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((Both the vote and election are now closed.

Freedom of the Press Act:
Assembly: 215 Yes/381 No/4 Abstain
Cortz: 36 Yes/62 No/ Abstain​
Allow Public Meetings:
Assembly: 215 Yes/380 No/5 Abstain
Cortz: 36 Yes/62 No/2 Abstain​
Ballot Security Act:
Assembly: 268 Yes/328 No/4 Abstain
Cortz: 36 Yes/62 No/2 Abstain​

Abolishment of Appointment Act:
Assembly: 6 Yes/590 No/4 Abstain
Cortz: 0 Yes/98 No/2 Abstain​
Institutionalization of Parliament Act:
Assembly: 513 Yes/83 No/4 Abstain
Cortz: 90 Yes/8 No/2 Abstain​
Protection of the Franchise Act:
Assembly: 215 Yes/381 No/4 Abstain
Cortz: 36 Yes/62 No/2 Abstain​
Protection of Privileges Act:
Assembly: 215 Yes/381 No/4 Abstain
Cortz: 36 Yes/62 No/2 Abstain​
Public Force Act:
Assembly: 351 Yes/245 No/4 Abstain
Cortz: 56 Yes/42 No/2 Abstain​
Revoke the Avoidance of Debt Act:
Assembly: 183 Yes/235 No/182 Abstain
Cortz: 0 Yes/63 No/37 Abstain​

Obviously you won't get the election results until the update, since I won't have a baseline to work with until then. I'm hoping this update won't take too long, but I'm usually slower than I think I am. :p))
 
1839-1840 – The Election of 1840

As election season started off, the Imperials were the first to make a big move to bolster their support. While the other parties campaigned and gave speeches, it was the Imperial-led government that managed to reclaim Southern Korea for Hispania. Less than two weeks into July, Qing accepted that defeat was inevitable and agreed to sign a peace treaty handing over the provinces formerly held by Hispania, as well as a small buffer region north of Seoul. Reclaiming the one piece of land Hispania had lost in centuries earned the Imperials a massive boost in support from those at home.

The government did not limit itself to expansion in Korea. The Ministry of Colonial Affairs busied itself with several new colonial ventures, establishing footholds in Australia, Guinea, Egypt, Columbia, and near Nueva Granada. While several of these could possibly cause tensions with some of the neighbouring colonial powers, Minister of Colonial Affairs Alejandro Manuel Maximillian Regidor wanted to extend Hispania’s colonial presence at all costs. The French had abandoned Hispania, so Australia was no longer off limits. Scandinavia hadn’t been an ally of Hispania’s for a decade, so Guinea was available as well. It would take time to establish these colonies, especially as more and more resources were needed to do so, but Hispania would maintain its spot as the premier colonial power.



Liberal agitation continued on, and even ramped up during the election. The nobility of Iberia, Italy, and North Africa continued to hold their banquets, and the government continued to crack down. The liberals found growing support with every raid conducted, but it was also becoming clear that the impact was minimal at best. True, the raids irritated people, but it also prevented any effective form of organization as meetings disguised as banquets kept getting disrupted.

The middle and lower classes resorted to more violent means, starting riots in far-flung parts of the Empire. All were put down with ease, although resentment lingered. The government had proven quite effective at maintaining order at all costs. The more radical liberal movements were losing their steam. As for the so-called secret societies, any appearance was quashed instantly, putting forth laws to keep them from spreading their influence further.

A student’s association formed in Portugal focused on ancient Greek ideals, as well as the “ancient and traditional liberties of Hispania”, hearkening back to the days of Alfons IX when free thought was encouraged. While the ideas themselves were not suppressed, any attempts by the group to meet was disrupted by the government due to the Safety of the Empire Act. The student association did not have permission to meet in groups larger than five people, and the government was not forthcoming with such permission. Yet again a liberal group found itself a victim of government policy, and the result led to a weakening of of these movements.



In matters of foreign affairs, there were brief moments of tension with Hispania’s former allies. The French were caught in mid-July trespassing in Apache land, and it was believed that they were surveying the land. It soon became public knowledge due to a leak in the French government that a war with Apache was being considered. Wedged between two Hispanian colonies, the capture of Apache by France could be detrimental to Hispanian interests.

The Americans made short work of Sioux, annexing them into their growing kingdom. With that war over, the French and Americans attempted to mend relations with each other, signing a second alliance after the first was broken. The Americans, perhaps wishing to test the strength of this new alliance, declared war on Shoshone, only for the French to yet again refuse to come to their aid. The second alliance between France and the UKA fell apart just like the first.

With an alliance signed with Persia a few years ago, it seemed in Hispania’s interest to strengthen ties with the Middle Eastern state. Relations were improved, with the Persians taking on a much more cordial approach to diplomacy with Hispania. This proved brief though. It seemed that Byzantium intended for Persia to serve as a buffer of their own, and indeed Persia’s position was of great importance to the Greeks due to the growing threat of Lithuania to the north. A few ill words spread by the Greeks caused a chill in relations between Persia and Hispania. It seemed that the two allies had competing interests when it came to Persia.

While a source of bitterness, the Byzantine issue was pushed to the wayside when it was discovered that an Arts and Letters Club in Bavaria was openly supporting independence for the Berber people living in North Africa. The new Public Force was put to use searching any mail coming in from Bavaria to root out this separatism and put an end to it. The Bavarian government was not pleased with this treatment of its people by reading their private mail, but Hispania would not tolerate foreign support of separatism within its borders.



In matters of the economy, the government continued to invest in the industrialization of Italy. A winery was opened outside Rome and a steel factory was established in Emilia. The government’s continued intervention in the economy became a hot topic of discussion during the election. The more liberal-minded parties favoured a policy of laissez-faire, where the market would be left alone to regulate itself. The interests of profit would ensure that businesses ran efficiently. Indeed, these arguments were starting to get the attention of the electorate, but ultimately the ruling party had the power and influence necessary to push their agenda. Even though people were starting to lean towards a new economic policy, state propaganda lured even more people towards favouring state capitalism.

When it came to religion, many voters were of a like mind. With anyone who wasn’t Christian excluded from voting, this gave Christians the final say in who led the country. The Church of Jesus Christ was quite inclusive of all Christians, and those of other faiths were often persecuted or ignored. Tolerance only went so far. In the end, those who favoured religious tolerance for heathens mostly couldn’t vote, but the devout Christians could.

As the election neared its end, the liberals put on a strong show. The Coalición Fraternidad was able to provide strong arguments for their points, and wisely chose to exclude most social policies from their agenda since most of the electorate was not concerned about such issues. They had a much more active presence than their conservative counterparts. Members of the Partido Fénix made their voice heard, although at times there seemed there were few willing to listen to their message. There were those that were proving receptive to their messages, but just as many or even more were starting to look elsewhere. The Imperial policy of relentlessly pushing back against those trying to resist their policies was starting to pay off. Many were growing tired of fighting what seemed an unending battle. As they calmed down and accepted a more conservative approach, the Imperials gained ground. However, many were not content to merely side with their former rival. The Unión de Agrarios y Burgueses, a more moderate conservative party, was seen as a favourable alternative, seeing its support almost double by the end of the election simply for not being the Imperials. As for the Partido Reformista, their support began to wane, siphoned away by the increasingly right-leaning Facción Imperial.

As the votes started to come in for the Assembly, it was becoming clear that the conservatives had made the most ground. The Facción Imperial, despite its strong campaign, only gained an extra 12 seats, taking them up to 210 seats in total, while the Unión de Agrarios y Burgueses experienced a massive rise of 30 seats to go from 43 to 73. Most of those new Imperial seats were formerly held by the Partido Reformista, which dropped from 19 to 10 seats. As for the liberal parties, the Coalición Fraternidad brought together 177 seats before the election under the Reconquista and Marina, but found themselves overwhelmed by the conservative backlash, dropping down to 149 seats in total. The Partido Fénix managed to hold onto what seats it had previously held, while the Partito Indipendente kept their 2 seats with no further gains due to only a minor presence during the election. It seemed clear going ahead that the conservatives would dominate the Assembly, although the Imperials would still require another party for a coalition. The liberals could only hope that the Emperor’s appointments happened to favour them.

As for the Cortz, it saw a similar conservative shift, and just like with the Assembly it ended up benefiting the Unión de Agrarios y Burgueses. The Imperials stayed strong at 54 seats, neither gaining nor losing any seats, but many of the former Reconquista started seeking an alternative. These men either had grown tired of the harassment they had faced by the government, or simply did not agree with the Reconquista’s somewhat radical approach to social policies. This saw a total of 10 members defect from the party, choosing to join the Unionists instead. With the gain of the sole Marina member, the Fraternidad had only 26 seats left, while the Unionists rose to 19. Conservatives dominated both houses.

As the results were being tabulated, the Emperor announced that he had finished going over all the current appointees, keeping those he deemed worthy of serving in Parliament and replacing those who had been appointed solely for political reasons. He kept to his promise, not taking party affiliation into consideration, which in turn saw every party gaining at least one appointed seat. More positions were given to the larger parties, likely due to having greater representation in the population and thus having more individuals available for appointment. While this spread out the appointments amongst the parties, it went against the biased appointments of Ferran’s predecessor. The Reformists and Imperials lost half their appointed seats, ones Joan had likely given out to increase his own support base. The Unionists saw a nice rise, and the Phoenix and Indipendente received more appointed seats than they had elected ones. It was the Fraternidad that received the most appointed seats, giving them control of a third of the Assembly. Overall though, the conservatives received slightly more seats than the liberals. It also seemed oddly suspicious that the appointed seats combined with the elected ones just happened to give all parties total seats that were a multiple of five. Since the Emperor had announced the appointments before the results were tabulated, it could only be a coincident or perhaps divine intervention. Now it was up to the parties in Parliament to form a new government. With the Imperials dominating the Cortz yet again, it seemed likely they’d take charge of any new government, although a coalition was necessary to rein in the Assembly.



Assembly

Reformist - 25 (10 + 15 appointed)
Imperial - 250 (210 + 40 appointed)
Unionist - 100 (73 + 27 appointed)
Fraternidad - 200 (149 + 51 appointed)
Phoenix - 20 (6 + 14 appointed)
Indipendente - 5 (2 + 3 appointed)

Cortz

Independent - 1
Imperial - 54
Unionist - 19
Fraternidad - 26







05060403 - 3WP
  • Catalonia - Liquor Factory (Under Construction) - Joint factory with alscon
  • Puglia - Fabric Factory
  • Puglia – Regular Clothes Factory (Under Construction)

alscon - 8WP
  • Catalonia - Liquor Factory (Under Construction) - Joint Factory with 05060403
  • Estremadura - Luxury Clothes (To be constructed if @alscon gives the okay)
  • Granada - Steel Factory

BelisariustheGreat - 10WP
  • Galicia - Steel Factory - ( @BelisariustheGreat I need clarification still on exactly how much you want to expand this factory. I am currently upgrading it to level 3, but know you wanted at least one or two more levels.)

Bioiron - 9WP
  • Granada - Glass Factory

LostPatriot - 8WP
  • Piemonte - Cement Factory
  • Piemonte – Lumber Mill

Sancronis - 6WP
  • Granada – Steamer Shipyard (Under Construction)
  • Leon-Castilla - Machine Parts Factory

Sithlent - 14WP
  • Leon-Castilla - Cement Factory

((Well that election was interesting. I may have purposely chosen the appointment numbers to get multiples of 5. I'll only do it this once, I promise. :p The two election events were ones heavily biased towards the conservatives, so that probably majorly impacted the election results. The first made me have to boost state capitalism, although I picked a smaller option since the liberals campaigned better about economics. As for the religious one, I felt based on existing laws and the electorate, many voters wouldn’t be very supportive of heathens, and thus favour moralism. As I was tabulating the results, I thought it was an Imperial victory for sure, but the huge baseline the game gave the Unionists allowed them to siphon away a ton of votes despite less player members. I also noticed that the presence of three liberal parties, two with only a player or two, had a similar effect on the Fraternidad, except the other liberal parties didn’t have the presence to overcome the average and gain seats. Also, just so everyone knows, I do give small bonuses to the smaller parties so they don’t end up with a single seat. With the current mechanics, the Reformists, Phoenixes, and Indipedente would all have a single seat, so I gave them a small boost. I usually take away seats evenly from the larger parties, favouring taking from the larger of them or of similar ideology first. Also, I refrained from including the amount of seat changes per party like I used to do with EUIV. With the reorganization and joining of various parties, along with constant reshuffling of seats and changing of appointments, it was too tricky trying to get the numbers to make much sense. If anyone wants them included in the future, just ask.

Now on to business. It is now up to you all to form a new government. Party leaders should start coalition negotiations to form a new government. Seeing as the one on the throne is no longer leading one of the parties, any such proposed coalition must be presented before the Emperor for approval. He’ll likely accept any that has majority control of one or both houses. I won’t set an official deadline on doing so, since I know such negotiations take time, but ideally try to work something out before Tuesday. If you need more time, that is fine. Please refrain from posting laws just yet, since such parliamentary proceedings shouldn’t occur until a government forms. You can write them up though and then post them once we have a government.))
 
As the Faccion Imperial holds an absolute majority of the Cortz, there will be no coalition that does not include it.

Because of this, as the designated leader of the Imperial I propose the following.

A continuation of the Conservative Coalition with the Reformista and Unionista Factions under an Imperial Prime Minister. Representation within the Cabinet will be considered as part of the terms of coalition, should it be accepted by the members of the Factions. The likely candidate for Prime Minister will be myself, and I heavily support the current Cabinet, with necessary modifications such as surrendering the role of Minister of Treasury to another to better focus on my other roles.

What say the other Conservatives?
 
The Reformistas would like to accept the proposed terms of the hopeful Prime Minister, with the understanding that the Faccion Imperial be willing to consider the other factions desires.

In particular, the Reformista Faction would like to have the Nationalization of the Press Act reconsidered by Parliament with assurances of Imperial and Unionist support. I believe such policy will greatly benefit all of us.

Also, as a personal matter, as Minister of Trade, my role is greatly connected to the Treasury. Perhaps I would make a good candidate for the role? The Ministry of Trade, however, would be open for discussion as I would resign if allowed the Treasury.

((I want another political reform repealed, but this will need both Imperial and Unionist support. In particular @TJDS will be needed as he controls the Assembly Unionists, but all Imperials and Unionists are encouraged to comment. Remember, State Press is a CON suppressor that will make the POPs Conservative, something that benefits us all...

Also, I want an upgrade in the Cabinet. I will be willing to give the role of Minister of Trade away to get it. Perhaps to a Unionist as deal?

What say you @Mach Twelve @TJDS ?

Also, establish a Furniture Factory for me in Genoa, as I now have the WP.))
 
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((I don't disagree with your suggestions, but I can't form a majority with just you. I will need to see what the Unionists and other Imperials think first. Sucks being a fringe group, having to see if the mainline groups will even entertain your suggestions...

What do you think @TJDS?))
 
((I'll build my factory in Portugal. ))

Before you say 'oh no, from the Fénix' and throw this letter in the bin, listen, or rather read, what I have to say.

We are all suffering under the Imperial government. We Fraternidad and Fénix for we represent their political opponents, the Unionists for they are being kept around like some dog and also suffer under the authoritative Imperials who would much rather rule alone. And as long as the Imperials form the main force in government, it will only get worse. The Public Force Act is a perfect example.

So why am I writing to you? The Imperials have no majority in the Assembly. We have to set aside our differences and form a coalition in here. Not for some political goal. I wouldn't expect any of you to share some of my ideas. But isn't it just the same with the Unionists and Imperials? What is important is that Hispania doesn't have to suffer another Imperial government. One of these only follows after the other, and each time repression strengthens their position. So I won't propose any agenda for a possible coalition. If one wishes to pass conservative acts, one doesn't need the Cabinet's approval anyway. But if we don't want to be swallowed by Imperial oppression, then forcing them out of Cabinet is crucial. I hope you will consider my proposal. I would happily accept a minor ministry, or no ministry at all, as long as there is no Imperial minister behind to force us back into the middle ages.

Lluis Faixòn
 
180

Unión de Agrarios y Burgueses

As Party Leader, I can but only thank all who have supported the Union in this historic victory with us more than doubling our representation in both the Cortz and the Assembly. This shows Hispania wants the Agrarian and Pragmatic politics of our Union and the values our members espouse.

Towards a future coalition I wish to state that the Unión de Agrarios y Burgueses shall cooperate with the largest electoral group in both the Cortz and the Assembly, Facción Imperial to establish a moderate and working government in the coming months.

Assemblymember Drs. Pedro Falcone of Sevilla,
President of the 1836-1840 Assembly
 
I am pleased to hear that the Union is willing to work with their Conservative brethren. Perhaps it is time to inform the Emperor of our agreement and begin to negotiate the precise nature of our coalition to see if he accepts.

Dias turned to the place where the Emperor sat to see his response.

((I think this counts as formation of a majority @Michaelangelo with the Imperials and Union, and maybe the Reformists as I am not sure if a tripartite coalition was implied by the 'moderate' comment If you intend to hand over the role of Prime Minister, now is the time.))
 
I'm going to upfront and address it, we have a smaller share of the seats, combined as we had last paraliment. This however is all together unsurprising to me. We had to deal with more repressive laws this time around, including a ban on Public Assembly. Also, we had to deal with a wave of Unionist support, one that I don't expect to be replicated. I also believe that while we ran an ok campaign, it wasn't as strong as it should be. My earlier suggestion earlier that we don't attack the Imperials as a whole, instead attack the reactionary sections, morphed into a limp wristed refeusal to attack imperial policy at all, instead engaging in feel good platitudes. The most successful tactics were attacks on the economy, which were the most aggressive ones. Despite these handicaps, we only lost a few seats and as we never had a majority it doesn't really matter.

Alsonthere seems to be this strain among us believes that the moderate Imperials will surely help us if we act all passive, If we attack the phoenixes more than about. I'm going to call it what I see it as, a stupid plan that has never produced anything. We've had the phoenixes reach out to us before any "moderate" imperial faction did. The only way we are going to split the Imperials is by scaring the reactionary half so much they start over stepping bounds so far the less reactionary half starts voting against it. Like when they tried to nationalize the press and steal voting rights from the middle class. Another thing we should have campaigned on hadrather than have any talk of not attacking the Imperials at all. As for anyone thinking of splitting back up, the Imperials would see that as a victory and you'd be handing them another one. We have to stay and fight together. Also we ought just fully merge as a party rather than simply a coalition, as an act of defiance. As for paralimentary strategy, I suggest nitpicking every single decision, or lack of decision, of every minister the entire term and doing it as aggressively as legally possible. As for law proposals, I think we should lay of all social reforms until we get into power. That way they can stop saying that "we can't afford it" rubbish. As I see it we should focus entirely on political reforms, expanding the franchise, ending voter harrassment, free press, free assembly, etc. In conclusion we have to fight hard, fight focused and fight together.

Now we see the purpose of the imperials refusal to restore the rights to public assembly they stole, to deny the press freedom and to prevent the use of harrassing gangs to suppress the vote of the opposition.

A shameful and undignified leap for additional power by compromising the electoral process.

Despite the repression, in my capacity as a Fraternidad Assembly Member, I will join with my fellowship oppose any further reactionary policies by the imperials. While I am aware we haven't the votes to stop these pushes our voices will be louder still to compensate.
 
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- As our fellow member Medrano said, I am completely in accordance that our campaing wasn't strong enough, but I must express my disagreement in his statement about the needs of attacking them to win seats, let me explain myself, even if I see completely necesary that we publicy criticize their mistakes and their obvious destruccion of the traditions of freedom in the Empire, if we start to just criticize and focus our campaings in attacking them, Don't you think that the people will see that as an treason to the values we say to profess? We talk about tolerance, unity, but we will center on attacking the? I can't support that, as I said earlier, I can support criticizing, but not centering our campaings in them.

Now, in the matters of the other parties, first, I want to express that even after everything that has happened, I think still have the possibility to working something out with the moderate conservatives, and it will be needed as even if we decided to accept Faixon's offer we would still be needing more difference to make a stand, and I don't think the Italian party will even consider joining us.

As per last, I express that I agree in centering in political reforms and abandon the social stand until we are in power or until the people start asking for it. It is true that we need to make ourselves here and that we should defy them, but look how well campaings centered only on attackign have worked out for Faixon, we need to be more intelligent than that, and we need a tfue strategy.

Loyal and honest, Manuel D'Garcia.
 
Etxeto-arms.gif

A Message by Gran Duque d'Etxeto
- Private to the Government -

I must protest the lack of development in naval technologies and financing. In my place as the Secretary of the Navy, it is my duty to ensure that the entirety of Hispanian waters are properly protected for our King and His realm.

The Ministry of Finance has gutted my funding, ports languish, ships rot, all while we are in the most need of a navy since the advent of colonialism. Furthermore, a focus on academia and industry forces the navy into a completely unacceptable place, forgotten before government.

Men, lest we face disaster in future wars, I need greater funding and at least the most basic understand that naval advancement will occur.
 
- As our fellow member Medrano said, I am completely in accordance that our campaing wasn't strong enough, but I must express my disagreement in his statement about the needs of attacking them to win seats, let me explain myself, even if I see completely necesary that we publicy criticize their mistakes and their obvious destruccion of the traditions of freedom in the Empire, if we start to just criticize and focus our campaings in attacking them, Don't you think that the people will see that as an treason to the values we say to profess? We talk about tolerance, unity, but we will center on attacking the? I can't support that, as I said earlier, I can support criticizing, but not centering our campaings in them.

Now, in the matters of the other parties, first, I want to express that even after everything that has happened, I think still have the possibility to working something out with the moderate conservatives, and it will be needed as even if we decided to accept Faixon's offer we would still be needing more difference to make a stand, and I don't think the Italian party will even consider joining us.

As per last, I express that I agree in centering in political reforms and abandon the social stand until we are in power or until the people start asking for it. It is true that we need to make ourselves here and that we should defy them, but look how well campaings centered only on attackign have worked out for Faixon, we need to be more intelligent than that, and we need a tfue strategy.

Loyal and honest, Manuel D'Garcia.

In response to D'Garcia, I don't see how attacking the Imperials for all that they do wrong is treason to our values. Not attacking them for all that they've done wrong is treason to our values. I'm not a blind partisan. For example I voted for the revocation of the debt law because I agreed with the argument, even though it was proposed by the reactionary Reformista. I'm just never going to accept "tolerance" of harrassment of our voters or have "unity" around their crushing public assembly. Tolerance and unity is about turning our back on opposing things simply because we're not the orginator, not about accepting dung. Of course we are going to centre our campaign about the state of the country and why it's where it is. There is nothing else to centre it around.

As for working something out with the moderate conservtives, as I've never seen one. Sure, I've seen very reactionary imperials, the ones that voted to steal the right to vote from the middle class and nationalize the press. But even the "moderates" have shown that once the reactionaries do something, they won't allow it's repeal, see the public meetings issue for that one. Come to think of it, considering we used to have public meetings, that's the one issue where we should have had the moderates show up. They have failed to show up, twice infact.

So that strategy is complete rubnish. At least until the reactionaries push very far, who knows how much farther. We really should not waste anymore time on it. If they want to show up, they can show up. The only hope in cooperation might be trying to find ground with the Unionists.

- Manuel Medrano
 
I am pleased to hear that the Union is willing to work with their Conservative brethren. Perhaps it is time to inform the Emperor of our agreement and begin to negotiate the precise nature of our coalition to see if he accepts.

Dias turned to the place where the Emperor sat to see his response.

((I think this counts as formation of a majority @Michaelangelo with the Imperials and Union, and maybe the Reformists as I am not sure if a tripartite coalition was implied by the 'moderate' comment If you intend to hand over the role of Prime Minister, now is the time.))

The Emperor, feeling eyes upon him, feels the necessity to respond.

5W1lKXZ.png

If the Facción Imperial and Unión de Agrarios y Burgueses have reached an agreement in regards to a coalition, as well as with the Partido Reformista, then it holds a majority in both houses of Parliament and has the body's support. Once a suitable Cabinet is presented to me, I shall permit a new government to form.

- His Imperial Highness, Ferran VI de Trastámara, Emperor of Hispania, Caesar of Rome, & Protector of the Greeks
 
Negotiations with the other factions is complete, My Emperor. Here is what we have agreed on as the new Imperial Government.

Prime Minister - Duke Maximiliao Dias

Minister of Foreign Affairs - Grand Duke Tomas Etxeto
Deputy Prime Minister, Minister of the Interior - Pedro Falcone
Minister of War - Duke Maximiliao Dias
Minister of Finance - Giovanni Giordano
Minister of the Navy - Duke Felix Villanova

All other positions remain unchanged.
 
Negotiations with the other factions is complete, My Emperor. Here is what we have agreed on as the new Imperial Government.

Prime Minister - Duke Maximiliao Dias

Minister of Foreign Affairs - Grand Duke Tomas Etxeto
Deputy Prime Minister, Minister of the Interior - Pedro Falcone
Minister of War - Duke Maximiliao Dias
Minister of Finance - Giovanni Giordano
Minister of the Navy - Duke Felix Villanova

All other positions remain unchanged.

5W1lKXZ.png

Having been presented with a potential government by a coalition of the Facción Imperial, Unión de Agrarios y Burgueses, and Partido Reformista, I hereby announce the formation of a new Cabinet consisting of the following individuals:

Prime Minister - Duke Maximiliao Dias
Chamberlain - Duke Altair Spoleto
Speaker - Pedro Manuel Falcone

Minister of Foreign Affairs - Grand Duke Tomas Santiago Hortun Etxeto
Minister of War - Duke Maximiliao Dias
Minister of the Interior - Pedro Manuel Falcone
Minister of Finance - Giovanni Giordano
Minister of Education - Duke Altair Spoleto

Minister of Colonial Affairs - Count Alejandro Manuel Maximillian Regidor
Minister of the Navy - Duke Felix Villanova
Minister of Justice - Duke Stefano von Politz
Minister of Religious Affairs - Cardinal Gregory Diego
Minister of Trade - Giovanni Giordano

- His Imperial Highness, Ferran VI de Trastámara, Emperor of Hispania, Caesar of Rome, & Protector of the Greeks

((Now that we have a government, we can move on to the next stage. Ministers have until Wednesday at 12PM PST to post their plans. Players may also propose laws or reforms until that time.))
 
Faixòn could only shake his head. Easily controllable fools, all of them. The Union clearly diappointed him. So many differences had shown themselves in the last years, and still they preferred to be kept around by the Imperials. Imperials who are far more reactionary than they present themselves. What other reason could there be to include Reformistas in the Cabinet? Imperials were never good at hiding their true motives.
Now, 'wannabe Joan' was Prime Minister. At least there was Ferran, though Lluis feared not much would change from the Regency. So much hope lost. Only the appointment is better now - so much that the Fraternidad entirely forgot that it can be abused again. Hard times were ahead. And it certainly wouldn't get easier with the financial reactionary disaster that is Giordano heading both the Trade and Financial Ministries. Another try to keep the upcoming financial elites in line, or better yet, to prevent them from even developing - so incredibly previsible. Yet with all the harassing, propaganda and oppression, it was hard to find anyone willing to use their minds. At least the Fénix held their previous election result. Now, so close after the election, there was no need to propose any laws for the Imperials to reject. Hard times were ahead anyway. Perhaps close to the next election... He sighed as he readied himself to travel to Portugal to lay the first stone of his new factory's foundations.
 
((Expand my Glass Factory and build me railroads in Lisbon, Oviedo and Jaen))

I propose the following motions in this session of Parliament. Should the Prime Minister, the Minister of Interior, or otherwise oppose these acts, I ask, for the sake of the realm, that they give a response as to why.

Anti-Electoral Harrassment Act of 1840

Establishes a Security Force tasked with preventing gangs from harrassing voters at the ballot box

((Political Parties: Harassment --> Gerrymandering))

Assembly Restoration Act of 1840

Reestablishes the right of Hispanians to Peaceful Public Assembly.

((Public Meetings Outlawed --> Allowed))

Electoral Equalization Act of 1840

Ensures that the wealth does not effect the value of one's vote

((Voting Franchise: Weighted Wealth --> Wealth))
 
((Private))

- Manuel finished smoking his pipe while watching through the window, he was dissapointed, first the Fraternidad loosed seats and none of the liberal reforms passed, even more, a new Inquisition-like institution was allowed and the Union sided with the reactionaries once again. He that following Medrano's advice of waging a campaing of critics and attack would gain the Fraternidad votes, that he knew that it wasn't the way they should go. Once again they were going to try to rally under political liberation laws, and he hoped that this time they would pass.

((Public))

- Manuel standed up after hearing Medrano's proposals and started to speak:

Following my fellow Assemblymember Manuel Medrano's proposals, there is one more reform that I want to state in this session.
Press Autonomy and Rights Act

- Under this every newspaper, existant or new, will be granted full autonomy in the content of their publications and will be protected by law from any kind of attack, censure and prohibition.

(( Press Rights: Censored --> Free Press))
 
I oppose all four of the proposed laws.

Why?

Because during the election the Imperial Faction campaigned against such things. It would be deceit to not follow through not our words, and I will say here that I have no intention of being made a deceiver.
 
I oppose all four of the proposed laws.

Why?

Because during the election the Imperial Faction campaigned against such things. It would be deceit to not follow through not our words, and I will say here that I have no intention of being made a deceiver.

With all due respect for the prime Minister, I highly doubt that those who voted for the Imperials voted to risk their lives at the polling booths navigating gangs. I highly doubt those in the middle class voted Imperials voted to have their vote worth less than a wealthy person like you or I. Or even to have their right to vote removed entirely, as you led half of your faction into doing, Mr, Prime Minister.