Thanks!
In fairness, Thrace is one of the mightiest nations on Earth. That being said, this victory certainly didn't help Alexander IV's ego.
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I was half expecting that to end with Olympiodorus having a 'tragic accident' as Alexander IV doesn't seem the type to tolerate any rivals to his ego.
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The Reign of Alexander IV "the Epigoni": The Eye of the Storm
After the end of the Conquest of Spinopara, there was a brief period of peace - or rather, of detente, as all of the tribes that bordered Epirus worried that they would be the next target of the Epigoni’s aggression. Despite this, none of them dared to attempt a preemptive strike against Epirus. They feared that such a move would only alienate them from potential allies.
This allowed Basileus Alexander IV to deal with internal matters before war. He first received many letters of praise for one of his commanders, Hermaios Apollonid, and this angered him. Hermaios commanded the Stratos of Greece, but this army still ultimately answered to the Basileus. It grated on him that someone else was getting praise for the command of the joint Epirote army.
Alexander feared that, if these letters reached Hermaios, they could cause him to become disloyal. He burned them to prevent his commander’s ego from becoming dangerous. He knew how that ended with Olympiodorus Karsid - it ended with an independent army serving Epirus and owing no allegiance to him. Indeed, Basileus Alexander was so paranoid that he briefly considered assassinating Hermaios himself in order to ensure that he didn’t become disloyal. In the end, he was only kept from that act by the fact that Hermaios was in poor health, so the Basileus expected him to die soon. In actual fact, he would outlive both the Epigoni and the Wolf, emerging from The Wolf’s Rebellion mostly unscathed, although that wouldn’t happen for a while yet.
The Wolf’s Rebellion was also foreshadowed by the actions of the Wolf himself during this period of detente. In February 554 AUC, Alexander heard rumors that Olympiodorus Karsid was planning to assassinate potential rivals to the throne. Alexander, who was suspicious of Karsid anyway, sent spies to observe him. This would prove to be a prudent move, as Olympiodorus actually was plotting treason. In March, he was discovered talking with another influential noble, Themistios Megaklid, about Eukrates Aiakid, a potential heir to the throne. They seemed to be discussing how to assassinate him and become the power behind the throne themselves.
Still, something must have gone wrong during these discussions because, on May 15, Karsid marched his private army to the home of Themistios and began a duel. Alexander’s spies reported this to him, and it was at this moment that Basileus Alexander made a grave mistake that likely cost thousands of Epirote lives. He remarked that the two former conspirators should be allowed to fight, as it would simply mean that there would be less competition to the power of the Basileus in Epirus. This decision, made hastily and in anger, was very unwise. The duel lasted until September and ended with the wounding of Themistios, who eventually died in April 557. More importantly, it gave The Wolf confidence in the throne’s impotence. Had Basileus Alexander the Epigoni interfered, it is very likely that the conflict could have ended without bloodshed. Instead, a noble of the realm was dead, and another had gained power at his expense. The Wolf’s Rebellion itself hadn’t begun yet, but the Epirote kingdom had given up its best chance to avert it.
This allowed Basileus Alexander IV to deal with internal matters before war. He first received many letters of praise for one of his commanders, Hermaios Apollonid, and this angered him. Hermaios commanded the Stratos of Greece, but this army still ultimately answered to the Basileus. It grated on him that someone else was getting praise for the command of the joint Epirote army.
Alexander feared that, if these letters reached Hermaios, they could cause him to become disloyal. He burned them to prevent his commander’s ego from becoming dangerous. He knew how that ended with Olympiodorus Karsid - it ended with an independent army serving Epirus and owing no allegiance to him. Indeed, Basileus Alexander was so paranoid that he briefly considered assassinating Hermaios himself in order to ensure that he didn’t become disloyal. In the end, he was only kept from that act by the fact that Hermaios was in poor health, so the Basileus expected him to die soon. In actual fact, he would outlive both the Epigoni and the Wolf, emerging from The Wolf’s Rebellion mostly unscathed, although that wouldn’t happen for a while yet.
The Wolf’s Rebellion was also foreshadowed by the actions of the Wolf himself during this period of detente. In February 554 AUC, Alexander heard rumors that Olympiodorus Karsid was planning to assassinate potential rivals to the throne. Alexander, who was suspicious of Karsid anyway, sent spies to observe him. This would prove to be a prudent move, as Olympiodorus actually was plotting treason. In March, he was discovered talking with another influential noble, Themistios Megaklid, about Eukrates Aiakid, a potential heir to the throne. They seemed to be discussing how to assassinate him and become the power behind the throne themselves.
Still, something must have gone wrong during these discussions because, on May 15, Karsid marched his private army to the home of Themistios and began a duel. Alexander’s spies reported this to him, and it was at this moment that Basileus Alexander made a grave mistake that likely cost thousands of Epirote lives. He remarked that the two former conspirators should be allowed to fight, as it would simply mean that there would be less competition to the power of the Basileus in Epirus. This decision, made hastily and in anger, was very unwise. The duel lasted until September and ended with the wounding of Themistios, who eventually died in April 557. More importantly, it gave The Wolf confidence in the throne’s impotence. Had Basileus Alexander the Epigoni interfered, it is very likely that the conflict could have ended without bloodshed. Instead, a noble of the realm was dead, and another had gained power at his expense. The Wolf’s Rebellion itself hadn’t begun yet, but the Epirote kingdom had given up its best chance to avert it.
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Well, you're right about that. In retrospect, that might have been a good idea, but Alexander IV, for all of his virtues, is ultimately very cautious... almost certainly too cautious. Many deaths could've been avoided if only he'd humbled himself. Of course, he would be a different person if he did. Granted, The Wolf's fatal flaw is also probably pride.
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The Reign of Alexander IV "the Epigoni": The Dindarian War
Before the Wolf’s Rebellion, though, Alexander IV had one final war of conquest. Epirote soldiers entered Dindaria in September 556. This war would become very interesting because a lot of it was simply a bidding war. Alexander IV didn’t trust mercenaries at all, suspecting that they would commit treason for gold in a heartbeat, but he also reasoned that he could bribe them against serving his enemies for that reason - and most of his enemy’s force consisted of mercenaries. He bribed this force, but they proved to betray their contract, so Alexander sent assassins to murder their commander and offered their new commander a new deal. He wisely accepted.
Meanwhile, Basileus Alexander IV led his army to a major city of the Dindarian government - Horreum Margi. There, they defeated and slaughtered the vast majority of the Dindarian army. The Dindarian chiefs offered terms of surrender, but they weren’t satisfactory to the king. He wanted the Dindarian chiefs - and their allies, the two tribes that called themselves Scordiscians - utterly annihilated. Their lands were to be annexed to the crown. He told the Dindarian emissaries as much, and the war went on.
As 557 dawned, the Wolf engaged the enemy tribes in a confrontation at Municipium. He lost, although he managed to slaughter many of his foes and escape with most of his forces, despite being outnumbered 2-7. He retreated and sat out the rest of the war in the north.
Eventually, in March, the mercenaries encountered the last remnants of the tribal army, which were now augmented by other mercenaries. They were ultimately forced from the field, but it was a Tempsene victory - perhaps even more of a Tempsene victory than Tempsa itself. Only mercenaries remained in service to any of the tribes. Their standing armies had been eliminated completely.
Those mercenaries then swept across Dindaria and both Scordiscias, looking for the mercenaries that had been paid by their enemies. A few - a very small amount overall - had decided to defend the Epirote border towns, but these were rare. They were mercenaries - they didn’t care about anything except money. Most certainly didn’t care about their employers enough to protect their civilians.
Banneia, the last remaining central settlement in Dindaria, fell in December. The chiefs of the Dindarians were executed, but resistance remained. Both Scordiscias began raising a new army to augment their paltry and disloyal mercenaries, but Dindaria was almost completely pacified. It looked like the war’s end was going to arrive at any moment.
This was deceptive. In February 558, the Wolf finally pounced, launching a revolt. Basileus Alexander was forced to remove most of his army from the north in order to maintain his kingdom. This prolonged the war - and caused horrors in the north. Without most of the Epirotes to contain them, the mercenaries began looting everything of value and slaughtering the Dindarians and the Scordiscians. It was horrifying, and, in the future, the people of those two kingdoms would curse Olympiodorus Karsid’s name.
Dindaria was fully occupied only in January 559, and the allied force, untested in battle, was wise enough not to challenge bloodthirsty mercenaries. They retreated to a stronghold in Scordiscia - Praesidium Illyrum. There, they decided to make a stand.
The mercenaries in Epirus’s service won at Praesidium Illyrum in February, and the great army was shattered. A small portion survived to retreat to one of the Scordiscias, but the other was left utterly defenseless. In addition, any hope of relieving Dindaria died a final death at the Battle of Praesidium Illyrum.
The rest of the war was mostly a formality. The mercenaries looted most of their enemies’ lands. They demanded tribute from the locals, who were in no position to refuse. When the rudimentary city of Ad Drinum fell in July, any hope of resistance fell with it. The Northern Alliance, for all intents and purposes, was finished.
Later legends would claim that Basileus Alexander IV wept over the destruction that his mercenaries wrought, although this is unlikely. Alexander hardly cared about those whom he considered barbarians, and he had willingly hired the mercenaries. Still, it is likely that he regretted the devastation that the civil war brought upon his future subjects - especially subjects who could be trained in the art of Epirote war.
When he finally signed a peace agreement in September 559, it demanded the annexation of Dindaria and one of the Scordiscias. The Scordiscia that retained an army survived to fight another day. Immediately thereafter, he fired all of his mercenaries, insisting that he would never subject his subjects to a horror like that which had befallen the northern tribes.
Meanwhile, Basileus Alexander IV led his army to a major city of the Dindarian government - Horreum Margi. There, they defeated and slaughtered the vast majority of the Dindarian army. The Dindarian chiefs offered terms of surrender, but they weren’t satisfactory to the king. He wanted the Dindarian chiefs - and their allies, the two tribes that called themselves Scordiscians - utterly annihilated. Their lands were to be annexed to the crown. He told the Dindarian emissaries as much, and the war went on.
As 557 dawned, the Wolf engaged the enemy tribes in a confrontation at Municipium. He lost, although he managed to slaughter many of his foes and escape with most of his forces, despite being outnumbered 2-7. He retreated and sat out the rest of the war in the north.
Eventually, in March, the mercenaries encountered the last remnants of the tribal army, which were now augmented by other mercenaries. They were ultimately forced from the field, but it was a Tempsene victory - perhaps even more of a Tempsene victory than Tempsa itself. Only mercenaries remained in service to any of the tribes. Their standing armies had been eliminated completely.
Those mercenaries then swept across Dindaria and both Scordiscias, looking for the mercenaries that had been paid by their enemies. A few - a very small amount overall - had decided to defend the Epirote border towns, but these were rare. They were mercenaries - they didn’t care about anything except money. Most certainly didn’t care about their employers enough to protect their civilians.
Banneia, the last remaining central settlement in Dindaria, fell in December. The chiefs of the Dindarians were executed, but resistance remained. Both Scordiscias began raising a new army to augment their paltry and disloyal mercenaries, but Dindaria was almost completely pacified. It looked like the war’s end was going to arrive at any moment.
This was deceptive. In February 558, the Wolf finally pounced, launching a revolt. Basileus Alexander was forced to remove most of his army from the north in order to maintain his kingdom. This prolonged the war - and caused horrors in the north. Without most of the Epirotes to contain them, the mercenaries began looting everything of value and slaughtering the Dindarians and the Scordiscians. It was horrifying, and, in the future, the people of those two kingdoms would curse Olympiodorus Karsid’s name.
Dindaria was fully occupied only in January 559, and the allied force, untested in battle, was wise enough not to challenge bloodthirsty mercenaries. They retreated to a stronghold in Scordiscia - Praesidium Illyrum. There, they decided to make a stand.
The mercenaries in Epirus’s service won at Praesidium Illyrum in February, and the great army was shattered. A small portion survived to retreat to one of the Scordiscias, but the other was left utterly defenseless. In addition, any hope of relieving Dindaria died a final death at the Battle of Praesidium Illyrum.
The rest of the war was mostly a formality. The mercenaries looted most of their enemies’ lands. They demanded tribute from the locals, who were in no position to refuse. When the rudimentary city of Ad Drinum fell in July, any hope of resistance fell with it. The Northern Alliance, for all intents and purposes, was finished.
Later legends would claim that Basileus Alexander IV wept over the destruction that his mercenaries wrought, although this is unlikely. Alexander hardly cared about those whom he considered barbarians, and he had willingly hired the mercenaries. Still, it is likely that he regretted the devastation that the civil war brought upon his future subjects - especially subjects who could be trained in the art of Epirote war.
When he finally signed a peace agreement in September 559, it demanded the annexation of Dindaria and one of the Scordiscias. The Scordiscia that retained an army survived to fight another day. Immediately thereafter, he fired all of his mercenaries, insisting that he would never subject his subjects to a horror like that which had befallen the northern tribes.
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The Reign of Alexander IV "the Epigoni": The Karsid Revolt
The Karsid Revolt began in February 558, and he managed to convince many governors - especially his close kin - to join him. Epirus was divided - even in the far-flung western territories. Both Magna Graecia and Gaul split over the rebellion. In Gaul, thankfully, the governor quickly managed to defeat his rebellious subordinates by March.
Everywhere else, though, a stalemate occurred. Olympiodorus Karsid was not yet confident enough in his own forces to launch brazen attacks on his king, but Basileus Alexander IV was occupied by the Dindarian War.
In the end, the Basileus would strike first. He first captured a Karsid stronghold in September 558, but his forces still faced no resistance there.
The first engagement occurred in March 559 at Messana. Loyalist Epirote forces managed to win, but they were heavily aided by mercenaries that Basileus Alexander IV had managed to bribe into betraying their former employer - Olympiodorus Karsid. This combined force then took a few months to capture the city - it only fell in June.
After that, Basileus Alexander IV was distracted by the Dindarian War. He clearly took out his rage over the situation there, and new records suggest that many of the former Dindarians secretly planned to join Karsid’s rebellion over their mistreatment, although they ultimately decided that their mistreatment was Karsid’s fault.
The next engagements would come in the summer of 560. Karsid would hire more mercenaries to fight in Magna Graecia. Basileus Alexander IV considered him a coward and a fool for doing this - he declared that, “Karsid won’t even honor me by sending Epirotes to besiege my cities. No, he insists on sending people who are loyal to money alone to face my men, as if afraid of facing them himself…”.
Basileus Alexander IV’s criticisms were quickly proven correct. While Messana was reclaimed by Karsid in August, his mercenaries would turn their coats based on Alexander’s gold in the beginning of 561, and they would reclaim Messana in September. After that, the Basileus fired them, noting that there were still plenty of wars for them to fight, and he didn’t want them turned against him because somebody else paid more.
The Basileus, however, was leading his own soldiers. He reclaimed Spinopara, which was on the Thracian border, in July, and then he led his men in a confrontation with Karsid’s loyal and organized Macedonian soldiers at Hammeum in September. This ended in an Epirote victory, but the vast majority of the rebel army - and the Wolf of Epirus himself - escaped to fight another day.
This angered Basileus Alexander, who decided that there was a far quicker way to end the war. All he needed to do was eliminate the rebellion’s leader, so he sent a few assassins to the Wolf in November. They failed to kill him, and a letter arrived at Passaron that told the Basileus that many of the rebellious soldiers had generational loyalty to the Karsids. In anger, Alexander IV declared that he would simply exterminate the entire Karsid line, and he sent his assassins out to do exactly that. They managed to kill Olympiodoros and many of his line, but Basileus Alexander had gone too far. He was killed by an assassin - probably one on the payroll of the Karsid family - in December 561. His heir, Epikydes I, negotiated an end to the rebellion and began a second golden age.
Everywhere else, though, a stalemate occurred. Olympiodorus Karsid was not yet confident enough in his own forces to launch brazen attacks on his king, but Basileus Alexander IV was occupied by the Dindarian War.
In the end, the Basileus would strike first. He first captured a Karsid stronghold in September 558, but his forces still faced no resistance there.
The first engagement occurred in March 559 at Messana. Loyalist Epirote forces managed to win, but they were heavily aided by mercenaries that Basileus Alexander IV had managed to bribe into betraying their former employer - Olympiodorus Karsid. This combined force then took a few months to capture the city - it only fell in June.
After that, Basileus Alexander IV was distracted by the Dindarian War. He clearly took out his rage over the situation there, and new records suggest that many of the former Dindarians secretly planned to join Karsid’s rebellion over their mistreatment, although they ultimately decided that their mistreatment was Karsid’s fault.
The next engagements would come in the summer of 560. Karsid would hire more mercenaries to fight in Magna Graecia. Basileus Alexander IV considered him a coward and a fool for doing this - he declared that, “Karsid won’t even honor me by sending Epirotes to besiege my cities. No, he insists on sending people who are loyal to money alone to face my men, as if afraid of facing them himself…”.
Basileus Alexander IV’s criticisms were quickly proven correct. While Messana was reclaimed by Karsid in August, his mercenaries would turn their coats based on Alexander’s gold in the beginning of 561, and they would reclaim Messana in September. After that, the Basileus fired them, noting that there were still plenty of wars for them to fight, and he didn’t want them turned against him because somebody else paid more.
The Basileus, however, was leading his own soldiers. He reclaimed Spinopara, which was on the Thracian border, in July, and then he led his men in a confrontation with Karsid’s loyal and organized Macedonian soldiers at Hammeum in September. This ended in an Epirote victory, but the vast majority of the rebel army - and the Wolf of Epirus himself - escaped to fight another day.
This angered Basileus Alexander, who decided that there was a far quicker way to end the war. All he needed to do was eliminate the rebellion’s leader, so he sent a few assassins to the Wolf in November. They failed to kill him, and a letter arrived at Passaron that told the Basileus that many of the rebellious soldiers had generational loyalty to the Karsids. In anger, Alexander IV declared that he would simply exterminate the entire Karsid line, and he sent his assassins out to do exactly that. They managed to kill Olympiodoros and many of his line, but Basileus Alexander had gone too far. He was killed by an assassin - probably one on the payroll of the Karsid family - in December 561. His heir, Epikydes I, negotiated an end to the rebellion and began a second golden age.
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Alexander IV does seem quite an unpleasant fellow, probably for the best he got assassinated before he could do any more damage.
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The Reign of Epikydes "the Conciliator"
Epikydes was the last Aiakid monarch that Epirus ever had, and his reign is generally considered to be the beginning of the Age of Prosperity. He managed to reunite an Epirus that was heavily scarred by war, and his policy of avoiding both domestic and foreign wars would set the tone for the early years of the Age of Prosperity.
He began his reign by adopting Nikeratos Karsid into the Aiakid family and marrying Kleostrate Karsid in April 562. This was meant to mend ties that had been broken by the Karsid Revolt and bring the Karsids more firmly into the realm. It heavily increased the loyalty of the Karsid family to the central Epirote regime, which reduced the chances that a Second Karsid Revolt would ever occur - and that strategy worked. The Karsids would remain loyal to the Kings of Epirus throughout the Age of Prosperity.
However, the Karsids were far from the only noble family in Epirus that Epikydes had to keep satisfied. His conciliatory attitude towards the Karsid quickly looked like it could lead to an Aiakid civil war - between Epikydes and his relative, Hyperbatas. News reached Epikydes of his relative’s potential disloyalty in October, and Epikydes decided that he wouldn’t follow in the footsteps of his predecessor. Rather than attempting to kill his relative and risk the stigma of being a kinslayer, he made an effort to become close friends with him. He reasoned that a man who viewed him as a friend wouldn’t lead a revolt against him, and he was right.
He began by praising the deeds of Hyperbatas, noting that he had honorably served in the Civilizing Wars of both Nikostratos I and Alexander IV. One notable aspect of this praise was that it avoided mentioning the Karsid Revolt entirely, instead focusing on the wars that a united Epirus had fought… and how those wars were beneficial. This worked - the Karsids weren’t offended, and Hyperbatas began to consider closer ties to Epikydes. He approached his king a month later and asked for gold to help with some debts, which Epikydes granted. Hyperbatas thanked him and offered to begin a correspondence with the Basileus, noting that it would be best if the other families believed that the Aiakids were united. Epikydes quickly agreed, taking these words for what they were - a promise not to begin a revolt against him.
Epikydes kept his end of the deal in December, when a man began speaking out against Hyperbatas, accusing him of being a warmonger who intended to usurp Epikydes and return them to the days of Alexander IV. Epikydes arrested and imprisoned the man for speaking against the royal family, although he ultimately spared his life. Instead of being executed, this critic of the royal family was banished to Thrace.
In February 563, Epikydes also increased his ties to the Megaklids. Theophrastos, their leader, approached him and said that he had had a vision of divine lightning destroying the entire Megaklid family. He offered the Basileus all of his possessions in exchange for protection. Epikydes refused to take advantage of him, instead assuring him that he was being paranoid and that the gods weren’t that arbitrary.
Still, there were moments when he wasn’t so kind and forgiving. When it was discovered that his Epiproxenos was likely embezzling funds in April and was definitely failing to communicate with his subjects, he responded by refusing to give him any money. He also warned him that, if such an incident were to happen again, he would execute him without hesitation. This showed his darker side - he wanted to ensure peace, but he was willing to do anything to make sure that peace was kept.
To this extent, he also passed a law forbidding torture for any reason in December. This law imposed harsh punishments on men who tortured their fellow human beings, regardless of their status. It also made him an incredibly popular ruler.
In May 564, however, Epikydes died of leprosy. He was succeeded by Hermaios I Apollonid, which angered Hyperbatas.
(Epirus is in dark yellow)
He began his reign by adopting Nikeratos Karsid into the Aiakid family and marrying Kleostrate Karsid in April 562. This was meant to mend ties that had been broken by the Karsid Revolt and bring the Karsids more firmly into the realm. It heavily increased the loyalty of the Karsid family to the central Epirote regime, which reduced the chances that a Second Karsid Revolt would ever occur - and that strategy worked. The Karsids would remain loyal to the Kings of Epirus throughout the Age of Prosperity.
However, the Karsids were far from the only noble family in Epirus that Epikydes had to keep satisfied. His conciliatory attitude towards the Karsid quickly looked like it could lead to an Aiakid civil war - between Epikydes and his relative, Hyperbatas. News reached Epikydes of his relative’s potential disloyalty in October, and Epikydes decided that he wouldn’t follow in the footsteps of his predecessor. Rather than attempting to kill his relative and risk the stigma of being a kinslayer, he made an effort to become close friends with him. He reasoned that a man who viewed him as a friend wouldn’t lead a revolt against him, and he was right.
He began by praising the deeds of Hyperbatas, noting that he had honorably served in the Civilizing Wars of both Nikostratos I and Alexander IV. One notable aspect of this praise was that it avoided mentioning the Karsid Revolt entirely, instead focusing on the wars that a united Epirus had fought… and how those wars were beneficial. This worked - the Karsids weren’t offended, and Hyperbatas began to consider closer ties to Epikydes. He approached his king a month later and asked for gold to help with some debts, which Epikydes granted. Hyperbatas thanked him and offered to begin a correspondence with the Basileus, noting that it would be best if the other families believed that the Aiakids were united. Epikydes quickly agreed, taking these words for what they were - a promise not to begin a revolt against him.
Epikydes kept his end of the deal in December, when a man began speaking out against Hyperbatas, accusing him of being a warmonger who intended to usurp Epikydes and return them to the days of Alexander IV. Epikydes arrested and imprisoned the man for speaking against the royal family, although he ultimately spared his life. Instead of being executed, this critic of the royal family was banished to Thrace.
In February 563, Epikydes also increased his ties to the Megaklids. Theophrastos, their leader, approached him and said that he had had a vision of divine lightning destroying the entire Megaklid family. He offered the Basileus all of his possessions in exchange for protection. Epikydes refused to take advantage of him, instead assuring him that he was being paranoid and that the gods weren’t that arbitrary.
Still, there were moments when he wasn’t so kind and forgiving. When it was discovered that his Epiproxenos was likely embezzling funds in April and was definitely failing to communicate with his subjects, he responded by refusing to give him any money. He also warned him that, if such an incident were to happen again, he would execute him without hesitation. This showed his darker side - he wanted to ensure peace, but he was willing to do anything to make sure that peace was kept.
To this extent, he also passed a law forbidding torture for any reason in December. This law imposed harsh punishments on men who tortured their fellow human beings, regardless of their status. It also made him an incredibly popular ruler.
In May 564, however, Epikydes died of leprosy. He was succeeded by Hermaios I Apollonid, which angered Hyperbatas.
(Epirus is in dark yellow)
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That's definitely for the best. Mind, Olympiodorus Karsid does share some of the blame here.
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I can understand why Hyperbatas is a bit upset, under most succession systems rule should stay in the family and pass to him. I wonder what different system Epirus is operating under?
Epikydes seems a reasonable chap and it makes sense a bit of peace and quiet would lay the foundations for an age of prosperity. Though there is the 'Hyperbatas problem' that needs dealing with, I doubt it will be civil war (age of prosperity and all that) so I think he may find out that the new King is not as forgiving and kind as Epikydes.
Epikydes seems a reasonable chap and it makes sense a bit of peace and quiet would lay the foundations for an age of prosperity. Though there is the 'Hyperbatas problem' that needs dealing with, I doubt it will be civil war (age of prosperity and all that) so I think he may find out that the new King is not as forgiving and kind as Epikydes.
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The Reign of Hermaios I "The Peaceful"
Hermaios I’s ascension was far from uncontested. Under normal circumstances, the heir would have Hyperbatas, who was actually a member of the royal Aiakid family. However, the Assembly of the Tribes, which had been sidelined during the entirety of the reign of the Aiakids, decided to elect Hermaios in the hopes that he would listen to their advice more.
This was a problematic move for multiple reasons, not least that the authority of the Assembly didn’t actually extend beyond the province of Epirus itself, which caused many to argue that Hermaios I ascended to the throne in a palace coup. The other reason was that the major families - the Aiakids, the Karsids, the Gelids, and the Megaklids - weren’t consulted about this decision. All of those families were worried about the precedent that this would set, fearing an age of coups and counter coups would occur and massively destabilize Epirus.
Hyperbatas even attempted to raise an army to claim his “rightful throne”, but he failed. The Epirote military was in no mood for a prolonged civil war, especially after the Karsid Revolt. Angered, Hyperbatas began to hire mercenaries and send letters to provincial governors, asking for their support. Fortunately, he died, allegedly of leprosy, before any of the letters were actually sent in June. His death marks the disappearance of the Aiakids from history - although many future rulers would claim descent from them, these claims are impossible to verify since we have no information about Hyperbatas’s descendants or relatives.
Of course, the fall of the Aiakids didn’t mark the end of Epirus’s internal struggles. The other families still threatened the power of Hermaios, and Hermaios knew that. However, he had a pacifist’s soul - he saw no point in endless violence. This convinced that befriending prominent members of his rival families would lead to far more peace than violently crushing them. To that extent, he began to befriend Labios Gelid, offering the Gelids stipends for their loyal service and even commissioning a sculpture in his honor. He would even later send Labios a Nile crocodile as a gift.
He also offered his ambitious brother, Hierax Apollonid, more freedom in running his province of Magna Graecia. He also offered Hierax money, although his proud brother declined this gift.
However, the most notable act of Hermaios was diplomatic. He noticed that Epirus was losing money and might soon go bankrupt. While a more violent king might have to resolve this issue by raiding his neighbors, Hermaios instead decided to expand trade with his neighbors. He negotiated trade deals with Rome, Egypt, Thrace, and many Gallic tribes. This is widely accepted as one of the reasons why the Age of Prosperity lasted as long as it did.
In December, Hermaios also began to grant additional rights to minorities, such as the Gallic and Italic tribes, in the kingdom. These rights even included the ability to become Epirote citizens themselves. He hoped that this would prevent future discontent.
Unfortunately, Hermaios had barely begun his planned reform program when he died in June 565. Most sources agree that he died in flagrante delicto - although what kind of moral wrongdoing is never explained in the primary sources and the secondary sources don’t agree on what it was. Most modern historians generally agree that he was killed while making love, although that still raises the question of who he was making love to.
This was a problematic move for multiple reasons, not least that the authority of the Assembly didn’t actually extend beyond the province of Epirus itself, which caused many to argue that Hermaios I ascended to the throne in a palace coup. The other reason was that the major families - the Aiakids, the Karsids, the Gelids, and the Megaklids - weren’t consulted about this decision. All of those families were worried about the precedent that this would set, fearing an age of coups and counter coups would occur and massively destabilize Epirus.
Hyperbatas even attempted to raise an army to claim his “rightful throne”, but he failed. The Epirote military was in no mood for a prolonged civil war, especially after the Karsid Revolt. Angered, Hyperbatas began to hire mercenaries and send letters to provincial governors, asking for their support. Fortunately, he died, allegedly of leprosy, before any of the letters were actually sent in June. His death marks the disappearance of the Aiakids from history - although many future rulers would claim descent from them, these claims are impossible to verify since we have no information about Hyperbatas’s descendants or relatives.
Of course, the fall of the Aiakids didn’t mark the end of Epirus’s internal struggles. The other families still threatened the power of Hermaios, and Hermaios knew that. However, he had a pacifist’s soul - he saw no point in endless violence. This convinced that befriending prominent members of his rival families would lead to far more peace than violently crushing them. To that extent, he began to befriend Labios Gelid, offering the Gelids stipends for their loyal service and even commissioning a sculpture in his honor. He would even later send Labios a Nile crocodile as a gift.
He also offered his ambitious brother, Hierax Apollonid, more freedom in running his province of Magna Graecia. He also offered Hierax money, although his proud brother declined this gift.
However, the most notable act of Hermaios was diplomatic. He noticed that Epirus was losing money and might soon go bankrupt. While a more violent king might have to resolve this issue by raiding his neighbors, Hermaios instead decided to expand trade with his neighbors. He negotiated trade deals with Rome, Egypt, Thrace, and many Gallic tribes. This is widely accepted as one of the reasons why the Age of Prosperity lasted as long as it did.
In December, Hermaios also began to grant additional rights to minorities, such as the Gallic and Italic tribes, in the kingdom. These rights even included the ability to become Epirote citizens themselves. He hoped that this would prevent future discontent.
Unfortunately, Hermaios had barely begun his planned reform program when he died in June 565. Most sources agree that he died in flagrante delicto - although what kind of moral wrongdoing is never explained in the primary sources and the secondary sources don’t agree on what it was. Most modern historians generally agree that he was killed while making love, although that still raises the question of who he was making love to.
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I tried to explain what I think happened and makes sense in universe.
Hyperbatas didn't read the realm right, although that death "from leprosy" is suspicious - although our author thinks nothing of it.
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The Reign of Sotas I: The Regency of Demophanes Karsid
Hermaios’s son ascended the throne, but he was underage, so a regency council was created. This was led by Demophanes Karsid, but it also included a Megaklid and a Gelid. The regency council acted with monarchical power throughout the minority of Sotas I, which angered the Assembly of the Tribes, an organization that had hoped to regain influence over Epirus due to their enthronement of the Apollonid Dynasty. However, their initial attempts to assert more control over the kingdom failed because the great families were satisfied with the regency council, which adequately represented their interests.
In June 568, Labios Gelid, who was the representative of the Gelids on the regency council, was killed. Demophanes Karsid appointed his relative, Antiphilos, as the Gelid representative on the council and the realm’s official chancellor. This worried the Megaklid representative, Demetrius, who met with Antiphilos and agreed to force Demophanes to give them equal influence over Epirus. While the Karsids were mostly forgiven, no one had forgotten their revolt, and most of Epirus’s great families opposed a coup against the monarchy of any kind.
The regency council then agreed to investigate the circumstances of Labios’s death. This investigation revealed the probable culprit, the Governor of Dacia. The council voted to punish him by allowing him to keep his post but exiling him from any territory owned by Epirus except that province. When the Governor began to raise a small army in response, Demophanes told him to cease and desist or face the full might of the Epirote military. The Governor backed down, but Demophanes sent spies to Dacia anyway.
In November 568, an interesting proposal found its way to the regency council. A number of soldiers stationed in Sicily wanted to form a small colony on that island. The regency council voted to approve their suggestion and to allow all Epirote armies to found military colonies throughout the kingdom. They hoped that this would make defense of Epirus’s borders easier, especially in Italia and Gaul. The first colony was created soon after, and it was named Kentoripa.
(an Epirote military colony)
For two years after the foundation of Kentoripa, the regency council didn’t do much. It was designed as a reactive measure and only meant to exercise monarchical duties if no other option was available. Its duties were to control foreign policy and resolve disputes between the great families of Epirus.
A dispute came up in September 570 when it was discovered that a member of the Megaklid dynasty was stealing from the treasury. While Demetrius Megaklid defended his relative, the evidence swayed Antiphilos Gelid and Demophanes Karsid, who voted to have him whipped but allowed him to keep his job.
Foreign policy came up in March 571 when Chief Souttis Skilid of Delmatia, a vassal of Epirus, asked to visit the capital in order to give his homage to Sotas in person. This was agreed to, and the two men were friends before the month ended.
In September 572, however, an interesting suggestion crossed the council’s desk. It was a message from the Chief of Allobrogia, a tribe in Gaul. He wanted to civilize and centralize his realm, and he wanted Epirote aid to do it. The regency council agreed, and literate men were sent to the tribe. In July 574, the new King of Allobrogia would finally sign a formal alliance with Epirus, which secured the northern border of the kingdom in Gaul.
In June 568, Labios Gelid, who was the representative of the Gelids on the regency council, was killed. Demophanes Karsid appointed his relative, Antiphilos, as the Gelid representative on the council and the realm’s official chancellor. This worried the Megaklid representative, Demetrius, who met with Antiphilos and agreed to force Demophanes to give them equal influence over Epirus. While the Karsids were mostly forgiven, no one had forgotten their revolt, and most of Epirus’s great families opposed a coup against the monarchy of any kind.
The regency council then agreed to investigate the circumstances of Labios’s death. This investigation revealed the probable culprit, the Governor of Dacia. The council voted to punish him by allowing him to keep his post but exiling him from any territory owned by Epirus except that province. When the Governor began to raise a small army in response, Demophanes told him to cease and desist or face the full might of the Epirote military. The Governor backed down, but Demophanes sent spies to Dacia anyway.
In November 568, an interesting proposal found its way to the regency council. A number of soldiers stationed in Sicily wanted to form a small colony on that island. The regency council voted to approve their suggestion and to allow all Epirote armies to found military colonies throughout the kingdom. They hoped that this would make defense of Epirus’s borders easier, especially in Italia and Gaul. The first colony was created soon after, and it was named Kentoripa.
(an Epirote military colony)
For two years after the foundation of Kentoripa, the regency council didn’t do much. It was designed as a reactive measure and only meant to exercise monarchical duties if no other option was available. Its duties were to control foreign policy and resolve disputes between the great families of Epirus.
A dispute came up in September 570 when it was discovered that a member of the Megaklid dynasty was stealing from the treasury. While Demetrius Megaklid defended his relative, the evidence swayed Antiphilos Gelid and Demophanes Karsid, who voted to have him whipped but allowed him to keep his job.
Foreign policy came up in March 571 when Chief Souttis Skilid of Delmatia, a vassal of Epirus, asked to visit the capital in order to give his homage to Sotas in person. This was agreed to, and the two men were friends before the month ended.
In September 572, however, an interesting suggestion crossed the council’s desk. It was a message from the Chief of Allobrogia, a tribe in Gaul. He wanted to civilize and centralize his realm, and he wanted Epirote aid to do it. The regency council agreed, and literate men were sent to the tribe. In July 574, the new King of Allobrogia would finally sign a formal alliance with Epirus, which secured the northern border of the kingdom in Gaul.
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The Reign of Sotas I: The Early Years
A few months after the ink was dry on the Allobrogian alliance, Sotas I reached his majority and took up the reins of government. He began his reign by approaching the Gelids for a marriage alliance, as he was worried about the power of both the Megaklids and the Karsids, but he trusted neither of those mighty families.
A year later, in October 575 AUC, Sotas I married Phthia Gelid. This tied his new regime to the Gelids closely, and Sotas was well aware of that. Still, he didn’t let this cloud his judgment - when Theophrastos Megaklid and Antiphilos Gelid got into a fight a year after the marriage, Sotas sided with Theophrastos. Thousands of pages have been written on why, and they rarely agreed on anything. Theories range from the mundane - a fear of allowing the Gelids too much influence over him - to the fantastic - that Theophrastos and the Basileus were engaged in a torrid, secret love affair. What everybody agrees on is simple, though - the decision happened, and Sotas publicly justified it by mentioning Theophrastos’s good character.
Before that conflict, however, Sotas had appointed commanders for two legions that had been left leaderless during Karsid’s regency. He appointed a talented man from a minor family named Deimachos Timotheid as commander of the Greek Legion, and he appointed a Karsid named Karsis as commander of the Illyrian Legion based on the advice of his former regent. These appointments happened in May 575, and they were part of a general expansion of the Epirote legions and abolition of the former levy system.
However, the talented lesser noblemen never got to prove his talent. His greed prevented that, as he abused his office to embezzle money from his soldiers. Sotas found this out when the troops complained to him in March of 580, and he learned a lesson from this - never trust the lesser nobility with a military command. It was a lesson he would keep in mind until his death. The new commander of the Greek Legion was Demokleides Karsid.
In April 581, however, the main link between the Basileus and the Karsid family, Demophanes Karsid, the former regent, died. Sotas was told that he died due to working too hard, but the Basileus found this diagnosis foolish and always suspected conspiracy. He searched for further evidence of this conspiracy for years, but the only evidence that such a plot ever existed didn’t survive to the present day. We know that it existed, though, because ancient sources mention it - the Perfidiousness of the Nobility by Sotas I himself was allegedly the book that exposed it.
Still, Sotas was unable to change the past, and all the evidence in the world couldn’t bring back the dead. Cults that claimed to be able to allow the living to speak to the dead did exist, though, and Sotas sought them out. This was the beginning of his obsession with religion and supernatural and mystical truths. Legend has it that Sotas’s first meeting with the Cult of Tyche was to discuss with Demophanes about who should replace him, and the regent advised his king to appoint Arseas Karsid, his relative.
For a few months, Sotas studied his mystical texts in peace, but politics soon reared its ugly head. In August, Sotas’s own relative betrayed him. Nikeratos Apollonid, the Governor of Vocontia in Gaul, attempted to stir up a revolt among his people. He argued that he governed over Gauls, not Greeks, and the Greek King in Passaron should not be able to dictate his will.
He quickly adopted Gallic customs and grew a long beard in the Gallic style. He proclaimed himself Chief of the Vocontians, and a massive army gathered around him. When news finally reached Sotas of this development, he ordered all loyal Epirotes to kill the treasonous Nikeratos and destroy his army. Nikeratos Apollonid’s head reached Passaron on a pike in September, and the King is said to have smiled and proclaimed “thus always to traitors”.
(A Statue of Nikeratos after his change)
A year later, in October 575 AUC, Sotas I married Phthia Gelid. This tied his new regime to the Gelids closely, and Sotas was well aware of that. Still, he didn’t let this cloud his judgment - when Theophrastos Megaklid and Antiphilos Gelid got into a fight a year after the marriage, Sotas sided with Theophrastos. Thousands of pages have been written on why, and they rarely agreed on anything. Theories range from the mundane - a fear of allowing the Gelids too much influence over him - to the fantastic - that Theophrastos and the Basileus were engaged in a torrid, secret love affair. What everybody agrees on is simple, though - the decision happened, and Sotas publicly justified it by mentioning Theophrastos’s good character.
Before that conflict, however, Sotas had appointed commanders for two legions that had been left leaderless during Karsid’s regency. He appointed a talented man from a minor family named Deimachos Timotheid as commander of the Greek Legion, and he appointed a Karsid named Karsis as commander of the Illyrian Legion based on the advice of his former regent. These appointments happened in May 575, and they were part of a general expansion of the Epirote legions and abolition of the former levy system.
However, the talented lesser noblemen never got to prove his talent. His greed prevented that, as he abused his office to embezzle money from his soldiers. Sotas found this out when the troops complained to him in March of 580, and he learned a lesson from this - never trust the lesser nobility with a military command. It was a lesson he would keep in mind until his death. The new commander of the Greek Legion was Demokleides Karsid.
In April 581, however, the main link between the Basileus and the Karsid family, Demophanes Karsid, the former regent, died. Sotas was told that he died due to working too hard, but the Basileus found this diagnosis foolish and always suspected conspiracy. He searched for further evidence of this conspiracy for years, but the only evidence that such a plot ever existed didn’t survive to the present day. We know that it existed, though, because ancient sources mention it - the Perfidiousness of the Nobility by Sotas I himself was allegedly the book that exposed it.
Still, Sotas was unable to change the past, and all the evidence in the world couldn’t bring back the dead. Cults that claimed to be able to allow the living to speak to the dead did exist, though, and Sotas sought them out. This was the beginning of his obsession with religion and supernatural and mystical truths. Legend has it that Sotas’s first meeting with the Cult of Tyche was to discuss with Demophanes about who should replace him, and the regent advised his king to appoint Arseas Karsid, his relative.
For a few months, Sotas studied his mystical texts in peace, but politics soon reared its ugly head. In August, Sotas’s own relative betrayed him. Nikeratos Apollonid, the Governor of Vocontia in Gaul, attempted to stir up a revolt among his people. He argued that he governed over Gauls, not Greeks, and the Greek King in Passaron should not be able to dictate his will.
He quickly adopted Gallic customs and grew a long beard in the Gallic style. He proclaimed himself Chief of the Vocontians, and a massive army gathered around him. When news finally reached Sotas of this development, he ordered all loyal Epirotes to kill the treasonous Nikeratos and destroy his army. Nikeratos Apollonid’s head reached Passaron on a pike in September, and the King is said to have smiled and proclaimed “thus always to traitors”.
(A Statue of Nikeratos after his change)
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The Reign of Sotas I: The Maedian War
Sotas’s execution of his relative stirred unrest among the nobles of Epirus, who worried that this marked the beginning of a tyrant’s reign. Most agreed that Nikeratos had betrayed Epirus, but the lack of a trial angered them. This news quickly reached the King’s ears, and he decided that Epirus needed a distraction from its internal unrest, so, in December 581 AUC, he declared war on Maedia, one of the last remaining independent neighbors of Epirus. Media had also historically been protected by Thrace, but this had proven to be unpopular with its residents, so that protection had been broken. Unfortunately for the Maedians, that left them undefended against Epirus’s wrath.
The Maedian War also served as the first test of some of the military reforms of Sotas and his ancestors. The first time that two Epirote Stratoi fought together was at the Battle of Spinopara in February 582, and it was meant as a test of cooperation. Sotas had feared that pride might get in the way of cooperation between the two commanders of his Stratoi, but this fear proved unfounded. The two commanders worked excellently together, and the battle was a crushing success - only 293 of Epirus’s soldiers were killed, but they killed more than a thousand of their foes.
The broken wreck of the Maedian army was forced to retreat, but this didn’t buy them much time. The victorious Epirotes, united and trained in a way that had eluded generations of their ancestors, followed their foes and met them at Stobi.
The Battle of Stobi was an even greater victory than the Battle of Spinopara. The complete force of the Maedians, barely more than a thousand men in all, was killed to a man, while the two great Epirote Stratoi suffered only 114 casualties. Fear was a large part of this - the Maedians knew how horrifically effective the Epirote Stratoi were, and many thought that it was suicide to challenge them. They were brave, but that couldn’t save them.
Even with these defeats, the Kings of Maedia held out hope. They had a well-defended fortress named Bansko. As long as that fortress held, there was no need to surrender or to negotiate terms with Epirus. It would buy them time - time to raise new armies and hire large mercenary forces.
This strategy might have worked in previous eras, but times were changing. Sotas and his regent had discovered ways to shorten the long and drawn out sieges of Early Antiquity, and the Basileus planned to use them.
Before the war, Sotas had invested in two technologies that revolutionized warfare. He had invested in Siege Ladders and in Siege Towers. The former allowed a quick scaling of tall and intimidating walls, while the latter allowed the utter destruction of walls and of entire settlements. The Epirote Artillery could fire from the top of these new towers and cause massive amounts of destruction.
As a direct result of these new technologies, Bansko fell in a mere month. The notable leaders of the Maedians were captured and forced to surrender unconditionally.
In April, a mere five months after the Maedian War had begun, Maedia was completely annexed. Epirus had proven its strength and begun its preparations for a war against a mightier foe. Sotas I had no intention of fighting additional wars, but he also had no intention of giving up a drop of Epirote soil.
The Basileus was a man of peace, but he knew how to fight a war.
(map of the world after the Maedian War. Epirus is in yellow)
The Maedian War also served as the first test of some of the military reforms of Sotas and his ancestors. The first time that two Epirote Stratoi fought together was at the Battle of Spinopara in February 582, and it was meant as a test of cooperation. Sotas had feared that pride might get in the way of cooperation between the two commanders of his Stratoi, but this fear proved unfounded. The two commanders worked excellently together, and the battle was a crushing success - only 293 of Epirus’s soldiers were killed, but they killed more than a thousand of their foes.
The broken wreck of the Maedian army was forced to retreat, but this didn’t buy them much time. The victorious Epirotes, united and trained in a way that had eluded generations of their ancestors, followed their foes and met them at Stobi.
The Battle of Stobi was an even greater victory than the Battle of Spinopara. The complete force of the Maedians, barely more than a thousand men in all, was killed to a man, while the two great Epirote Stratoi suffered only 114 casualties. Fear was a large part of this - the Maedians knew how horrifically effective the Epirote Stratoi were, and many thought that it was suicide to challenge them. They were brave, but that couldn’t save them.
Even with these defeats, the Kings of Maedia held out hope. They had a well-defended fortress named Bansko. As long as that fortress held, there was no need to surrender or to negotiate terms with Epirus. It would buy them time - time to raise new armies and hire large mercenary forces.
This strategy might have worked in previous eras, but times were changing. Sotas and his regent had discovered ways to shorten the long and drawn out sieges of Early Antiquity, and the Basileus planned to use them.
Before the war, Sotas had invested in two technologies that revolutionized warfare. He had invested in Siege Ladders and in Siege Towers. The former allowed a quick scaling of tall and intimidating walls, while the latter allowed the utter destruction of walls and of entire settlements. The Epirote Artillery could fire from the top of these new towers and cause massive amounts of destruction.
As a direct result of these new technologies, Bansko fell in a mere month. The notable leaders of the Maedians were captured and forced to surrender unconditionally.
In April, a mere five months after the Maedian War had begun, Maedia was completely annexed. Epirus had proven its strength and begun its preparations for a war against a mightier foe. Sotas I had no intention of fighting additional wars, but he also had no intention of giving up a drop of Epirote soil.
The Basileus was a man of peace, but he knew how to fight a war.
(map of the world after the Maedian War. Epirus is in yellow)
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The Reign of Sotas I: The Eye of the Storm
After the annexation of Maedia, Sotas presided over a brief period of peace. Most of this period was spent planning for the future - even if some of his moves were intended to take decades to bear fruit.
In November, news reached Sotas that there was talk of rebellion in Egypt. Sotas recognized that Egypt was one of his three great rivals and began to act upon his new information. He created a spy network in the land of the Ptolemies and had them encourage rebellion, hoping that the unrest would loosen their hold over Greece and allow him to seize their Greek lands (which consisted of most of the Peloponnese).
His efforts quickly paid off. Within a month, the Governor of Palestine, Anaxippos Demadid, sent messages to the Basileus about his ambition to seize the Egyptian throne. Sotas responded by encouraging his greed and offering him advice on how to lead a successful revolt. His logic was simple - any revolt would divide the Egyptian forces and keep them focused on each other, not on possible foreign invaders.
Sotas was aware that a revolt could take decades to actually come to fruition, but he was prepared to wait that long.
Another stroke of luck for Sotas occurred in March 584 AUC. It turned out that Andronikos Karsid was friends with the Strategos of a small Greek city-state called Megara. The King of Epirus quickly decided that this friendship could be useful for his plans to expand Epirus, understanding that there were more ways to seize territory or influence than mere war. He gave Andronikos gold and ordered him to give it to the ruler of Megara as a gift from the state of Epirus. This move would also serve to make Andronikos’s friendship with the Strategos a matter of official state policy, which prevented the possibility that he would use it for treasonous plots.
However, Sotas soon had more urgent problems to deal with. In May, he received news that his relative, Archelaos, was angering the citizens of the province of Macedonia. Sotas worried that such treatment could result in a revolt and could disrupt his plans to incorporate Macedonians more completely into Epirote society, so the Basileus sent people to “aid my esteemed relative in keeping the peace in Macedonia”. In reality, their job was to ensure that Archelaos didn’t continue to abuse his power or plot rebellion against Sotas.
The happiness of the Macedonians was important to Sotas because he planned to use them as a test group for his idea to create a more unified empire. Sotas imagined a multicultural empire united by a common government and a common military. He saw such an empire as able to raise far more men to serve against its enemies than Epirus as it was, which he saw as giving favor to the natives of Epirus to the detriment of the state.
His first move in this new reform program occurred in July when he granted all Macedonians and Aegeans the right to become official citizens of Epirus. They were not immediately given the right to serve in the military, as Sotas needed to ensure their loyalty to him first.
The Macedonians refused to do so immediately. Similar promises had been made by the Karsids during their revolt in order to raise an army, and those promises were never fulfilled. Other governors of Macedonia also gave vague promises of allowing service, but most of these were intended to make Macedonia more Epirote in culture. They didn’t trust that Sotas lacked a similar ulterior motive.
The Aegeans, by contrast, quickly proved their loyalty, swearing oaths to the Basileus. Sotas rewarded them by allowing them to serve in the military in January 585. Part of that was pragmatism on both sides - the Aegean Sea was still disputed between Thrace, Epirus, and Egypt. The loyalty of the locals gave Sotas an advantage in that struggle, and the Aegeans got greater protection in exchange for their loyalty.
A/N: Also, go and vote in the Q1 ACAs!
In November, news reached Sotas that there was talk of rebellion in Egypt. Sotas recognized that Egypt was one of his three great rivals and began to act upon his new information. He created a spy network in the land of the Ptolemies and had them encourage rebellion, hoping that the unrest would loosen their hold over Greece and allow him to seize their Greek lands (which consisted of most of the Peloponnese).
His efforts quickly paid off. Within a month, the Governor of Palestine, Anaxippos Demadid, sent messages to the Basileus about his ambition to seize the Egyptian throne. Sotas responded by encouraging his greed and offering him advice on how to lead a successful revolt. His logic was simple - any revolt would divide the Egyptian forces and keep them focused on each other, not on possible foreign invaders.
Sotas was aware that a revolt could take decades to actually come to fruition, but he was prepared to wait that long.
Another stroke of luck for Sotas occurred in March 584 AUC. It turned out that Andronikos Karsid was friends with the Strategos of a small Greek city-state called Megara. The King of Epirus quickly decided that this friendship could be useful for his plans to expand Epirus, understanding that there were more ways to seize territory or influence than mere war. He gave Andronikos gold and ordered him to give it to the ruler of Megara as a gift from the state of Epirus. This move would also serve to make Andronikos’s friendship with the Strategos a matter of official state policy, which prevented the possibility that he would use it for treasonous plots.
However, Sotas soon had more urgent problems to deal with. In May, he received news that his relative, Archelaos, was angering the citizens of the province of Macedonia. Sotas worried that such treatment could result in a revolt and could disrupt his plans to incorporate Macedonians more completely into Epirote society, so the Basileus sent people to “aid my esteemed relative in keeping the peace in Macedonia”. In reality, their job was to ensure that Archelaos didn’t continue to abuse his power or plot rebellion against Sotas.
The happiness of the Macedonians was important to Sotas because he planned to use them as a test group for his idea to create a more unified empire. Sotas imagined a multicultural empire united by a common government and a common military. He saw such an empire as able to raise far more men to serve against its enemies than Epirus as it was, which he saw as giving favor to the natives of Epirus to the detriment of the state.
His first move in this new reform program occurred in July when he granted all Macedonians and Aegeans the right to become official citizens of Epirus. They were not immediately given the right to serve in the military, as Sotas needed to ensure their loyalty to him first.
The Macedonians refused to do so immediately. Similar promises had been made by the Karsids during their revolt in order to raise an army, and those promises were never fulfilled. Other governors of Macedonia also gave vague promises of allowing service, but most of these were intended to make Macedonia more Epirote in culture. They didn’t trust that Sotas lacked a similar ulterior motive.
The Aegeans, by contrast, quickly proved their loyalty, swearing oaths to the Basileus. Sotas rewarded them by allowing them to serve in the military in January 585. Part of that was pragmatism on both sides - the Aegean Sea was still disputed between Thrace, Epirus, and Egypt. The loyalty of the locals gave Sotas an advantage in that struggle, and the Aegeans got greater protection in exchange for their loyalty.
A/N: Also, go and vote in the Q1 ACAs!
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The Reign of Sotas I: The Minor Gallic Campaign
In January 593, Sotas strengthened Epirus’s ties with their tributary, Delmatia. The Delmatian chief agreed to become a direct vassal of the Kingdom of Epirus in exchange for paying less money in tribute.
This move brought the King’s attention back to Illyria. He sent an ambassador to explore the land of a thousand tribes, but this ambassador quickly found out a shocking fact - most of the chiefs in Illyria were allied with one another and would go to war with any aggressor. This news angered Sotas, who worried that this cooperation was but a prelude to an attempt to build a mighty state by the Illyrians.
Sadly, most of the Illyrian tribes had joined this pact. Sotas decided that Illyria was not a safe target for his plans to expand Epirote authority, so he turned his attention to Epirus’s other frontiers. He quickly dismissed both Italy and Sicily as targets - he didn’t want to get into a massive war with another major power, after all. Thankfully, there was another frontier that Epirus could expand in - Gaul.
In July, war was declared on the Oxybians, and their ally, Arecomicia, quickly joined them. The two tribes, aware of Epirus’s might, sent many explorers across the entirety of the known world in an attempt to find mercenaries that would serve them. They found some, but these mercenaries were loyal to money above all else, and King Sotas knew that. He decided that hiring them was worth the risk as long as he fired them as soon as the war was over.
The mercenaries that Sotas bribed quickly defeated the armies of the tribesmen at the Battle of Rhodanousia in January 594. This victory convinced Epirus’s allies in Allobrogia to officially declare war on the two Gallic tribes and send their armies to aid Epirus in their quest to bring Gaul to heel.
The Allobrogians quickly proved the worth of their alliance. Their army met with the Gallic Stratos and a few minor levies that Epirus had raised to form a mighty army. This army destroyed the last remnants of the tribal militaries in March at Nemausus, and then the combined army moved to hunt down any stragglers. Very few were found, and all of these were either slaughtered or recruited by the Allobrogians.
After Nemausus, Sotas fired his mercenaries, unwilling to trust men who had so easily betrayed their former employers. From there, he waited for the combined army to force the main settlement of the Oxybians to surrender. The small fort finally fell on June 9, and the war ended mere days later.
Both Oxybia and Arecomicia were annexed by Epirus, and the nobles of both tribes were forced to pay a small sum to Allobrogia. Sotas also signed an agreement with Allobrogia to aid them in any wars in Gaul. Sotas knew that it was unlikely that Epirus would be able to annex and hold all of Gaul, and he saw a friendly power in the area as massively preferable to a hostile one. He also saw Allobrogia as a potential ally against Rome in the region.
(map of the world after the Minor Gallic Campaign. Epirus is in yellow)
A/N: Go and vote in the Q1 ACAs!
This move brought the King’s attention back to Illyria. He sent an ambassador to explore the land of a thousand tribes, but this ambassador quickly found out a shocking fact - most of the chiefs in Illyria were allied with one another and would go to war with any aggressor. This news angered Sotas, who worried that this cooperation was but a prelude to an attempt to build a mighty state by the Illyrians.
Sadly, most of the Illyrian tribes had joined this pact. Sotas decided that Illyria was not a safe target for his plans to expand Epirote authority, so he turned his attention to Epirus’s other frontiers. He quickly dismissed both Italy and Sicily as targets - he didn’t want to get into a massive war with another major power, after all. Thankfully, there was another frontier that Epirus could expand in - Gaul.
In July, war was declared on the Oxybians, and their ally, Arecomicia, quickly joined them. The two tribes, aware of Epirus’s might, sent many explorers across the entirety of the known world in an attempt to find mercenaries that would serve them. They found some, but these mercenaries were loyal to money above all else, and King Sotas knew that. He decided that hiring them was worth the risk as long as he fired them as soon as the war was over.
The mercenaries that Sotas bribed quickly defeated the armies of the tribesmen at the Battle of Rhodanousia in January 594. This victory convinced Epirus’s allies in Allobrogia to officially declare war on the two Gallic tribes and send their armies to aid Epirus in their quest to bring Gaul to heel.
The Allobrogians quickly proved the worth of their alliance. Their army met with the Gallic Stratos and a few minor levies that Epirus had raised to form a mighty army. This army destroyed the last remnants of the tribal militaries in March at Nemausus, and then the combined army moved to hunt down any stragglers. Very few were found, and all of these were either slaughtered or recruited by the Allobrogians.
After Nemausus, Sotas fired his mercenaries, unwilling to trust men who had so easily betrayed their former employers. From there, he waited for the combined army to force the main settlement of the Oxybians to surrender. The small fort finally fell on June 9, and the war ended mere days later.
Both Oxybia and Arecomicia were annexed by Epirus, and the nobles of both tribes were forced to pay a small sum to Allobrogia. Sotas also signed an agreement with Allobrogia to aid them in any wars in Gaul. Sotas knew that it was unlikely that Epirus would be able to annex and hold all of Gaul, and he saw a friendly power in the area as massively preferable to a hostile one. He also saw Allobrogia as a potential ally against Rome in the region.
(map of the world after the Minor Gallic Campaign. Epirus is in yellow)
A/N: Go and vote in the Q1 ACAs!
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I had missed the resumption of this story last year and (as you’ve probably seen from the reactions) have been catching up again and have read up to and including:
Along the way, I did like this one:
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The Reign of Sotas I: The Philosopher-King
In the August after the end of the Minor Gallic Campaign, a philosopher named Rolouzis Dromichaetus approached King Sotas I. He said that he saw the makings of a great philosopher in the monarch and was willing to teach him philosophy. Sotas agreed, hoping that philosophy would allow him to understand the actions of humanity, which would allow him to better keep the peace.
The new philosopher-king would spend many hours discussing philosophical topics with his advisor. Rolouzis was a follower of the ideas of Plato and Aristotle and spoke of their views. The king was a good listener, but he didn’t agree with his tutor on everything. Still, these discussions were relevant and influenced Sotas’s ideas. Many believe that The Metaphysical Discussion, a dialogue about the nature of reality, was a precursor to the Book of Revelations, the official holy text of Epirus’s most popular religion.
However, Rolouzis’s lessons influenced far more than Sotas’s religious views. The most famous effect was on his politics. The idea that an enlightened monarch should treat all of his subjects equally influenced his famous Policy of Mercy.
The Policy of Mercy treated the nobles and the commoners equally. It was one of the main reasons why Sotas aided his subjects when an earthquake occurred in Agathon in July 598 AUC. It was also one of the reasons why Sotas abolished the periodic executions for treason that his ancestors had frequently engaged in. He refused to publicly execute even those men who actively plotted against him, instead engaging in negotiations to ensure a peaceful resolution of their differences.
This even applied to the May Plot, which occurred in 604. The May Plot was a scheme by many nobles - Damokrates Megaklid, Derdas Karsid, Zeionises Karsid, and Polygnotos Megaklid - to dethrone and execute Sotas. Sotas discovered this plan but refused to allow his emotions to dominate him and instead negotiated a deal with the schemers, granting them additional influence in exchange for abandoning their plot. It was this event that earned him the title Sotas “the Merciful”.
The most influential result of Sotas’s philosophical lessons was far simpler than his religion or his increased mercy. It was the creation of an Epirote law code that applied to nobles and commoners alike. This law code was expansive, covering diverse topics such as the legality of international trade, the price for treason, the organization of the army, and the structure of the government. Sotas declared that no one was above this law, not even him. In practice, some of the subsequent kings of Epirus would violate the law written in “Sotas’s Tablets”, but it would remain influential for centuries even in spite of that.
The most important thing that Sotas’s Tablets created was the court. The court was charged with enforcing the law upon all men, and Sotas was quick to appoint one. The first Court of Epirus existed by November 603, only a few months after Sotas published his law code.
It would take a long time for the nobility of Epirus to fully accept the new system, but the framework was set for a new relationship between the ordinary citizens and nobles of the kingdom. Sotas would spend the rest of his life attempting to ensure that it stuck, and his efforts succeeded. By the time of his death, very few remembered a time before the rule of a written set of laws existed in his kingdom.
The new philosopher-king would spend many hours discussing philosophical topics with his advisor. Rolouzis was a follower of the ideas of Plato and Aristotle and spoke of their views. The king was a good listener, but he didn’t agree with his tutor on everything. Still, these discussions were relevant and influenced Sotas’s ideas. Many believe that The Metaphysical Discussion, a dialogue about the nature of reality, was a precursor to the Book of Revelations, the official holy text of Epirus’s most popular religion.
However, Rolouzis’s lessons influenced far more than Sotas’s religious views. The most famous effect was on his politics. The idea that an enlightened monarch should treat all of his subjects equally influenced his famous Policy of Mercy.
The Policy of Mercy treated the nobles and the commoners equally. It was one of the main reasons why Sotas aided his subjects when an earthquake occurred in Agathon in July 598 AUC. It was also one of the reasons why Sotas abolished the periodic executions for treason that his ancestors had frequently engaged in. He refused to publicly execute even those men who actively plotted against him, instead engaging in negotiations to ensure a peaceful resolution of their differences.
This even applied to the May Plot, which occurred in 604. The May Plot was a scheme by many nobles - Damokrates Megaklid, Derdas Karsid, Zeionises Karsid, and Polygnotos Megaklid - to dethrone and execute Sotas. Sotas discovered this plan but refused to allow his emotions to dominate him and instead negotiated a deal with the schemers, granting them additional influence in exchange for abandoning their plot. It was this event that earned him the title Sotas “the Merciful”.
The most influential result of Sotas’s philosophical lessons was far simpler than his religion or his increased mercy. It was the creation of an Epirote law code that applied to nobles and commoners alike. This law code was expansive, covering diverse topics such as the legality of international trade, the price for treason, the organization of the army, and the structure of the government. Sotas declared that no one was above this law, not even him. In practice, some of the subsequent kings of Epirus would violate the law written in “Sotas’s Tablets”, but it would remain influential for centuries even in spite of that.
The most important thing that Sotas’s Tablets created was the court. The court was charged with enforcing the law upon all men, and Sotas was quick to appoint one. The first Court of Epirus existed by November 603, only a few months after Sotas published his law code.
It would take a long time for the nobility of Epirus to fully accept the new system, but the framework was set for a new relationship between the ordinary citizens and nobles of the kingdom. Sotas would spend the rest of his life attempting to ensure that it stuck, and his efforts succeeded. By the time of his death, very few remembered a time before the rule of a written set of laws existed in his kingdom.
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I had missed the resumption of this story last year and (as you’ve probably seen from the reactions) have been catching up again and have read up to and including:
Along the way, I did like this one:
Thanks for catching up!
Including that bit of alternative terminology was fun.
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