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The war is won, but it was a longer and more grinding affair than Archimedes I hoped for. I doubt he will learn anything from that and it is certainly implied more wars are coming. But then they have to, so much has been given up in Italy that Epirus has to go to war in the East to make that sacrifice worth while.

Who will be the next victim though? Egypt still looks a tad large, however Rome is distracted by this silent war with Magna Graecia. Time to clear those upstart Romans out of Mother Greece perhaps?
 
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The Reign of Archimedes I: The Flourishing of Religious Thought
During Archimedes I’s reign, there was a flourishing of unorthodox religious thought. The reason is not hard to discern - Archimedes I and the Church were frequently at odds during his reign. The Humiliation of the Philosophers began this enmity, as Archimedes saw the Church’s sheltering of the philosophers that adhered to his dogma as a challenge to his authority.

Despite this, he knew that outright attacking the Church was a bad idea - akin to attacking the gods themselves. Instead, he decided to subtly undermine the institution during his reign. He refused to construct more temples, and he blocked the nobility from constructing temples as well. Most notably, he blocked Polygnotos the Hellene’s proposal for a new temple to Demeter in Seuthopolis in August 21 AS(656 AUC).

However, none of this was his most significant attack on the Helleno-Kemetist Church. That honor goes to the Epicurean Law and the Edict of Toleration, both of which were passed in the immediate aftermath of the Thracian War.

The Epicurean Law was the more extreme decision. It formally created a new institution dedicated to the maximization of pleasure alone. To increase the insult to the Church, the decree also handed control over the Oracle at Dodona to this new organization. To further horrify all pious men, Archimedes I himself declared that local governors could convert all temples to Epicurean Centers and immediately enforced that decision in Epirus proper.

The Edict of Toleration, by contrast, simply declared that any interpretation of divinity could be worshipped in Epirote territory. While the Epicurean Law was far more offensive to the Church at the time, the Edict was far more relevant in the long term. It allowed the creation of thousands of new sects. Some of these sects would survive past the death of Archimedes I, and a select few would become the nucleus for completely new religions.

The most popular sects were Homerism (a literalist interpretation of the Homeric epics), Old Kemetism (a literalist interpretation of many ancient Egyptian religious texts), and, of course, Theological Epicureanism itself. While only Theological Epicureanism actually had state support, the others were no longer outlawed, which enabled them to flourish.

The legalization of dissenting religions also allowed for a revival of mystery religions and even the formation of completely new religions by combining distinct ideas and syncretizing gods. A few enterprising individuals even started their own religions by claiming to be prophets or messengers of the gods. The most relevant of these were Eleusinianism (a theological formalization of the Eleusinian Mysteries), Mithraism (which was actually a collection of sects worshipping the god Mithras), Helleno-Zoroastrianism (a syncretism between the Hellenic and Zoroastrian religions, primarily supported by people who wanted closer relations with Armenia), Athenaism (a religion that primarily worshipped Athena and originated in Athens), and Universalism (a syncretic religion that attempted to incorporate every god and myth the author knew about into a single cosmology). All of these sects would become massively relevant later in Epirote history.

The last relevant detail about the Age of Religious Freedom is how it ended. Some say that it ended after Archimedes I issued the Law of Divine Kingship, which mandated that all religions, regardless of what they otherwise believed, had to acknowledge that he was a divine figure in some manner. Others insist that it only truly came to an end in 48 AS (683 AUC) when Archimedes I died. His heir immediately repealed the Epicurean Law to begin the monarchy’s rapprochement with the Helleno-Kemetist Church. However, the King of Magna Graecia refused to repeal that law… a decision that would have consequences for ages to come.
 
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This week's update is one last bit on Archimedes I. We'll see his heir soon enough.

The war is won, but it was a longer and more grinding affair than Archimedes I hoped for. I doubt he will learn anything from that and it is certainly implied more wars are coming. But then they have to, so much has been given up in Italy that Epirus has to go to war in the East to make that sacrifice worth while.

Who will be the next victim though? Egypt still looks a tad large, however Rome is distracted by this silent war with Magna Graecia. Time to clear those upstart Romans out of Mother Greece perhaps?

Archimedes I is dead. Perhaps his heir will continue his military ambitions... but he might not. It depends on his personality.
 
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Probably for the best Archimedes I is dead, declaring yourself a divine figure is rarely a sign of a stable and well balanced leader, though his muddling up up Epicurism and Hedonism are perhaps indicative he was having problems before that. Who knows how much more damage he could have done by meddling with religion had he not ascended?

In any event onwards, where it seems the religious sins of the father will be visited upon his son.
 
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The Reign of Makartos I: Religious Developments
The new king was very unlike his father. This was most reflected in his dealings with the Helleno-Kemetist Church. Whereas Archimedes I tried his absolute best to erase the Church’s authority, his son worked with the institution to reach compromises that both parties found agreeable. Indeed, his first act was the repeal of his father’s unofficial support for Theological Epicureanism and the return of Dodona to the Church.

Despite this, he didn’t give into the Church entirely on religious matters - he was more pragmatic than that. He refused to formally repeal the Edict of Toleration, aware that such a move could be extremely unpopular. Instead, he took a page from Saint Sotas’s book and organized a religious synod.

This synod took place in Passaron and featured representatives from throughout the Epirote Kingdom and even beyond. Famously, the Egyptian Pharaoh and the Armenian King sent delegates, and the Oracle of Delphi also attended in person. Makartos I decided to allow their input, aware of the influence that Delphi commanded among the ordinary worshippers and not wanting to jeopardize his kingdom’s alliances.

The Synod of Passaron lasted for months and heavily modified the Helleno-Kemetist Church as an organization. It formalized the list of texts in the Book of Revelations with slight modifications. It also set up a system to resolve future controversy within the Church by allowing a set number of priests to call a new synod. It also clarified an unofficial point of contention that had arisen during the Flourishing of Religious Thought.

During Archimedes’s reign, a large number of priests in Helleno-Kemetism had responded to the loss of state support in Epirus by seeking state support elsewhere. They sent missionaries to Epirus’s tributaries, Rome, Armenia, Seleucid Persia, Egypt, and the remaining Greek city-states. A few of these missionaries had even achieved success - the Ptolemies had agreed to tolerate Church proselytization in their realm, and a few of the tributary kings had outright converted. Minorities emerged in Rome and Armenia, although the attempted conversion of Seleucid Persia was a complete failure.

This expansion had caused a few theological disputes, as missionaries attempted to make conversion more palatable by syncretizing local beliefs into their teachings. In response, a faction of priests had condemned this as heresy and asked for these preachers to be removed from the institution. The head of the Church had refused to do anything during Archimedes’s reign, but the synod resolved the problem with a compromise. There would be no condemnation for heresy, but the new beliefs wouldn’t be accepted. In the other hand, the synod also split the Church into multiple separate organizations - the Helleno-Kemetist Church itself, which retained authority of the Epirote Kingdom proper, the Tribal Church, which held spiritual authority over the wild regions of the world (which was roughly synonymous with the tributaries at the time of the synod), and the Barbaroi Church, which was given authority over the believers in other civilized states (like Egypt, Armenia, or Rome).

This division also provided an excuse to tie cultural practices to membership in the Helleno-Kemetist Church. Part of this was a new policy of making the Epirote dialect of Greek the sole language that the holy texts could be read in. This decision almost certainly had influence from the king - who wanted a greater degree of cultural unity within his realm.

The Synod of Passaron concluded in October 684 AUC. Immediately, there was backlash - a few priests refused to recognize the meeting as legitimate and unofficially formed the Sotasene Assembly. Many members of the other religious creeds worried that the synod marked a repeal of the Edict of Toleration, which forced Makartos to issue the Second Edict of Toleration as a clarification (which basically said the same thing as the first one, except it required all religions to have “formal structure” of some kind).

For a while, the religious situation settled. The Church returned to its old status as the preeminent religion, while other beliefs and mystery cults organized themselves into formal religious organizations. The new system worked well.

Then, of course, 689 AUC happened. In that year, a group emerged in Epirus’s distant northern lands that called themselves the Maenads. They were a cult to Dionysus and thus a cause of unrest, but Makartos had no desire to anger the god of madness and wine. He went to the Church, which decided to construct a temple to Dionysus in the area. The new temple calmed the fervor, but it didn’t destroy it - a few Maenads remained and created the Maenad Society…
 
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Probably for the best Archimedes I is dead, declaring yourself a divine figure is rarely a sign of a stable and well balanced leader, though his muddling up up Epicurism and Hedonism are perhaps indicative he was having problems before that. Who knows how much more damage he could have done by meddling with religion had he not ascended?

In any event onwards, where it seems the religious sins of the father will be visited upon his son.

Epicureanism is a separate philosophy from Epicurism and is technically hedonistic. Mind, Archimedes I probably misinterpreted it. Taking Militant Epicureanism was a technology on the Religion tree.

Makartos seems to have dealt with the situation okay.

Ancient leaders loved to declare themselves gods - every Roman emperor until Constantine did it.
 
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Makartos does appear to have a much defter touch with diplomacy and managing tricky issues like religion. He will need that internal stability when he looks outward again.

Ancient leaders loved to declare themselves gods - every Roman emperor until Constantine did it.
Caesar did start a rather unfortunate trend there, though my impression has been that the better emperor's more went along with it rather than enthusiastically believed it.
 
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The Reign of Makartos I: The People's Emperor
Even before his imperial coronation, Makartos I supported his humbler subjects. He refused to allow Epirus to get embroiled in war, no matter how the diplomatic situation looked. At times, the nobility was united in advocating for war, but that was not enough to sway the king’s opinion. He thought that Archimedes’s reign had sacrificed enough of his people for glory and lines on a map. He refused to do the same - even as Epirus’s primary rival in the Mediterranean, Rome, ripped itself apart in one of the deadliest civil wars in history.

Instead, the king focused on managing his realm… and on weakening the nobility. He refused to outright challenge their positions, but he undermined their authority whenever he could. He permitted the Taulantians to marry into the upper class, noting their long history of supporting Epirote rule in Illyria. That law itself wasn’t very controversial, but it did mark the beginning of the end of Greek dominance of the Epirote court. Other minority groups began to hope that shows of sufficient loyalty to the regime would allow them to advance. That faith was vindicated in the long run, and the dominance of the old tribes of Epirus in the Empire was far less pronounced than it was in the Kingdom. Whether or not this ultimately helped or hurt the Epirote Empire largely depends on who you ask… even now.

In addition, Makartos I passed a new law in September 684 AUC. This law was presented to the court as a way of ensuring the continuity of noble lines, but, truthfully, it was more complicated than that. It did allow noble families to adopt new members to continue their prestigious lines, which was previously a privilege reserved for the royal family, but it also gave the rulers of Epirus far more influence in appointing families to the royal court, which still wielded a great deal of influence, even if they no longer elected kings. Before, families that were on the verge of dying out could choose what family succeeded them, but this law changed that. Instead, dying families would have their successor families appointed by the king, and he also gave himself the privilege of outright appointing new noble families to the court even in the absence of a vacancy.

These changes to Epirote society were shocking, but the noble families could do nothing about them. To do so would anger the people, and an outright revolt would quickly be crushed. Most simply waited for a more pliant king, but a few fled to Lokroi or to Rome itself. And, in the absence of a significant response to his changes, Makartos I grew emboldened to pass new reforms that he believed were in service to the gods…

The first of these reforms was a renegotiation of tributary agreements with the Illyrian tribes in 694 AUC. Makartos I negotiated with each of the chiefdoms in turn, but the deal ended up being the same for all of them. He agreed to raise the tribute in exchange for a decrease in Epirote interference in tribal affairs. This proved useful for all parties involved - Makartos got more money to carry out his reforms, and the tribes gained increased autonomy. Makartos also clarified that Epirus’s tributaries weren’t required to follow the Tribal Church, which would prove extremely relevant within a century.

After clarifying his position with his tributaries, the king felt emboldened enough to issue a shocking declaration. As the new year dawned, he proclaimed that he was more than a mere basileus - more than even a king of kings. He declared himself an emperor - and arranged a ceremony to go along with this upgrade in his title. That ceremony saw the Throne of Alexander made into a symbol - and hereditary possession - of the Epirote monarchy. Other than that, though, the title was all that changed.

The first thing that the new emperor did was establish a formal census. Every resident of Epirus was to be counted. He wished to ensure that he could serve his subjects relatively equally - he didn’t want to be seen as showing any single group undo favor. Of course, a more cynical person might note that keeping a formal population count would also allow him to hunt down tax dodgers more easily and thus increase his profits…

Regardless, the census proceeded, and it revealed shocking issues throughout the realm. The kingdom was apparently dominated by large landowners - and especially the old nobility. To make matters worse, many of these men had simply sat on their estates during wartime. In addition, large swathes of those estates weren’t in use at all… and many of them belonged to families that had once provided governors of conquered territories.

Makartos decided that this state of affairs was unacceptable, so he passed a law that stripped the mostly unused lands from their theoretical owners and distributed them more evenly among the population. It also decreed that any new lands conquered would be distributed amongst soldiers who served, and these soldiers would gain automatic citizenship regardless of their ancestral or cultural loyalties. Finally, a new court was created to manage inheritance, and Makartos hoped that this new institution would crack down on corruption by governors…




And... my apologies about the delay. RL distracted me. In any case, he's a bit more about Makartos as the I:R time period inches ever closer to its conclusion (this period brings us to 701 AUC, so we have less than half a century left.)
 
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Makartos does appear to have a much defter touch with diplomacy and managing tricky issues like religion. He will need that internal stability when he looks outward again.


Caesar did start a rather unfortunate trend there, though my impression has been that the better emperor's more went along with it rather than enthusiastically believed it.

Makartos is focusing inward. He has content as a trait - it's probably not in character for him to start a big war.

Caesar did begin that, yes. Of course, we also have Vespasian's "oh, dear, I think I'm becoming a god" last words, so it clearly wasn't important to all Roman Emperors...
 
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Archimedes great reorganisation/gamble has failed it seems. So much in the West given up, very little gained in the East in compensation, and presented with an opportunity to fix this (a bitter Roman Civil War) his successor focuses on internal matters.

I'm sure if you are a common Epirus citizen your appreciate Makartos' approach both for making your life better and for not getting you killed in a bloody war. But it does suggest things would have been better if Archimedes had not bothered.

In terms of leadership is an Emperor better or worse than a Divine King? Evidence so far is mixed so let us see how that works out.
 
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The Reign of Makartos I: A Pious Emperor
As emperor, Makartos’s relationship with the Helleno-Kemetist Church didn’t change that much from when he was a mere king. He remained respectful of the gods, and his relationship with the Church as an institution remained cordial.

Even so, the conflict between the church and the state can trace its origins to him. Some even argue that it began with him, but this view is far too deterministic. While it’s true that the Helleno-Kemetist Church wasn’t happy when he allowed Eukrates Megaklid to build the Temple to Hermes in Hephaistaia, that barely changed their relationship. The temple became a private property of the Megaklid house, which would become a point of contention in the Helleno-Kemetist Controversy in later years, but that dispute would take centuries to emerge.
Indeed, the Church and the Emperor remained cordial enough after that event to agree to the Passaron Document. This paper is one of the most important ones in history because it marks the origins of the theological colleges. Those institutions would become the center of learning in Epirote territory during antiquity, and they would survive the dark years of the Age of Anarchy. Without them, a lot of knowledge might’ve been lost.

Regardless, the theological colleges were theoretically under the control of the state. Their teachers were appointed by Makartos, and all proceeds flowed into the emperor’s treasury. However, Makartos allowed the Church to vet potential teachers - and, if necessary, to veto their appointment. Naturally, the Church used that privilege to ensure that heresy was not taught. As a result, education remained under religious auspices for the moment.

The first theological college was established in Passaron itself in March 702 AUC. This school had a few strange features that no other college shared, which was a consequence of its age. Unlike every other college in Epirus, the Academy at Passaron doubled as a formal temple with altars to the gods. It also had an auditorium that was actually used as a classroom (and a place of debate) - an echo of old Greek philosophical practices.

All of his piety didn’t save him from criticism, though. In September, a relative named Theano Gelid attacked Makartos, arguing that he was illegitimate and falsely pious. She argued that his support for new temples and institutions was merely a way of masking his private impiety. She said that he was worse than even his father, who at least had the decency to admit to his feud with the Helleno-Kemetist Church.

Her accusations gathered a mob. Theano led this mob in storming the palace. Makartos fled to Dodona and appealed to the Helleno-Kemetist Church for aid. The Church accepted and began gathering an army - the First Holy Legion. Meanwhile, Theano convinced her followers that the Church itself lost the favor of the gods, who now supported her. She also proclaimed Hecate the chief deity - a move that lost her some support.

Even so, she crowned herself Empress of Epirus as 703 AUC dawned. She sat on the Throne of Alexander. Despite that, her authority never reached far beyond Passaron itself. Most of the governors, wary of a civil war, declared neutrality. By May, the First Holy Legion defeated her forces, and she fled across the sea. Most thought that the matter had concluded, especially once the few members of the Hecatean Mob that hadn’t fled disbanded.

The matter was far from over. Makartos issued a formal ban on witchcraft once he had fully regained control over Passaron, and the Church backed it. Most Hecateans simply waited, believing that their prophet would save them.

In May 704, she made her move. She sent a message to her followers saying that she was returning with additional forces. Days later, Carthage declared war on Epirus, vowing to wipe Lokroi off the face of the earth. The Hecatean Crisis had ended, but the Great Mediterranean War was only just beginning - and the Followers of Hecate were far from done.



A/N: Two more updates on the Great Mediterranean War and then we'll be done with the Imperator section. There will be many "Prologue updates" to bridge the gap to CK3, though.
 
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Archimedes great reorganisation/gamble has failed it seems. So much in the West given up, very little gained in the East in compensation, and presented with an opportunity to fix this (a bitter Roman Civil War) his successor focuses on internal matters.

I'm sure if you are a common Epirus citizen your appreciate Makartos' approach both for making your life better and for not getting you killed in a bloody war. But it does suggest things would have been better if Archimedes had not bothered.

In terms of leadership is an Emperor better or worse than a Divine King? Evidence so far is mixed so let us see how that works out.

Has the Great Reorganization failed? That remains to be seen.
 
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A civil war that turned into a trans-Mediterranean war? That's no good at all.
 
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I'm really not very impressed with Makartos here, then again it could just be he is in an incredibly weak position. To be forced to rely on church forces because no-one else would back him is pretty damning, also 'first' holy legion is quite ominous. As is the Great Mediterranean War

Has the Great Reorganization failed? That remains to be seen.
Yes it did, as stated the plan was give up territory/influence in the West to make gains in the East. That didn't happen, so it failed. Epirus may make future gains, even in the East, but not due to the Reorganisation.
 
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The Reign of Makartos I: The Great Mediterranean War, Part 1
The initial stages of the war were an unmitigated disaster. No one in Epirus was prepared for a war with another Mediterranean empire. Only a few stratoi were even mobilized, so there was no one to defend Epirote territory. Once the men were gathered, it took a long while for them to unite into larger armies.

All of this meant that Carthage was in an amazing position to besiege Lokroi, which was helpless to resist their onslaught. To their credit, they did try - they fought as well as they could, and, once they realized that Sicily was lost, they destroyed the bridges behind them to prevent an easy conquest of Magna Graecia. That even worked - Carthage’s fleet was busy ferrying their armies to Greece itself and had no ships to spare on a Magna Graecian campaign.

All of which proved a hollow victory once Carthaginian soldiers landed in Epirus itself and began their invasion. Epirus’s armies were too spread out to resist, and Carthage briefly had free reign over the heart of the empire. For a year, they occupied the political and spiritual center of the realm. For a year, Passaron itself was threatened and had to hold out against a siege. For a year, the only thing standing between Carthaginian armies and the Epirote capital was a group of scattered bands that periodically raided the Carthaginian supplies.

Then, finally, an army arrived. In October 705, they caught a small Carthaginian army alone at Lychnidos, and they began to slaughter them, taking advantage of their superior numbers. Unfortunately, they could not complete the rout, and the other Carthaginian forces arrived. The Epirote commander, Herakleides Hekatasid, managed to retreat in good order, though. Furthermore, the Carthaginians had been forced to strip Epirus bare to save their army. Passaron was safe, and the First Holy Legion took advantage of the distraction to liberate Dodona. Lychnidos changed everything.

Indeed, it even convinced the Roman Republic to intervene on Epirus’s behalf. They refused to outright attack Carthage, but they did grant their forces access to their territory, which opened the door to a reclamation of Sicily despite Carthage’s complete control over the seas.

Soon after Lychnidos, Epirus managed their first victory of the war. At Begion, on the border with Rome, a large Carthaginian force was defeated. Its shattered remnants retreated southward, and the road to Magna Graecia - and Sicily - lay open. It would take a while to cross the peninsula, though.
After that, for a brief while, the war deteriorated into brief skirmishes in Greece. Finally, Carthage decided to split their army in half. They sent one army east - towards the Hellespont - and another south. Makartos took immediate advantage, personally leading an army south. In May, he won a victory at Hypata, which boosted Epirote morale. In the meanwhile, Hekatasid attempted to slow the Carthaginian armies down. He succeeded, but he was forced into a battle at Thessalonica, where his army was too small to overcome Carthage’s. Fortunately, that battle bought time for more Asian armies to reach the Greek theater, and the Carthaginian force suffered more casualties than Hekatasid’s.

Finally, the armies of Hekatasid and Makartos met up, and they moved to attack the largest Carthaginian force in the vicinity. The Battle of Pharsalus was a bloody affair. The Epirotes killed many Carthaginians, but reinforcements kept arriving. Eventually, though, the Carthaginian general had enough and ordered a retreat. The new joint army swept across Greece and liberated as many cities as they could. By June, they had even managed to reclaim all of Epirus proper, freeing it from its long nightmare.

And, in March 707, a massive Epirote force crossed the Strait of Messina into Sicily. They began by besieging that city, finally liberating it in August. From there, they liberated all of antebellum Greek Sicily, but Carthage landed enough soldiers on the island to prevent their advance. For a long while, the two armies engaged in a cat and mouse game across the island.

The Greek front also settled down. For a moment, there was a small chance of peace. Rome even offered to mediate a peace conference, and both parties negotiated in Veii. Unfortunately, the Conference of Veii failed - to Carthage’s eternal regret. Carthage demanded complete control of Sicily, but Makartos was unwilling to give up any territory.

In 709, Epirote reinforcements arrived in Sicily, the Conference of Veii adjourned, and Carthaginian armies reached Bisanthe, which was extremely close to the Hellespont. They would go no further - Hekatasid commanded a legion of his original troops and Anatolian reinforcements against them, and the invading force was slaughtered.

The Conference of Veii attempted one last hurrah in 710. In light of recent events, Carthage agreed to allow the borders to return to status quo ante bellum, and it appeared as if peace was on the horizon.

Naturally, it was at that point that the Cult of Hecate decided that the negotiations wouldn’t benefit them, so they revealed that they had an army by seizing control of Amphipolis and invading Illyria. Makartos demanded a return to status quo ante bellum borders and aid against his new foes, which only encouraged Carthage to leave the conference entirely.

Meanwhile, the newly enlarged Epirote army on Sicily destroyed a Carthaginian force at Kentoripa and began their invasion of Carthage’s side of the island. They also encouraged fellow Greek settlers in the area to rise up and shake off Punic oppression, which ignited the Syracusan Revolt.

As things wound down once more, Makartos I mysteriously perished in September 711. He was assassinated, but the assassin cut his own throat when he was caught. No one knows why he killed the emperor - but theories abound. The most believable of these is that he was an agent of the Cult of Hecate…

Regardless, Makartos was succeeded by Pairisades II, and he had no intention of pretending like this war had never happened…
 
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A civil war that turned into a trans-Mediterranean war? That's no good at all.

It wasn't much of a civil war... more of a failed coup. It definitely isn't good.

I'm really not very impressed with Makartos here, then again it could just be he is in an incredibly weak position. To be forced to rely on church forces because no-one else would back him is pretty damning, also 'first' holy legion is quite ominous. As is the Great Mediterranean War


Yes it did, as stated the plan was give up territory/influence in the West to make gains in the East. That didn't happen, so it failed. Epirus may make future gains, even in the East, but not due to the Reorganisation.

Fair enough. Events overtake you sometimes.

Also, Makartos did the best he could. It just wasn't enough. This is the dark side of Epirus's policy of doing anything to avoid a repeat of the Karsid Revolt.
 
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The cult seems to be up to no good.
 
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That is all exceptionally messy. The statement that Carthage would regret the failure of the conference does suggest things will start going very badly for them, so I do look forward to that. Equally however it seems unlikely the Cult of Hecate will go quietly, so Epirus appears in for a rough time as well.
 
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Finally, Carthage decided to split their army in half.
This often leads to disaster, but Epirus seems to have escaped this time.
Naturally, it was at that point that the Cult of Hecate decided that the negotiations wouldn’t benefit them, so they revealed that they had an army by seizing control of Amphipolis and invading Illyria.
They certainly know how to spoil a party. I hope their impudence can be punished at some point ...
As things wound down once more, Makartos I mysteriously perished in September 711. He was assassinate
… before they … oh, too late! The new ruler inherits quite a set of problems, though the worst seems to have been weathered. Much work to be done.
 
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