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Vincent whispers to an adjacent while observing parliament

Does he not know he's been fired?
 
The people of the republic demand a new constitution written in where the right that they are born with, the rights to vote for their representation in the government are returned to them after being horded for centuries by the nobles elite, and so i support the motion to create a new constitution for our beloved nation, a constitution that actually represent the values of its people in the new France and return the rights to its population, a constitution not manipulated to be another tool of control by the noble and monarchist of our nation, a true constitution of the citizens of France!

Javert Valjen

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To the guard, I offer you all my experience as a police officer and knowledge of paris and its people since i grew up and was raised in the poor of the poor of the city to raise up to the ranks of the police, being able to educate and work myself out against the odds from poverty and suffering our compatriots in the poor strata suffer.
The election of my person to your commander, in itself a very democratic thing as you vote, will connect you to the rest of the people of france and instead of you continuing being the enemy and tools used by the reactionary to fight your compatriots, you would be recognize by them as a part of the new France, bringing and showing that the Guard has true value for the revolution and change of our nation for the better. Instead of being hated and demand punishment from the compatriots of paris and france, you would become part of the true revolution and being loved for helping to it, My election to your Commander is your future and that of your very way of living , please do not let it so you become once more butchers and agent of tyranny for the people cant forget that once more and surely your very life will be threaten by their then rightful retribution.

Javert Valjean
 
Vincent Parént stood tall (for a Norman) in front of the assembled officers of the National Guard, hailing from all over France. His uniform was freshly pressed, and a fresh French Rose was happily sitting in his lapel. Taking a deep breath he started speaking.

Men, I speak to you as an equal. You all are officers of men raised from their farms, from their wives and their children and march out in order to protect their nation. You need a leader you can understand, you can look up to and seek to become. In the ideals of our Revolution, to ignore our place of birth and become the men we have always dreamed of becoming.

Now you have two men seeking to become your leader. Myself, a man from Normandy, born on a farm not unlike that of many of you, who joined the army to support my family, not unlike many of you. I was promoted due to merit to become a sous-lieutenant of the artillery. Following this I established a society of French Gentlemen, of officers and members of the military that value the Revolution, God and Country. For my virtue I was found acceptable and became Lieutenant-General of Police.

My competitor is Javert Valjean, a man and a former police officer. I don't know much about this man and won't slander this man, however he is a Parisan. Born and raised in the city, he knows nothing of us truly third estate peasants.

Now I am a humble man, never signing my name as any more than Vincent Parént. I will treat you as I have been treated, I will raise those that have worked hard, of proper spirit and dedication. Those that do this, regardless of estate, will be promoted to a station that fits their baring. I will never deny a man his chance to prove his worth.

On top of this, as a citoyen de France, as a Messiuer of Le Société and as a simple Norman farmer I promise you this. To each and every one of you. I will defend the Revolution, as I always have and always will. I will ensure the National Guard becomes an institution a prestige, of lore and pride. One where you will tell your grandchildren around the fire of the days when you served under Parént and the tricolouer, that you defended the Revolution and was proud to have served.

That is why I deserve to be elected to be your leader. For I am a fair man that you understand, who has proven himself to be loyal to the revolution and to the nation. I am confident in your ability to elect the correct candidate.

Pour Dieu, l'Église et la Révolution, la France s'appuie sur nous. Ne pas la laisser tomber.

Vincent steps down, the officers quiet in contemplation.
 
Vincent Parént is a man worthy of the position of Commander of the National Guard. The farms of our fatherland produces men of incredible character, work ethic, and moral fortitude. Good luck to you Monsieur Parént!

Antoine Durand votes for Monsieur Parént for the position of Commander of the National Guard

[Cordeliers]
 
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I too vote for Vincent Parént as Commander of the National Guard. He is an experience leader and without a doubt the most capable man we have for the job.

I also announce that we are withholding presenting a formal budget until the current constitutional issues are solved.

~ Rene Leon [Feuillants]
 
((umm guys pretty sure syrania said it was the guard itself that choose not us in the assembly))
 
((umm guys pretty sure syrania said it was the guard itself that choose not us in the assembly))

((Votes of confidence still sound fine to me))
 
Apologies for the delay - my busy weekend extended into a busy week beginning.

The next update is due tomorrow so if you have any last minute motions, ideas or proposals, now is the time to present them or send me a PM.
 
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Name: Valérian Lémieux
Date of Birth: 27th January, 1754 (38)
Place of Birth: New Orleans, Louisiana
Estate: Troisième
Religion: Deist
Culture: French

Faction: Jacobin

Biography: Born in French Louisiana to middle-class parents specialising in colonial trade and commerce, Lémieux suffered a turbulent childhood, with his father's service and death in the French and Indian Wars when he was merely a child. He and his mother returned to France in 1764, following the conclusion of the conflict, to stay with relatives in Paris. Lémieux would be educated and tutored by his relatives, becoming an apprentice in their workshop and slowly assuming control over their artisan business. Like other Parisians, Lémieux soon involved himself in the Revolution, becoming a commander in the National Guard, and participating in the Storming of the Bastille and other major revolutionary battles. Elected to the Third Estate by the Commune of Paris, he stands as a political and military figure, representing both Parisian and bourgeois interests. Possessing a fiery patriotism, a commitment to republicanism, and an unswerving allegiance to the Revolution, albeit tempered by Caesarian sympathies, Lémieux stands as a prominent figure among the republican camp of the National Assembly.
 
2-7 October 1791:
Peril and Prospect


As the Chinese would have it, in every crisis there is both peril and prospect. In the case of the French constitutional crisis of early October, the peril was clearly for the Government, which faced an existential threat to its authority and the nascent revolutionary state. The prospects to be reaped, on the other hand, seemingly belonged to the radical opposition, which could overcome its poor electoral showing by resorting to the ultimate authority of the people. As the Assembly was placed under siege, momentum favoured the latter; calls for the overthrow of the Feuillant ministry and the deposition of the Monarchy abounded. But the King himself and his First Minister, Édouard-Alexandre Blair, proved to be defter operatives than anyone could have predicted. The former, still dishevelled from his encounter outside the Palais Bourbon, dismissed the War Secretary for his reactionary rhetoric in favour of the leftist General Charles Pierre-Francois Augereau and appointed a Jacobin to the Foreign Ministry. His actions, acknowledging the general will and popular power, demonstrated his commitment to the new constitutional order. Meanwhile, Blair, rather than rail against the excesses of the rebels, chose to embrace their concerns; if the people wanted unqualified suffrage, they would have it. When informed by a lawyer that the Constitution entrenched census-based suffrage, his response was immortal: "I propose we rip up the constitution and write another." With these words, the hard-fought French Constitution - intended by its framers to last for generations to come - was to be scrapped within a week of its adoption. His Majesty’s Government had outmanoeuvred its determined antagonists to become the party of the people.

These attempts to emulate the Left invariably repulsed the Right. The Monarchicals had reluctantly conceded the power of the Assembly and resolved to aid the King from within it. But as His Majesty seemed to realign with the moderate Feuillants, his fundamental base began to flag in its enthusiasm. The dismissal of the noble Comte de Nogaret-Lefebvre from government - and his replacement by a Cordelier vandal, no less - prompted cries of outrage from the Monarchical benches. But it was the First Minister's decision to embrace, rather than reject, the calls for unqualified suffrage that drove the split home. Abolishing the propertied franchise of the Constitution would decimate the representation of the elites and flood the Assembly with commoners and plebeians. They believed that the King would veto such an abhorrent motion, but to their astonishment, he did not. Seemingly abandoned by His Majesty and His Government, the Monarchicals returned the favour. While the Local Government Act passed the Assembly with the partial support of the Left, it was universally opposed by the Monarchical minority. The putative unity of the conservative bloc was at an end. But as the Assembly bickered and broke ranks, events were quickly slipping out of their grasp.

Following Lafayette's resignation, the urgent matter of a new commander for the National Guard swiftly pitted Right against Left and the Government against the Opposition. Vincent Parént, Lieutenant-General of Police, declared his candidacy with the stated intention of bringing the Guard under the personal supervision of his office. His sole challenger was Javert Valjean, a former policeman who had become radicalised (as so many had) by Champs de Mars and now aligned with the Cordeliers - another potential contender, Valérian Lémieux, also a devoutly republican former Guardsman, was barricaded in the Assembly at the time. Given his background in the Guard and Parisian birth, Valjean appeared the more natural choice than his opponent, a provincial Norman soldier and an agent of the King. But in the face of a passionate speech by Parént staking himself to the mast of the Third Estate (which composed most of the middle-class Guard), and still reeling from the Parisian disorder and the skirmish outside the Bourbon, the Guardsmen put aside their reluctance to render themselves subservient to the Feuillant ministry and elected Parént as commander-in-chief. This was far from the unanimous choice, however; the monarchist remnant of the former Royal Guard had desired to install the ever-popular Comte de Nogaret-Lefebvre while the radical minority still firmly supported Valjean (although the Jacobins eventually sided with Parént). The National Guard may have been at his command, but it did not belong to him altogether; it was as divided and demoralised as the government it was expected to stick its neck out to defend.

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But this was beyond the knowledge of the rebels investing the Assembly; the election of the hardline Lieutenant Parént was, to them, the prelude to a bloody crackdown. As news of his appointment spread through the camp, its leaders decided that their position was indefensible and they risked a massacre by remaining. Overnight, the mob withdrew - but it did not go quietly. Instead, exploiting the momentary indecision of the Guard, the mass crossed to the Place de la Révolution and thence began the long walk to the Hôtel de Ville. This march through the heart of Paris encountered little opposition; the Swiss Guard deterred an attempt to vandalise the lower halls of the Palais des Tuileries, but no one else intervened. The fact that the Palais-Royal, just across the street, was left unmolested suggested that the popular sympathy was shifting to the Duc d'Orléans, long considered more liberal than his reigning cousin. Instead of dissipating in the face of these setbacks, the ranks of the insurrectionists swelled with newcomers of various stripes and creeds. Its cause was bolstered by significant additions: Antoine Durand, a deputy of the Assembly, had recast himself in revolutionary cloth as head of the Phygrians or Durandists, a band of republican rogues who pledged themselves to the rebels; even the erstwhile lawman Valjean was spotted encouraging the masses on their progress. By the end of the week, the most popular figures on the Left had either endorsed or implicated themselves with the uprising. As more and more factions threw themselves into the fray, the leadership and purpose of the mob became ever murkier.

If few could discern its objectives, no one doubted its destination. The mob had assembled outside the Hôtel de Ville, the seat of the Parisian Commune. They expected a warm welcome there. Just as the Guard had elected its new leader, so had the Commune. The Right enjoyed no representation in this race, which vied the Jacobin firebrand André Bouchard against the former minister Jacques Nazaire Aulard. As both men were indistinguishable in their ideological zeal, it was the actions of their parties that would decide the victor. The radical Commune initially distrusted Aulard for his previous association with the Feuillant Government. But when the Jacobin deputy Fernande Duveau assumed at His Majesty's invitation the very ministry that Aulard had just vacated and thus implicitly voiced support for the Government, the Commune decided that the Jacobin Club was losing its touch and swung for the Cordelier candidate. Aulard became the second ever Mayor of Paris and no doubt hoped that he would serve with greater distinction (and longevity) than his ill-fated successor.

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The new mayor was quickly put to the test. Unlike its siege of the Assembly, the mob's behaviour towards the Commune was totally deferential; it called upon Aulard to protect his constituents from the revenge of the royalist executive and its military arms. As the Commune convened in an emergency session, a motion was introduced by junior magistrate Georges Danton for the municipality to declare itself in favour of the insurrectionists. By default, this would set it on a collision course with the Assembly across the river. As the First Minister of France deliberated on whether to abolish the legal basis of his government, the Mayor of Paris could very well have beaten him to the punch.​


-------------------------

Player Actions Needed:

Vincent Parént ((Dadarian)) is the new Commander-in-Chief of the National Guard.

Jacques Nazaire Aulard ((Maxwell500)) is the new Mayor of the Commune of Paris. He must choose how to respond to the demands of the rebels.

The Local Government Act has been passed.

The First Minister has introduced a motion to abolish the French Constitution of 1791:

Abolish the Constitution: Oui/Non

[Monarchical/Feuillant/Jacobin/Social/Cordelier]

Note that abolishing the Constitution will revert France to Royal Absolutism until a new constitution has been adopted.

A further update concerning the Government is incoming.
 
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I congratulate myself with citizen Aulard for his well-deserved victory, I'm sure that he will know how to protect and represent the People of Paris until we can create a proper Democratic Constitution for the nation. Furthermore I must say that any attempt to suppress the insurrectionists would be utterly criminal: the People have the supreme, holy right to protest against the government and demand different policies, they have done nothing wrong.

The Commune should act to stop all attempts from Royalist officers to do harm to the good People of Paris.

- André Bouchard
 
Firstly, I would like to thank the People of Paris for the trust they have placed in me and I give them my word I will stand in their defense now and forever. Secondly, I thank Citizen Bouchard for his warm congratulations and I assure him that I shall protect and represent as I have been elected to do so. Lastly, of the most importance, in regards to the people and their protest against their unfair treatment and the failures of the King and his puppet government, I do warmly and solidly stand behind them in their struggle and will do all I can to defend them against any who would seek to harm them.

Jacques Nazaire Aulard
Mayor of the Commune of Paris
 
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Le Société de Messieurs Français / The Society of French Gentlemen

As of now, the Revolution has been lost. Le Société de Messieurs Français has found the King, the Government and the Constitution incapable of leading the French People of any estate. Their attempts have been admirable, however it is obvious that the monarchy is inherently incapable of establishing the rule of law and protecting not only the People, but the Church as well.

Insofar as that the current Government and it's system has failed, the following edicts have been issued:

~ Whereas the Government has failed the Law, it is found guilty in the eyes of Le Société. Therefore, no longer legitimate, the Police and National Guard are hereby ordered to defend the Revolution and arrest the members Government and force the dissolution of Parliament.

~ Whereas the Government has failed the People, it is found guilty in the eyes of Le Société. Therefore, no longer legitimate, the members of Government will be put to trial by the members of the Revolution and be found either innocent or guilty in a court of Law.

~ Whereas the Monarchists have declared their opposition to the People, they are found guilty in the eyes of Le Société. Therefore all Monarchist clubs and organisations shall be closed and all noted members shall be arrested in order to face popular trial.

Therefore the following will occur. The Government shall be subject to dissolution, the members of which along with the Royal Family shall be arrested, all monarchists will be subject to public trial and the Revolution will succeed in it's final form. The Police, Judiciary, National Guard and Navy, all represented by Le Société, are hereby ordered to defend France and the Revolution.

Viva la Revolution, Viva la France!

Signed Messieurs - Vincent Parént
- Per Le Goff
- Charles Pierre-Francois Augereau
 
Down with the King, aye! Yet the government has no part in this. I urge the Société de Messieurs Français to consider a pardon to all members of the current government who find themselves in agreement with our ideals and voluntarily resign from their posts. It is not my usual prerogative to defend Monarchists and seated Ministers appointed by the King, but there is simply no need to alienate those who agree with us.

- "Le Préfet" Renaud de Cartelège
 
I congratulate Jacques Nazaire Aulard to his new position as mayor of the most revolutionary commune of Paris, deciding to side with the people was the belived outcome as monseur Jacques Nazaire Aulard is a true revolutionary!.

I Congratulate monsieur Vincent Parént in his wining the candidacy for the National Guard, i myself opposed the man as he seemed to be a tool of the counter-revolutionaries, But his hard have changed seen the plight of the people and our demonstration that we will die for the revolution if necessary, and so welcome the news he and the Le Société de Messieurs Français has seen the light, and decided to side with france! as France is the people that live on it and not the King and its noble cabal!

The Revolution is here to stay! the tides of change cant be pushed back and soon we will rebuild the government to truly represent the people of France and not just "noble Class" of france

Vive la France
Vive Le Cordeliers
Liberté, égalité, fraternité

Javert Valjean, Proud member of the Revolution.
 
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Le Société de Messieurs Français / The Society of French Gentlemen

It is fully understood that not all the Ministers are compliant in the abuse of the People. Therefore those found obviously innocent or in the right shall be freed prior to trial.
 
What are the plans of the Société after the dissolution of the government?

The People of France ask for Democracy and unrestricted suffrage, I hope that the Société will be capable to deliver. If the National Guard can assures their loyalty to the ideals of Freedom and Equality then the Jacobin club will be more than ready to offer his full support to citizen Parént.

- André Bouchard
 
Upon hearing of the coup, René hurried to his small apartment. When the 'officials' broke through the door the next morning, René was found hanging from his bootstraps. On a scrap of paper was found his final statement, "Abandoned by the people, criminalised by a coup. Thus dies the Revolution, thus dies France."