GHJ: Ehh, my standard estimate for logistics (cribbed from van Creveld) is about 2 lbs per soldier per day. Thus a galleon carrying 400 tons of provisions could supply around around 800,000 man-days of food (this is on the upper half for a merchant galleon, but on the low side for some of the military monsters). Columbus departed on 03 AUG and made landfall on Cuba at 28 OCT. This gives us a 50 day baseline, yeah galleons might be a bit slower, but they can take the most direct route and not stop for exploration. This means a single galleon making the voyage can carry sufficient food for 16,00 men with a single ship dedicated to food. In reality you'd parcel the food & men out to each ship, but feeding the men en route is simply a question of cost.
Unlike against the English, you won't need escort ships so you can get some very nice hull efficiency going. Resupply in Havana or Hispaniola makes this a relative cakewalk for period logistics.
Dafool:
1. No it didn't just happen in waves. One of the problems I keep mentioning and you keep ignoring is that epidemics lead to big holes in a manpower economy. Losing, say the head drainage engineer and his apprentice to an epidemic will lead to the failure of the drainage system. Having 4/5ths of the workforce sick (not dead, just not fit for heavy labor) during the wet season means that you lose a lot of the highly fertile ground. Once these things break down more people - who survived the sickness die. Places like Peten saw huge losses from the knock-on effects and only managed to eke along as shadows of the former selves because other cities were outright abandoned. Likewise, you will disproportionately lose women of child bearing age, this leads to a demographic bulge that depletes military manpower half a generation before it shows up the death rate.
Remember smallpox has 30-35% mortality rate in populations with hereditary immunity. It leaves 5% of the survivors blind, osteomyelitic, or otherwise unfit for labor or battle. Even the most simplistic model leaves you down 40% of the manpower in one go. Also recall that the Inca were hit with 4 separate waves in 1529-1534. In some particularly virulent epidemics it is estimated that 80%+ of the population died in
a single year.
2. You can't just mass all the surviving native military manpower for one grand battle against a full Spanish army. You have no draft animals so you can't use wagons and you will eat the heavily depleted area bare in a brief period of time. Remember the chinampa are going to be mostly gone at this point - the corvee system will be faltering if not dead, and unlike the Spaniards if you eat the seed crops, you end up dead next year. The Spaniards can chose many routes inland so you pretty much would have to surrender all the other cities if you mean to pull all the surviving warriors together after. Lest we forget, massing that many soldiers in the field even for a day or two means that you will spark a fresh epidemic - if anyone is sick on either side, all 100,000 will become great spread vectors. Sanitation just doesn't hold up in large formations, particularly given that the diseases are new and the folk habits to prevent their spread are completely unknown.
Massing a huge army after the epidemics is suicide. It is just about the easiest way for the Spanish to win.
3. No it wouldn't. A galleon can carry enough food for transit from to Seville to Cuba for 16,000 men. It can restock in Cuba or you just send a "second ship". Once you land, a village of 500 needs to store enough food for say 100 days. That means sacking a single village will feed 5,000 soldiers for 10 days. Now maybe the Aztecs go scorched earth, but with the epidemics, that just kills the Aztecs as well - you need those places to try to feed places as the corvee system dies and high man-hour agriculture implodes.
4. Are you serious? The Aztecs are going to
celebrate his defeat and pass word all the way to the coast. In any event, when conquistadors were lost (e.g. when de Niza had complete failure but made up vague stories about huge wealth, the Spaniards
immediately set out another expedition.
Basically, your assumption is that the Spanish will respond to that defeat with the utmost resolve and the Natives would simply wither and fall. Given that neither of those has any historical precedent (The Spanish often hesitated after their defeats in the New World and many Natives put up fierce resistance despite all their disadvantages), I can't genuinely see that as the likely outcome. In my mind, if Cortes fails, the Spanish continue their colonization efforts and conquistadors stay out of Mexico for a few years until his fate becomes more clear. Colonies on the fringes of Mesoamerica grow and the Spanish colonists become more aware of the situation in Mexico. Demographic and political pressure will probably allow the Spanish to force some Mesoamerican cities and states into subjugation, while others put up continual resistance. Gold and other valuables are probably extorted out of the Native states. The remnants of the Triple Alliance, if it held together, might still occasionally harass and besiege the Spanish, but lack the power to fully oust them from the mainland. Eventually, probably by the 17th century, the Native polities are so fragmented and depopulated that the Spanish control most of Mexico without needing to conquer or barter for it. My reasoning for such scenario is primarily based around the outcome of their early campaigns in the Yucatan and some of the events that happened in the Andes and North America.
What part of this is based in reality? Smallpox, just prior to eradication when everyone had hereditary immunity, had 30-35% mortality rates with another 5% severly crippled. That isn't knock-on effects (which would be huge), that isn't multiple waves (as happened to the Inca), this isn't simultaneous pandemics (as happened in North America), and this isn't even trying to fight a war while sick. 30% of the population - gone -
if you are lucky and somehow manage to have mortality rates like populations with centuries of exposure.
You will lose significant people (like say rulers, all of one type of skilled craftsman, or all of the middle managers in a region) - it is a statistical certainty. Once you include the knock-on effects as several months of disrepair and neglect disrupt public works, miss corn plantings, and lead to people abandoning the cities ... well you are just utterly screwed. Every time you go into battle, you risk yet another epidemic. I'll repeat this for you again: in 100 years Txacala suffered a recorded depopulation of 99.77%. As this is, at best, a logarithmic function that means the population declined by half every 11.43 years. In reality, it was much more front loaded. And this was for the winners who got to seize new territory, take advantage of Spanish draft animals, and get a bunch of slave labor.
You are completely correct that Mesoamerica had brutal and bloody politics and the Aztecs were not qualitatively different. However, I have seen some scholarship that says they were more bloody than other polities and quantitatively harsher in terms of tribute and sacrifice.
Kyoumen:
I laugh every time somebody thinks they know what they're talking about while confidently stating about how the Aztecs used obsidian swords.
Really, because my books, like
Mexico and the Spanish Conquest, describe Aztec battles as, "When the barrage began, soldiers advanced carrying stone-bladed wooden broadswords (macuahuitl) and thrusting spears (tepoztopilli)." I eagerly await your sources as to why several noted Colonial Spanish scholars are risible for talking about the Aztecs using macuahuitl with obsidian blades.