. The loss of the city sent immediate shockwaves to Herat, Kabul and Islamabad, while the Iranians rejoiced the rapid victory of their proxies, already the second in the matter of months.

Other Regions


Several ambushes were conducted by Jamiat-e Islami on government convoys in Herat and Baghdis province, but the use of heavy airpower from Herat airbase inflicted casualties on the mujahedeen bases. Food shipments were surprisingly left in peace, hinting at a chance of policy at least from Massoud’s part.

The pious and ascetic Abdul Rasul Sayyaf became increasingly eccentric over the last months of 1988, giving long sermons on the Quran and living off practically only bread and water despite of his immense wealth. He also began to promote the traditional Pashtun honour code among his men, and offered many religious testimonials on how it was in fact sanctioned by Islam. The piety and fervour was rewarded, as hundreds of foreign fighters and Afghans from his madrasas in Peshawar continued to flock to the ranks of Ittehad-e Islami, helping to further reinforce and fortify the Wahhabi stronghold in Paghman. The ISI had also noticed the contributions to Operation Arrow, and more advanced weaponry was smuggled to the mountainous base of Sayyaf.

After the victory in Chaghcharan Abdul Ali Mazari convened other Hazara leaders to Bamian, advocating for further integration, citing the glorious victories of the Sazman-e Nasr under his military leadership was a proof of how high the Hazara could rise in a new Islamic Afghanistan if they were to work together. Many of the fellow Iranian-backed groups agreed, but the more moderate ones were hesitant. Nevertheless, all Shia factions received a great number of new voluntary mujahedeen after the news of the capture of Chaghcharan echoed throughout the Hazarajat, even though Mazari and Anwari attracted the most.

Bagram air force base is extensively fortified after the orders of General Mohammad Zafar Khan, even though many of the additions are made redundant after Mahmud-e Raqi is secured. The construction of a number of new hardened aircraft shelters is also initiated, with Soviet aid. These were likely to become the most important and useful part of the fortification efforts.

Charlie Wilson, a member of the House of Reprensentatives, once again visited the refugee camps of Peshawar. Meeting in the city with Burhanuddin Rabbani, he promised to look into providing the Jamiat-e Islami funds and arms directly bypassing the Pakistanis, but failed due to Washington D.C. considering the war already ‘largely over’. Instead arms and weapons began to flow to Badakhshan via the Wakhan corridor, provided by the People’s Republic of China. In return Beijing expected extensive rights to Afghanistan’s supposedly abundant mineral wealth after the war.

Trucks full of ammunition, tanks and other pieces of military hardware are sent from Bagram to the Salang highway, arriving to Dowshi and Kiligai camps. These are used to strengthen the Ismaili militias of the Baghlan province to become a regular division, the 80th Infantry, of the Afghan army.

Foreign fighters and funds arrived to the Kunar province, as Mawlawi Jamil al-Rahman managed to successfully court private donors in the Gulf Arab countries, most notably Kuwait and Saudi Arabia. Using the new funds he managed to siphon arms from the rival mujahedeen factions and even Paksitani government stocks, in addition to increasing his sway with bribes to local tribal shuras. His Salafist mujahedeen could now move around in most of the province easily, and many tribal councils endorsed his presence. Those that didn’t were attacked in the cover of night, and the spread of terrifying news of atrocities made others give in to the Mawlawi’s demands. In an alliance with several dozens of men sent by his Salafist brother Mawlawi Afzal, the mujahedeen of the Society for the Call to the Quran harassed Mojaddedi’s mujahedeen’s positions north of Asadabad.

Afghan Air Force and Army officers travelled to the Soviet Union in order to negotiate the purchase of new military equipment. Some of the offers are turned down due to the advanced and still secret technology or simply high price of the equipment. The Soviet Defence Ministry very well knew that any 'purchase' would be simply done on Soviet credit. Nevertheless, in late 1988 the first MiG-23 jets with Afghan roundels on them touched down in Bagram, and more was expected to come.


Events from around the world

2QyfGpP.gif

Benazir Bhutto, leader of the PPP, set to become the first democratically elected female premier of a Muslim country.

Pakistan


Tensions between the Pakistani Prime Minister Muhammad Khan Junejo and authoritarian president general Muhammad Zia-ul-Haq reached a boiling point in May 1988. After the signing of Geneva Accords with Afghanistan, and after the Ojhri ammunition depot disaster the disagreements over Afghan policy had reached a critical level, as the costs of the intervention could be felt in Pakistan itself. Further disputes flared up over Junejo’s alleged resistance towards strengthening the Islamization policies of Zia. On 29 May 1988, Zia dissolved the National Assembly and removed the Prime Minister. Zia promised to hold new elections, and Zulfikar Ali Bhutto's daughter Benazir Bhutto almost immediately announced that she would be contesting the elections. Her popularity was soaring due to the economic hardships and political oppression of the Zia regime. However, Zia would not live to see the result of the difficult political contest. On 17th of August 1988, General Zia was due to return to Islamabad from a demonstration of the US M1 Abrams tank, but his plane crashed, exploding on impact, killing all on board. Among the casualties were the US ambassador to Pakistan and chairman of Joint Chiefs of Staff Committee General Akhtar Abdur Rahman, a close ally of Zia and instigator of the Pakistani efforts of bringing down the Kabul regime, along with many other important members of his cabinet and military. Foul play was of course suspected, but no proofs were found. The Pakistani elections were held on 16th of November, resulting in an 8% margin victory of Bhutto’s Pakistan Peoples Party. The acting President Ghulam Ishaq Khan thus asked Bhutto to form a coalition cabinet. The populist, left-leaning and secularist Bhutto was certainly no friend of the Islamist mujahidin, but the national security matters of Pakistan were very likely not to be hers to decide.


Assorted newsflashes


September 17 – Moscow/Baku. Gun battles break out between Armenians and Azerbaijanis near Stepanakert, two soldiers are killed and more than two dozen injured.
October 30 – Warsaw. The government of Poland closes down the Gdansk Lenin shipyard, the stronghold of the Solidarity movement.
November 8 – Washington D.C. United States presidential election, 1988: George H. W. Bush is elected over Michael Dukakis.
November 16 – Moscow/Tallinn. The Supreme Soviet of the Estonian SSR adopts the Estonian Sovereignty Declaration in which the laws of the Estonian SSR are declared supreme over those of the Soviet Union.
 
Last edited:

XVG

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EmQ9hDR.png


Turn 2 – December 1988



500px-Flag_of_Afghanistan_%281987%E2%80%931992%29.svg.png


General Secretary of PDPA, President of Afghanistan, Mohammad Najibullah (Bonecracker(NL)/Dutchbag)
Chairman of the Council of Ministers, Mohammad Hasan Sharq (OPEN)
Minister of State Security, Ghulam Faruq Yaqubi (Terraferma)
Minister of Interior, Mohammad Gulabzoy (OPEN)
Minister of Communications, Mohammad Aslam Watanjar (LatinKaiser)
Deputy Chairman of the Council of Ministers, Sultan Ali Keshtmand (jeeshadow)

200px-Roundel_of_the_Afghan_Air_Force_%281983-1992%29.svg.png
Chief of Army Staff, Minister of Defense, Shahnawaz Tanai (Julius Maximus)
Commander of Afghan Air Force, Abdul Qadir Aqa (Shynka)
Commander of 53rd Jowjani Infantry Division, Abdul Rashid Dostum (King50000)
Commander of 4th Herati Corps, Abdul Wahid Baba Jan (Korona)
Commander of Jalalabad elements of 11th Infantry Division, Nur ul-Haq Ulumi (OPEN)
Commander of 8th Infantry Division, Central Corps, Mohammad Nabi Azimi (KF25)
Commander of Bagram Garrison, Mohammed Zafar Khan (Corman50)
Commander of Baghlan Ismaili Sarandoy, Sayed Jafar Naderi (MastahCheef117)
Commander of Hairatan Sarandoy, Abdul Momim (OPEN)
Commander of pro-government Achakzai tribal militia in Kandahar, Ismatullah Muslim (OPEN)

320px-Flag_of_Hezbi_Islami.svg.png
Leader of Gulbuddinist faction, Gulbuddin Hekmatyar (Noco19)
Leader of Khalist faction, Mohammad Yunus Khalis (Kho)
Khalist Mujahedin commander in Kabul, Abdul Haq (BlackCrown)
Khalist Mujahedin commander in Paktia, Jalaluddin Haqqani (OPEN)

320px-Flag_of_Jamiat-e_Islami.svg.png
Leader of Jamiat e-Islami, Burhanuddin Rabbani (aedan777)
Party Mujahidin Commander, Ahmad Shah Massoud (baboushreturns)
Mujahedin Commander in Herat, Mohammad Ismail Khan (OPEN)
Mujahedin Commander in Northern Afganistan, Atta Muhammad Nur (OPEN)
Mujahedin Commander in Southern Afganistan, Mullah Naqib (OPEN)

Minor Mujahedin Groups

Leader of Harakat e-Inghilab, Mohammad Nabi Mohammadi (Shebedaone)
Leader of Mahaz-e Milli, Sayyid Ahmed Gailani (Rolman99)
Commander of Mahaz-e Milli Mujahedin, Abdul Rahim Wardak (Dadarian)
Commander of Mahaz-e Milli Mujahedin near Shindand, Vali Farah Yousef (Mikkel Glahder)
Leader of Ittihad-e Islami, Abdul Rasul Sayyaf (Cleeque)

Shiite Mujahedin Groups

Co-leader of Al-Nasr, Abdul Ali Mazari (etranger01)
Leader of Revolutionary Council of Islamic Unity of Afghanistan, Sayyid Ali Beheshti (OPEN)
Leader of Islamic Movement of Afghanistan, Muhammad Asif Mohseni (OPEN)
Commander of Islamic Movement of Afghanistan Mujahedin, Sayed Hussein Anwari (tyriet)

Other Resistance Groups

Leader of Movement for Popular Revolution, Sayyid Abdul Noor (sealy300)
Leader of Society for the Call to the Quran, Jamil al-Rahman (Maxwell500)




GM: Those who failed to send orders should feel ashamed. They will be kicked the next turn if they fail to send them in on time again. Also, I kindly ask people to pay more attention to the formatting and clarity of their orders. It is quite hard to find out the crucial information from over a dozen orders. Thus I will drop the word limit to 200.

Stats will be sent over today and tomorrow, and the new order deadline will be announced once that is done.
 
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XVG

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GM: Stats sent to faction leaders. Orders due Sunday at 23:59 GMT. 200 words/player, please.
 
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To Mohammed Najibullah, President of Afghanistan

Dear Comrade President,

I am without doubt that you both know and are equally furious at the events which transpired in the skies above eastern Afghanistan. While conducting routine air operations within Afghan airspace, two Afghan jets came under attack from a Pakistani Air Force squadron consisting of two advanced American jet fighters. The Pakistanis, doubtless emboldened by the departure of our Soviet ally, have decided to begin infringing our airspace in an effort to further bolster their ground troops, masked as Islamists, invading our state.

It has become clear that the State of Pakistan wages with us a war not only on the ground, but in the air, and that in all but official declarations, Afghanistan is at war with this most perfidious neighbour. I believe that by not acknowledging the state of war between our two nations, we put our forces at an inherent disadvantage in every way. We face a fanatic enemy without scruples and fighting on their terms will only result in our defeat.

I hereby advise you to not only declare war on the State of Pakistan, but also to encourage our Soviet Allies to reverse their withdrawal. I believe that by targeting the foe within Pakistan with overwhelming air force, and with the aid of the Soviet nuclear arsenal, we can win this war. Our mistake has always been our defensive mindset – it is time we take the war across the border, where it can be won.

Commander of the Afghan Air Force,
Abdul Qadir Aqa
 

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Announcement from the Mujahideen of the Panjshir Valley
The actions of Almujtamae Lidaewat Alquran Alkarim (Society for the Call of the Quran in Arabic) have grown increasingly disturbing over the past few months. Their crimes against several villages, tribal elders and civilians are most certainly against the Quran, and reports of skirmishes between the Society and the Mujahedeen under Mojaddedi only serves to make their other crimes more sinister. Should Jamil al-Rahman not cease his operations against Mojaddedi immediately, and not begin to undertake operations solely against the government and their Shuravi handlers forthwith, the Mujahedeen of the Panjshir Valley will do everything in its power to bring justice to the region. We ask other leaders of the Mujahedeen to support our message and, to pray for peace in Asadabad a province which should be at peace, as it is free of the Communist regime. We cannot allow one group to do the government's work for us and divide our Jihad which has held together for so many years in the face of great odds.

-Ahmad Shah Massoud
 

Bonecracker(NL)

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Dear Comrade Abdul Qadir,

While I share your opinion in that we are essentially at war with Pakistan through their proxies, it would be unwise to officially declare a state of war on Pakistan. It would only give them an excuse to deploy their own army. As to the suggestion that the Soviets remain for a longer period, this also seems impossible to achieve. However, I can assure you that I remain in constant communication with the Soviet Union and its military in regards to military assistance to Afghanistan.

-President Najibullah


-----

Dear Comrade Dostum,

With this letter I notify you that you are hereby authorised to create the 6th Corps with yourself in command, controlling the 53rd and 11th Infantry Division.

-Najib


-----

Comrade General Gromov,

My officers talk of impressive results in the use of the new "Buratino" flamethrower. As both a request for more firepower and an offering for the most realistic training ground for your new weapon, I would like to raise the possibility of a small contingent of Soviet Army troops staying in Afghanistan to continue the operations of the "Buratino". If the political reality requires it, it would be possible to give it Afghan markings. Such an arrangement would also be welcomed by our government and with Soviet Air Force aircraft striking terrorist troops.

-President Najibullah.
 
Last edited:

XVG

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Lt. Gen. Boris Vsevolodovich Gromov, Commander of the 40th Army

A letter to the Office of President Najibullah.

Comrade President,

Please let me first commend your well-earned victories in the carefully and skillfully executed offensive operations in the southern and northeastern approaches of the capital. Please convey my best congratulations to the Chief of General Staff, as well as the divisional commanders involved. Soviet liaison officers and advisers spoke highly of the conduct of the Afghan military during these battles. Our confidence in your operational successes even after the withdrawal of the second half of the 40th Army has certainly only increased. The second withdrawal phase is due to begin in mere days, as you very well know.

The loss of two more provincial capitals is certainly a setback, but a necessary one. We must focus on the bigger picture of eliminating the social support and numeric strength of the terrorist groups, especially in core regions. Nevertheless, our Ministry of Defence suggests that you increase efforts, in co-operation with Cde. Sultan Ali Keshtmand to undermine the wide support enjoyed by the collection of groups occupying the ethnic Hazara areas.

As for the operations of the prototype flamethrower system, our Ministry of Defence and the staff of the 40th Army agrees with you regarding its performance. The units will stay in operation to support your most crucial offensive and defensive operations around Kabul at least till the withdrawal of the last Soviet units from Bagram air force base. The continuation of operation of these units on Afghan soil will only be decided then. However, I must note that the Ministry of Defence is extremely hesistant over such proposals, but I will do my best.


B. V. Gromov
 

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Ahmed Bismali - "Mohammad, why are we here?"

Mohammad ibn Mohammad - "To fight the infidel, inshallah."

Ahmed - "No, but, like, why are we here man?"

Mohammad - "To, fight the infidel? Bismallah, why do you ask these inane questions?"

Ahmed - "Because we just ate out last goat, just saw yet another jet bomb our positions, and our imam ran away with the women and children. Speaking of which, I think that's Ali's arm by you."

Ali ibn Khalid - "Can you pass me my arm, I need to get it sown back on. Silly infidels keep blowing it off."

Mohammad throws the arm to Ali.

Mohammad - "Yeah, that was a little odd. As to while we're here, I guess it's the will of Allah."

Ahmed - "That's what I think too, but I meant this specific position."

Mohammad - "Oh, no clue."