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Paul-Aurélien was resting at a friend’s estate near Paris when he heard the news of his appointment; grateful though he was for his recent appointment, he couldn’t help but feel more than a little anxious, especially as news of the various leftist groups grumbling over the election results trickled into his ears. The day after the news reached, he dispatched a letter to this King.

To His Most Christian Majesty, the King,

Your Grace, I would wish to offer my sincerest thanks for this honourable and most noble position as your Secretary for War, a position for which a fear I may not be wholly qualified as of yet to hold, as my knowledge of warfare and strategy is, sadly, wholly theoretical; to rectify this, I request that Your Majesty allow me several months leave, with my duties and orders delivered via various correspondence with Paris, whilst I survey the border provinces and conduct a general, and personal, review of Your Majesty’s Armed Forces. As I am absolutely certain Your Grace is fully aware, there are murmurings across the whole of France of potential war against this Kingdom, likely to be endeavoured by our various neighbours, both highly and plainly ambitious to witness our ruin, and equally fearful of the recent events that have unfortunately destabilised the realm. I believe that it is in the best interest of my person, the realm, and for Your Majesty, that I be granted this momentary leave, likely to take several months, to become fully and intimately attuned to the status and needs of the Army.

Once again, I thank Your Majesty for this great privilege and honour to serve France in this capacity.

Sincerely, Your Loyal Minister,
Paul-Aurélien de St Sebastien, Baron d’Harfleur in Pretense, and Secretary of State for War

The newly installed Secretary of War quickly beings jotting down another letter, addressed to one of his fellow Cabinet-members.

To His Excellency, the Lieutenant-General of Police, Vincent Parént,

Your Excellency, I have in my brief time serving within this esteemed cabinet, learned of your former profession as an artillery officer within our Majesty’s Armed Forces; I believe it would be highly beneficial in my capacity as Secretary of War to learn as much as I can in the maintenance and general governance of the military, particularly the artillery forces, which I am convinced will prove to be decisive in future land battles, if the current progress being made to them, and the tactical brilliance of the late Lion of North is to be believed. In short, I would request that you provide with me a brief manual or journal of sorts, detailing your time within the Armed Forces, providing frank and honest reviews of your commanders and the tactics they favoured and disfavoured, as well as any commentary on your views of our forces in any way shape or capacity; I believe that such intimate knowledge, and simple earnest critique, will ensure that the French Army maintains its position as the premier land force of Europe.

Sincerely,
Paul-Aurélien de St Sebastien, Baron d’Harfleur in Pretense, and Secretary of State for War
Paul-Aurélien, still not quite content with himself, then proceeded to write several dozen letters of a similar nature, addressed to the various generals and admirals of France; he expected many hours of reading and studying to be upon him soon.
 
I cannot express how much of a blessing it is to be allowed to serve His Majesty and our nation as the Secretary of State for Navy. In these troubled times more than ever, I am honoured to stand by His Majesty in defending all our true values against the demands of the mob, which now claims the right to rule this country. Yet, the spirit of our Monarchy and of our nation will not succumb to the demands of these Devilish forces. We, the Royalists, shall fight the outrageous demands of the so-called "Third Estate" with all our powers, not only the power of our words and pens, but also with the power of our swords, should it prove necessary for protection of the Realm.

Flag_of_Royalist_France.svg

Today, all true monarchists should gather under our white banners against those who seek to undermine our Monarchy and our state with their rotten and corrupt radicalism. Vive le Roi! Vive la France!

- Count Jacques de Nogaret-Lefevbre
 
Vincent, pleased he could deal with something that wasn't a criminal or a Jacobin, quickly writes a response to St Sebastien

To His Excellency Paul-Aurélien de St Sebastien, Baron d’Harfleur in Pretense, and Secretary of State for War,

Your Excellency, I will gladly send you a detailed note of my brief service during the revolution as a member of the artillery corps. I am as well immensely interested in the works of the Lion of the North, and his dedication to the art of artillery. May we meet over wine in a week in a half? I shall have both my personal notes as well as a report on the armed forces. We can further discuss the direction of the Army during our meeting and I shall answer any follow questions you have. I hope this response is adequate enough to answer your questions.

Sincerely,
Vincent Parént
 
I cannot express how much of a blessing it is to be allowed to serve His Majesty and our nation as the Secretary of State for Navy. In these troubled times more than ever, I am honoured to stand by His Majesty in defending all our true values against the demands of the mob, which now claims the right to rule this country. Yet, the spirit of our Monarchy and of our nation will not succumb to the demands of these Devilish forces. We, the Royalists, shall fight the outrageous demands of the so-called "Third Estate" with all our powers, not only the power of our words and pens, but also with the power of our swords, should it prove necessary for protection of the Realm.

Flag_of_Royalist_France.svg

Today, all true monarchists should gather under our white banners against those who seek to undermine our Monarchy and our state with their rotten and corrupt radicalism. Vive le Roi! Vive la France!

- Count Jacques de Nogaret-Lefevbre
And here we see what kind of people our Monarch likes to surround himself!

The Revolution is in danger as counter-Revolutionaries and Conspirators take control of the government! Spread the outrageous words of this decadent aristocrat to the streets of Paris! We must not let this attack on the free Citizens of France goes unpunished! Let the People know and let them judge I say!

- André Bouchard
 
Now that I have arrived back home to Paris I feel it neccessary to support the moral and righteous faction of the corderliers.

I declare my support for the Corderliers! And my entrance into the Society of French Gentlemen.

Vive la France!


-General Charles-Pierre-François Augereau
 
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In my heart burns the fire of revolution espoused with our Constitution, wherein the Third Estate is brought a fairer share, wherein the Will of the Many has value, and wherein we grow closer to a society of Equality. While some on the monarchist right grumble, they cannot see the moral Right of the Popular Choice. They seek to reverse the clock, and return us not born into lavish means back to subjugation. I trust that my esteemed friends and colleagues within this Assembly do not partake one bit in this school of thought, for it is known to be foolish. As our Sovereign, His Most Christian Majesty Louis XVI, has endorsed, we cannot seek to drive a wedge further into our Kingdom, and must support our Constitution.


However, it is not solely the monarchist right I condemn, nay. Equally destructive to our Society, the demagogues of the far left advocate the abolition of traditions inherent within our Kingdom that would prove to be morally catastrophic. As a man of Breton blood, I must point to the removal of privileges bestowed upon Brittany, the very privileges enacted to improve the common Breton's life and bring him closer to his French brothers. Even more dreadful is the doctrine of anti-clericalism oft heralded by members of the extreme left, decrying the clergy of the Roman Catholic Church, and sometimes even Christianity itself! As a Kingdom, we are founded upon the tenants of the Christian way, as does the ideals of kinship and camaraderie so dear to the Revolution. We cannot make a gesture of mockery towards values with one hand, whilst upholding its message in the other!

As such, my belief in the Feuillant, and other organizations of similar stock, cause is made evident. Already others of mine own mindset go forth and preach the good, moderate word, and associate themselves in a fraternal fashion. To this, I applaud and seek inclusion; Let Le Goff not watch from afar, but instead entreat his brothers to a warm and kindly embrace. If they would have me, I apply to enter Le Société de Messieurs Français, the Society of French Gentleman!

Regarding my appointment as Lord Chancellor, I must humbly accept such a responsibility from Our Sovereign, and send my sincerest thanks. With our instituted Constitution, the application and enforcement of well-meaning and righteous Order must proceed posthaste.

- Lord Chancellor Per Le Goff
 
art_nouveau_stylised_rose_round_stickers-rbf00b913e9404e1598d2563b4df1c406_v9waf_8byvr_324.jpg

Le Société de Messieurs Français / The Society of French Gentlemen
Dieu, Patrie, Courage / God, Country, Courage

Members:

- Lieutenant-General of Police Vincent Parént ~ Founder
- Lord Chancellor Per Le Goff ~ Member
- General Charles-Pierre-François Augereau, Minister of the Navy ~ Member
- Valérian Lémieux ~ Member
- Emmanuel-Philippe du Plessis, Duc de Richelieu ~ Member

Distinguished Orders of Le Société:

Revolutionary Ribbon:

- Lieutenant-General of Police Vincent Parént ~ Founder
- Lord Chancellor Per Le Goff ~ Member
- General Charles-Pierre-François Augereau, Minister of the Navy ~ Member
- Valérian Lémieux ~ Member
 
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His Most Christian Majesty, The King,

I received, your Grace, the news of your appointing me as the Archbishop of Paris, but recently. I can say it came as startling, yet, if you so wish I do humbly accept with the greatest possible gratitude in my heart. I come to Paris at the soonest opportune moment and I assure you I come with a hopeful heart. Your actions, your support of moderation bring me such hope and I intend to serve Parisians in the best capacity of Spiritual Leadership one can. I again humbly reiterate my deep gratitude.

Dieu vous bénisse

Asking Your Grace's blessing, I am, Yours respectfully in Christ,
Adolphe Beauchene, Archbishop of Paris


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Addressed with the greatest and most profound reverence to His Holiness Pope Pius VI,

Holy Father, we have come to know of your discontent with the novel situation regarding the Holy Church in France during this period of great turmoil. We assure His Holiness that we do indeed view the situation as you do. What we see occurring to the Church brings great worry and such acts as the abolition of religious orders and the imposition of secular vows upon the clergy, and are doing our best to reverse the situation to the best of our abilities. We humbly served Our Lord for many a year among such an order and greatly value such holy institutions. We do however defend our appointment, one that we hope you can see remains within the confines of Canton law and is defended by the historic rights of the crown of France. We appeal to you to avoid placing excommunication or interdict upon the people of God in France; so as not to threaten the continuing distribution of the Blessed Sacrament and the souls of the faithful in France.. God's people here must be given continued guidance so that they should not forget His Salvation and His Word. We assure you that until we breathe our last breath that God's Most Holy Church will not die in France.

We have the honor to profess, with the most profound respect, your Holiness' most obedient and humble servant.

Adolphe Beauchene,
Archbishop of Paris



Although I believe a man in such an occupation as mine should not directly involve himself with Ideological Societies I most certainly support and endorse the Good Society of French Gentlemen.


~ Adolphe Beauchene, Archbishop of Paris
 
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The position of Louis XVI following the composition of the first National Assembly was one marked with an increasing sense of fear and mounting pressure to ally with the Constitutionals against the left. The appointment of a radical to the Foreign Ministry was intended to lessen chances of a reactionary negotiating an Austro-Prussian counter-revolutionary, but the misguided attempts of the right put their King in just as much danger as the left. Louis would have to juggle a complex set of interests to keep his crown and his head.
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To our kind servant, the Baron d'Harfleur;

We do, and with the utmost charity, grant His Excellency any and all leave which he may so require to adequately fulfill the duties of his office.

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To His Grace, the Archbishop of Paris.

We are pleased to witness His Grace's elevation to the Episcopal see, and hope that the Holy Father will view such with charity and grace. We have the utmost confidence in the abilities of His Grace and will be most pleased to attend His Grace's celebration of Holy Mass at Notre Dame.

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His Most Christian Majesty wishes to make clear, in the light of recent statements, that he supports the continuation of the present Constitution as the best hope for peace and stability within France; and condemns any form of violence or radicalism undertaken by either the right or the left.

125px-Signature_of_Louis_XVI.svg.png
 
I thank His Majesty for my appointment as Controller-General of Finances. I must say, my access to the information of the national finances makes me more glad than ever that the vile Ancien Régime has been replaced by our modern and just government. The lies and ineptitudes of the previous Controller-General's shows; the sickness of their inept governance infecting the nation and its wealth. In order to make restore the nation to health, I shall cut deeply and quickly like the surgeon, shedding the State of burdens that serve only to weigh it down. By cutting into our expenditure I hope to prevent large tax rises. I also seek to establish a general tax on land, to ensure that the nobles and the clergy pay their way and do not simply get rich from the taxes of the common man.

~ Rene Leon, Controller-General of Finance
 
The monarchy must end, all of humankind in the known world with the exception of our brothers in America live in chains when we have all been born free! Durand with every point dramatically clinches his fist and drops it naturally. He speaks loudly and confidently. His eyes narrow and determined. As long as kings and nobles drown the throne of liberty in waves of blood we shall suffer never ending oppression! The king has become master of the French people once more with this election but destiny has looks favorable on the paladins of reason and soon we shall know the freedom of our ancient ancestors!.

Antoine Durand speaks in front a crowd in Cordeliers.

Durand declares his support for the Cordeliers.

Antoine Durand has called a meeting of the Club des Cordeliers (coldfront chat as soon as reasonable).
 
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Name: Felipe-García de Mauléon-Licharre, Baron de Bayonne
Date of Birth: 21st February 1743
Estate: Second
Religion: Catholic
Culture: Basque

Biography: Born as the only son of the previous Baron de Bayonne, Felipe-García de Mauléon-Licharre the Elder, Felipe-García has been given the epithet ‘the Younger’ to distinguish himself from his father.

Felipe-García the Younger’s life was spent focused, as one would expect of a noble, on the education in mathematics, history, religion, and in particular, law. Having a grasp for the laws of France, that surprised his tutors, the Felipe-García the Younger found himself driven towards the practice of law for his fellow noblemen. He had a brief period in the military as an artillery officer, but this was tragically cut-short when a cannon exploded in a freak-accident, killing several bystanders, and permanently crippling the young nobleman’s left leg, forcing him to rely on a cane for the rest of his life.

With the forces in France seemingly gathering to do away with the institutions of monarchy and nobility, institutions which he loves dearly, Felipe-García has decided to enter the political arena to defend his King, and protect his God-given rights.
 
((Let's see how this goes. Felipe-García declares his allegiance to the Monarchicals. I will get to actually ICing later, when I am not so busy. If anything needs to be changed, let me know.))
 
Welcome aboard, Tapscott. If we get any more Monarchicals I may have to change the name of the game!
 
Inaugural Address to His Majesty, Louis XVI, King of the French
and the Legislative Assembly

I first of all must thank His Majesty for the unexpected trust he has shown in me in appointing me as his First Minister. The coming years will be challenging, and the difficulties faced by this ministry frequent, yet I remain confident that we will be able to guide France into a calmer, more certain age. To that end, I ask my ministers for their trust in my leadership, as I place my trust in you.

Perhaps the most potent force of ill that can be said to be acting against us is not any foreign power – not the reactionary states of the east scared stiff by this new and alien threat to their way of life that we call a constitutional monarchy – nor His Majesty himself, who has shown great faith in the aims of the revolution via his continued cooperation with this Assembly. Instead, I propose that our biggest threat comes from within. It is France herself, who stands crippled by turmoil and struggling to maintain in the face of immense challenges. Our finances are poor, our country decentralised and our people anxious of how to proceed. These are the problems we must look to overcome in the immediate future.

Chief amongst these is our horrifyingly decentralised state. Currently, if I were to journey into the Dordogne or the Loire Valley, few would know at all my station, if not my person. We cannot, to my mind, act with any decisiveness when so little cohesion exists in the country. What goes on here, in Paris, might as well not occur at all for many in the provinces. At a time like this, when unity in the face of adversity if necessary, we must look to overcome this. How can we possibly think of enacting any legislation when we do not have the means to prosecute it outside of the capital? It is a large and unfortunate hurdle that hampers anything we do.

To this end, I propose the creation of a new Ministry of the Interior, whose Secretary of State, in cohesion with the Lord Chancellor and the Lord-General of Police shall be entrusted with the job of ensuring that our policies and their effects reach even the Pyrenees. It is my sincere desire that this will promote great cohesion between this Assembly and those whom we represent – vital for any business we conduct within these walls.

The next issue we must address is that of finance. I myself am no economist, but I am confident that my Controller-General of the Finances, M. René Leon, has the requisite ability to steer the ship through these rough waters. My personal thoughts on the issue are influenced heavily by the philosophers of the Enlightenment, whom I respect greatly. We should not seek to destroy the freedoms of the people – hard-achieved these last few years – by enslaving them with harsh taxes after having just won emancipation from a harsh system of rule. Indeed, any taxes requested would likely not be levied in full due to our horrendously decentralised administration. If this does not improve, our current debt crisis will only worsen, leaving our hard-won freedoms in doubt.

Instead, I believe that we should look to improve finances via foreign trade, which I feel would also have the benefit of showing the powers that be within Europe that we should not be kept at arm's length and treated as a pariah, but rather a nation of freedom loving individuals with no malignant or ulterior motives.

On this note, I feel it prudent to establish diplomatic relations with our European neighbours as quickly as possible. Notably, Britain, Prussia and Austria have fears of our motives which we would do well to placate. I trust that my Secretary of State for Foreign Affairs, M. Jacques Nazaire Aulard, will act on these points accordingly.

Finally, we must address the unrest within our own borders. I hope I can go some way to ease tensions by refuting any claims that I am in any way a counter-revolutionary. I fought for freedom, and I by no means wish to see it squandered. Though I am not necessarily a republican, I can assure you that I am a staunch defender of liberty and the rights of man. I promise now to work in any way I can to ensure these are not forsaken.

With that, I would like to propose the following bill for debate:

Local Government Act

  1. A local governmental body (henceforth "district council") is to be established in each district to ensure governmental policy is carried out as effectively as possible in each district.
  2. The administration of district councils shall be overseen by the Ministry of the Interior.
  3. District councils are to be non-partisan organs.
  4. District councils shall be comprised of thirty [30] members (henceforth "councillors".)
  5. Councillors are to be elected triennially by all enfranchised members of the appropriate district.
  6. Any citizen eligible to vote in a district election shall also be eligible to stand for election to a district council.
  7. In addition to the implementation of government policy, distinct councils shall be responsible for the following:
  • Making and levying of rates
  • Borrowing of money
  • Passing of district accounts
  • Maintenance and construction of district buildings such as shire halls, district halls, court houses and police stations
  • Licensing of places of entertainment and of race courses
  • Provisions of asylums for pauper lunatics
  • Establishment and maintenance of reformatory and industrial schools
  • Repair of district roads and bridges
  • Appointment, dismissal and setting of salaries for district officers
  • Division of the district into polling places for national elections, and the provision of polling stations
  • Control of contagious diseases in animals, and of destructive insects
  • Fish conservancy and control of wild birds
  • Weights and measures

Édouard-Alexandre Blair
First Minister of His Majesty's Government
 
Centralization? Hmm...

The Revolution so far has been mainly a Parisian affair, it needs to be spread!
Indeed! Let us create a new bureaucracy to wash away the last remnants of Feudalism and spread the ideals of the Revolution to the entire nation!

- André Bouchard
 
1 October 1791:
An Inauspicious Inauguration


The triumph of the Feuillants continued. After so overwhelming a victory in the legislative elections, the King naturally appointed Édouard-Alexandre Blair to form a government, which was composed mainly of his fellow Feuillants but also, surprisingly, one self-professed Monarchical and a Cordelier. Perhaps he could afford to feel magnanimous; the Feuillants outnumbered every other faction put together. The resulting cabinet was still liberal enough to have been unthinkable only months ago, but was much more conservative than observers had anticipated. In the foreign press, the opinion began to circulate that the Revolution, having achieved its Constitution, was finally coming to a close. This was a relief to moderates and conservatives alike, although reactionaries and radicals remained dissatisfied. But with the latter groups having shrunk in influence, the Feuillant ministry was set to rule for the foreseeable future.

Far from settling the nation's affairs, however, the election had stirred up only suspicion and distrust. In the eyes of the revolutionaries, the King's support had tainted the Feuillants from the outset. Their misgivings were confirmed when the Feuillant cabinet turned out to be packed with King's men and Monarchicals. An unreconstructed royalist, the Comte de Nogaret-Lefebvre, had been put in charge of the Navy, and pledged to fight with "the power of our swords" against the revolutionary tricolour in favour of the King. No better was the equally aristocratic new War Secretary, the Baron d'Harfleur, who had made preparations to leave Paris soon after his appointment, prompting rumours that he was marshalling an army against the capital. Any noble would have struggled to win Parisian sympathy, but even the commoners proved disappointing at best and dangerous at worst: Vincent Parént and Pierre Le Goff, the left and right hands of state authority, had busied themselves with the suppression of the populist clubs, while the new Archbishop Beauchene had dispatched a grovelling fealty to the Pope with the implicit pledge to reverse the ecclesiastical measures taken by the Constituent Assembly. Even the unexpected appointment of the leftist Jacques Nazaire Aulard to the Foreign Secretariat was easily incorporated into the narrative; France was on the verge of war, and Citizen Aulard was nothing but an anointed scapegoat.

Chased from the streets and the cafés, the more fanatical radicals fled underground to carry on the struggle. The Cordeliers were forced by the illegality of their association to congregate in secret to plan their next move. This undercurrent of revolutionary conspiracy came to be known as the front froid, as opposed to the front chaud lead openly by the Jacobins in the Assembly, who denounced that body as an "absolute farce" obtained by fraud and pledged to stand vigilant against the enemies of the French people. Only the Socials did nothing, and many noted with concern that the Society of the Friends of Truth - once the focal point of revolutionary discourse - had gone silent just as France was at its most polarised. With the Left divided between radical and ultra-radical, it was only a matter of time before it would confront the new government.

In the end, events would overcome everyone. Having pledged himself to the Assembly and its Feuillant faction, Louis XVI saw that there was nothing to be gained from distancing himself from it. Indeed, with his own popularity damaged by Varennes and Pillnitz, isolating himself would be exceedingly dangerous. And so, ignoring the advice of the Monarchicals who sneeringly opined that this plebeian parliament should first come to the Sovereign, he decided to attend the opening of the Assembly. While its predecessor had met in the halls of the King's Palace, this was considered inappropriate for the independence of its successor, which was moved to the Palais Bourbon across the river (conveniently empty, as the Prince de Condé had fled the country). The Palsi-Royal was also considered but rejected, as the King detested the Duc d'Orléans and his 'Jacobin court' and desired them to be nowhere near the national legislature. So the Bourbon was confirmed, and on the morning of 1st October, Louis and his entourage departed the Tuileries for the Assembly, where he was to be received by his ministers and the entire legislative corps.

PalaisBourbonsiteplan.jpg


The first sign that there was something wrong was the silence. Even in his darkest days, the King was still met with throngs of well-wishers. But the crowds that lined the riverbank could hardly be described as sympathetic. They regarded the royal coterie mutely, expressing neither admiration nor disdain. This disturbed Major Karl Josef von Bachmann, commander of the Swiss Guard, who implored the King to return to the Palace. But Louis knew that if he could not even visit his own parliament - not even one kilometre from his residence - then all was truly lost. They pressed on across the Seine uneasily. As they neared the Assembly, they saw that they were not the only ones disquieted by the public mood. The First Minister was there to receive the King, but the Assembly was not; it had been advised to retire to the chamber. Most delegates needed no encouragement. Rhe mob - and it was, indeed, a mob - was even stronger here, and far less docile. As the royal procession approached, there came suddenly a great cry of "Pour la liberté!"

SwissGuardfiring.gif


No one could describe what happened accurately. But within a moment, the mob was descending upon the King's carriage. No one knew if they were trying to kill him, or to save him. Some carried petitions and royal icons; others had concealed knifes. All they knew - all that they had been told by their inciters - was that the Revolution was in jeopardy, and if they did not do something, it would be lost. So they did. Major Bachmann, however, had no such uncertainty. He grabbed the King and pulled him from the carriage before the multitude enveloped it. As the Swiss Guard assumed defensive positions, the King of the French was bundled through this human corridor to the Palace, under a fusillade of verbal and physical abuse. The ashen-faced Blair escorted him in. No sooner had he been delivered than the Guard fell back to the Assembly, fighting for every inch. Anything - and anyone - that remained outside was all but demolished in the frenzy.

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The Bourbon Palace was under siege. Word soon spread across Paris. The embattled Mayor of the Commune, Jean Sylvain Bailly, called up the National Guard and lead it in person to the Palace. The insurrectionists had fortified their position there; makeshift weapons and recovered arms - some even stolen from the Bastille - were proliferated and barricades constructed from the wreckage of the royal carriages. They stood their ground as the Guard arranged itself against them. Bailly had taken an uncompromising stance at the Champs de Mars; he was to do so again. He ordered the mob to break up. They responded with jeers. Finally, in full view of the crowd, he turned to Lafayette and ordered him to relieve the Assembly. But Lafayette refused. Loathed by the revolutionaries for his complicity in Champs de Mars, distrusted by the democrats in the Assembly and resented by the King for his earlier support of the people, and with the life of himself and his family at risk, he resigned his command on the spot. Sensing weakness, the mob suddenly surged forward against the demoralised Guard, which quickly fled. Not quick enough, however, for Bailly; the father of the French Revolution was swiftly torn apart by its children.

And so was the first session of the Legislative Assembly conducted: under the coercion of the very people it was supposed to represent. The Feuillants had dared to dream that revolutionary violence was at an end; that the revolution had sufficiently entrenched itself to be maintained by words, not actions. But it was only the beginning. When you make plans for the people, beware that the people are making plans for you.


-------------------------

Player Actions Needed:

Paris is in insurrection and must be appeased - by reason, or by force.

The Legislative Assembly is now open. Any member may propose legislation. The Controller-General must present a budget for the Assembly to vote on or the Government will have no money. The Local Government Act is now open for voting.

Local Government Act: Oui/Non

[Monarchical/Feuillant/Jacobin/Cordelier/Social]

Remember to include your faction!



Characters can also stand for the following positions:

Mayor of the Commune of Paris
Commander-in-Chief of the National Guard


Both positions are elected and you may only contest one.
 
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Behold the righteous fury of the People!
The same people who were denied their holy right to vote by the hated moderates and monarchists now rise against their tyrants! And who are we to stop them?

Go, children of France. Only you can save the Revolution, only you can restore justice to this corrupted assembly. Only a Republic can protect the gains of Revolution, both past and future, and you, the sacred warriors of Liberty, must not stop your fight as long as we shall not have a true republic! As long as we shall not have destroyed every remnants of the old regime!

Let me assist you in your fight! I wish to run for the position of Mayor of the Commune of Paris!


Local Government Act: Oui
[Jacobin]

- André Bouchard
 
Vincent stands up

To protect the Revolution and the nation, the National Guard and the Police must be united as a force to protect all French men and women. As such I stand for the position of Commander-and-Chief of the National Guard.

Local Government Act: Aye

- Vincent Parént
 
I cannot express the utter shock and disgust I hold for the King and his Swiss Guard. How dare they attack the people? The people who have every right to express their thoughts and opinions! I will not serve in this government of reactionaries and traitors to the Revolution! I resign from my post as Secretary of State for Foreign Affairs immediately and call for the people of France to rise up! Rise up and take what is yours! Rise up and do away with this foul monarchy! Rise up and bring forth the Republic that was stolen from us by these monarchist dogs! I shall stand with you! Help you! I declare my intentions to be Mayor of the Commune of Paris and to help see the birth of our dreams!

Liberté, Egalité, Fraternité

Local Government Act: Oui

[Cordelier]

Jacques Nazaire Aulard