((I can't believe this is over. We've come a long way over the last three years. Looking back on my character from 2015, I can't believe where we've come. I can't believe where I've come since then. I had a lot of fun along the way, and we've had a lot of memorable moments (the thousand ships, the conquistadors, and the Phoenix Wars come to mind). Too bad the Lucrezia thing fizzled out by the end. It's been a great ride. As we send this campaign into the afterlife all AARs go to and await your next journey, I'd like to leave us with a conclusion to the story of the Leons. I owe them as much to end their story with this campaign. I apologize if I made the Leons too important at a few points.))
Germany Path
Juan Felipe de Leon: Although he did not approve of the Emperor’s policies, he still remained loyal to the monarchy, hoping to stave off revolution and encourage reform from within. He attended many of the Emperor’s public events, hoping to convince him to change his views. But the Emperor and his Crown Prince remained steadfast. Juan Felipe didn’t give up. One day, while inspecting one of the Hispanian Navy’s new dreadnoughts, the ship explodes, killing all three and dozens around them.
Hernando de Leon: After the explosion, The Hispanian government reels from the loss of the Emperor and the Crown Prince. Hernando de Leon, Juan Felipe’s eldest son, quickly assumes his late father’s seat and gives a rousing speech to Parliament, urging them to stay calm and respect the rule of law. He also redirects Parliament’s anger and rage toward launching an investigation into the explosion, which finds it was caused by a faulty boiler. Lluis is soon crowned Emperor, and Hernando becomes the first nobleman and politician to swear his loyalty to the new Emperor. However, Lluis did not share Hernando’s desire for reform. He refuses to hear Hernando’s suggestions and instead dismisses the appointed MPs. Prince Tomas expresses doubt about the investigation’s findings, and Hernando secretly shares his concerns. He launches his own investigation, which is impeded by Lluis. Tomas suspects the boiler explosion wasn’t an accident as is believed. He suspects Lluis had blown up the ship to become Emperor and condemns him as a murderer, despite Hernando warning him not to do that. Lluis sends the Guardia Real to arrest Tomas on the docks of Valencia but are foiled by Hispanian Navy sailors, who rally around Tomas and help him escape. Fearing the worst, Hernando quietly sends his family overseas and has Elias move his assets out of Hispania. A month later, Lluis declares Tomas a traitor and demands his head, while Tomas declares Lluis a usurper and demands his immediate abdication. Within a year, civil war erupts, and elections are suspended. The liberals and conservatives are split between the two sides, while the socialists, many Reconquistadores among them, denounce both sides. Hernando struggles to rein in the hard left wing of the party and is ultimately expelled in a political coup by his brother, Daniel de Leon, who takes the Reconquista hard to the left.
Francisco/Alexander de Leon: Hernando’s younger brother, Francisco is brash and impulsive. His father found an outlet for his jingoism in the military. After graduating from the War Academy with relatively good grades, he was deployed to India, where he spent ten years manning the garrisons of Hyderabad. He slowly rose through the ranks. When the civil war breaks out, Francisco sides with Lluis, although he has no love for the emperor, while his great-nephew Alexander sides with Tomas and is assigned to protect Tomas and his family. Most of the army joins Lluis’ side, and most of the navy rallies around Tomas. When the Exercit Napoli arrives to arrest Tomas, Francisco warns the family ahead of time, and Alexander evacuates Tomas and his family to Tunis.
Hernando: Parliament is in an uproar upon learning of the attempt to seize Prince Albert and Princess Victòria, the respected daughter of the late Emperor Martí II. Hernando, now an independent following his expulsion from the Reconquista, calls for the parties to calm down and have a civil discussion, but he is ignored. The socialists, led by Daniel de Leon, begin debating the future of the crown. Fearing the overthrow of the monarchy, Hernando allies himself with the conservatives, but he is annoyed by their inability to settle on a replacement emperor. With the male claimants unacceptable, Hernando suggests Victòria inherit the throne, but the conservatives still cannot reach a decision. The liberals, meanwhile, tear themselves apart, with the moderates siding with the conservatives and the rest joining Daniel’s socialists. Finally, Hernando convinces Parliament to agree on a compromise: Lluis should either abdicate (with a successor chosen later) or consent to a parliamentary investigation into the explosion. Lluis responds by dissolving Parliament. Riots in Valencia are violently suppressed by the army, while the MPs scatter across Hispania. Daniel declares the formation of the Partido Nueva Popular Fraternidad (PNPF) and calls for Hispanian workers to rise up. Hernando and a group of conservative, liberal, and socialist MPs take refuge in the Leon estates, where they attempt to rally supporters against both Lluis and Daniel.
Francisco/Alexander: Northern Italy descends into chaos. A smear campaign against Tomas turns the tables in Lluis’ favor. The Exercit Morocco marches on Tunis to capture Tomas and seize Prince Albert and Princess Victòria. The royals escape again, thanks to the Alejandria family’s help. Tomas’ forces launch a counterattack against the Exercit Morocco, led by Alexander de Leon and aided by intelligence from the mole Francisco de Leon.
Solon de Leon: After the Pope refuses to crown Lluis again, Lluis enacts policies designed to weaken the Church, which enrages Catholics everywhere. After a brief appearance by Tomas, the Emperor’s forces pillage Rome and lock the Pope in the Vatican. Northern Italy breaks into full revolt and is violently suppressed. Bishop Solon de Leon takes in hundreds of refugees at his monastery, giving food and shelter for all regardless of side. He remains one of the few neutral Hispanians during the civil war.
Hernando: As Iberia chafes under Lluis’ rule, Hernando takes the Reconquista back to its roots as an underground organization. Cells are established in cities and towns around Iberia to supply food and supplies to civilians suffering from the blockade. He and allied MPs also establish supply lines with the colonies to get around the blockade. Hernando personally does not advocate for militancy, but some of the other MPs organize militant groups to raid government buildings and military bases to keep pressure on Lluis. However, when the Greeks force Tomas to open the Suez Canal and Lluis breaks the blockade by demanding Nova Hispanian companies to send supplies his way, the pressure evaporates.
Francisco/Alexander: Tomas reaches out to the Emperor to seek a peace. He turns himself in on the condition elections are scheduled an an investigation is held. However, when he arrives before Parliament, with Alexander and several soldiers providing protection, he is immediately arrested by a reluctant Francisco and his men. Francisco reluctantly executes both Tomas and Alexander a day later. Francisco is later assigned to maintain Albert’s and Victòria’s house arrest in Naples.
Elias: Leon Enterprises is thrown into chaos following the civil war. Lluis purges the Navy of those disloyal to him, which causes trade to slow down. Northern Italy remains in rebellion, meaning most of its exports to Leon Enterprises never arrive. Iberia suffers from food shortages, forcing Elias to cut back on some of his workers’ benefits to save money. This enrages many of his employees. Strikes are common in Leon Enterprises factories in North Africa, which Elias suspects are organized by the PNPF. He moves his base of operations to the colonial nations.
Hernando: Parliament technically remains in session, but only a handful of MPs attend, and they are generally ignored if they don’t share Lluis’ views. Hernando and the other MPs continue their underground campaign, trying to build up a pro-Victòria and anti-Lluis movement.
Francisco: In 1914, La Gran Guerra breaks out after the King of Hungary is assassinated by a Transdacian nationalist. Following the declaration of war on France, Francisco is deployed to Provence, where he is placed in command of local exercits. He finds himself unable to break the enemy lines and is forced to send wave after wave of soldiers against the French trenches, constantly calling for reinforcements from Italy and mainland Hispania. Frustrated with his lack of progress, he soon orders a last-ditch assault on the French lines, which fails.
Solon: Solon continues taking in refugees from the war. However, his attempt to help out all sides in the conflict earns him the ire of the Hispanian government. An exercit is sent to liquidate his monastery, and Solon is killed.
Francisco: Preferring a victorious Lluis-led Hispania to a defeated anti-Lluis Hispania, Hernando and the MPs reach out to neutral powers. However, the neutral powers are more concerned with their own rivalries and internal revolutions and cannot help them. Without a large power base and the resources of the Foreign Ministry, there isn’t much Hernando can do. In 1918, Lluis is assassinated by Italian separatists. Tensions boil over. The Phoenixes, Reconquista, and a third of the Parliament refuse to acknowledge Prince Jaume as the new emperor. They invite Daniel and the PNPF to take control over Valencia. After a brief struggle through the streets of the capital, in which Francisco stubbornly resists the PNPF, a republic is declared, and Jaume flees to Madrid, aided by Francisco, and then to Nova Hispania.
Hernando: Before he and his fellow MPs flee to the colonies as well, Hernando issues one last statement to anybody listening: the Reconquista is now full of traitors, and his little brother is one of them. In Nova Hispania, Jaume organizes a Provisional Parliament and appoints Hernando and the other MPs to the legislature, with Hernando as Provisional Prime Minister. However, Hernando dies from malaria in 1920. An Alejandria is named his successor. Francisco is named Defense Minister.
Francisco: As Defense Minister, Francisco manages to push the French to a stalemate and take its Caribbean colonies. He then nationalizes most of the Nova Hispanian economy and gears it toward supporting the military, intending to build up a large army and navy with which to retake the mainland.
Elias: In exile in Nova Hispania, Elias tries to rebuild the fortunes of Leon Enterprises, but the company was ruined in the evacuation from Iberia. He is forced to sell many of his remaining assets to stay afloat, and attempts to break into the logging and oil industries prove costly. Meanwhile, he is forced to continue cutting his benefits programs, and employees quit the company in droves. One good thing did come out of this, though: Faixon Industries suffered as badly as Leon Enterprises did, if not worse due to its ties with the Phoenixes.
Daniel de Leon: The new republic proceeds forward on shaky ground. Ruined finances and territorial losses tarnish the new government, as well as continued instability from a slew of elections as governments rise and fall in rapid succession. The Phoenixes, false Reconquista, and PNPF all jockey for power, culminating in an attempt by Daniel de Leon to march on Valencia and purge Parliament of the other two factions. However, this just leads to the destruction of the PNPF and Daniel’s execution.
Juan Carlos de Leon/Alfonso Marti de Leon: Hernando’s oldest son, Juan Carlos inherited his father’s seat in 1920 and quickly purged the “True Reconquista” (the elements of the Reconquista which remained loyal to the monarchy) of its far left and far right members, trying to keep it in the political center. He turns down a cabinet position on the grounds of nepotism. He also funded anti-republican movements in Iberia. His son, army officer Alfonso Marti, took it a step further by going undercover in Iberia to help the right-wing Antônio de Garcia e Silva. Together, Alfonso Marti and Antonio overthrow the republic and restore the monarchy. Due to the extensive support networks established by the underground Reconquista and Juan Carlos, the republican forces and the traitorous Reconquista are overthrown, and Antonio takes power as the new “Caudillo.” However, when Alfonso Marti suggests bringing Jaume back from exile, Antonio has him executed.
Esperanza Isabella: In exile in Nova Hispania, Esperanza Isabella is expected to look after her family after the death of her father. This doesn’t stop her from continuing to campaign for women’s rights, although she is seldom heard. When Antônio de Garcia e Silva takes power in mainland Hispania, Esperanza Isabella launches an aggressive social campaign to educate the women of Nova Hispania and the rest of the colonies, drumming up fears of what would happen if fascism came to the colonies. Eventually, this catches Jaume’s eyes, and he agrees to codify women’s rights in the colonies, followed by granting the franchise once the mainland is liberated.
Carlos Miguel de Leon: When the Great Depression hits, Leon Enterprises is hit hard, losing most of its value in a week and being forced to sell almost all of its assets. Despondent, Elias disappears into the Amazon and is never seen again. Carlos Miguel de Leon, the youngest son of Juan Carlos, applies for the job of CEO and gets it, because nobody else wants it. To fix the company, he eliminates struggling subsidiaries, sells off as many assets as he can, and invests the rest in oil and logging. He then negotiates an exclusive contract with the government to produce weapons in preparation for the liberation of the mainland. By 1938, Leon Enterprises finally turns a profit for the first time since leaving Iberia.
Juan Carlos: Working with his aunt Esperanza Isabella, Juan Carlos spearheads an ambitious reform program to ensure the loyalty of the colonies. The Colonial Congress is reformed into the Hispanian Commonwealth. The exiled Parliament is folded into the legislature of the new Hispanian Commonwealth, giving greater access to the colonies’ resources, which Francisco directs toward military rearmament. Juan Carlos also orders the underground Reconquista to start insurgencies against Silva’s regime.
Carlos Fernando de Leon/Javier Luis de Leon/Francisco: Alexander de Leon’s son grew up hearing stories of his father’s heroics during the civil war and his tragic death in Valencia. Growing up in Nova Hispania, he dreamed of doing only one thing: avenging his father and retaking the mainland. He would get his chance when the second La Gran Guerra breaks out in 1939. Although Silva’s forces are tied up fighting in Europe, Francisco’s rearmament program is not finished yet. After Empress Victòria sends a diary of Silva’s atrocities to Nova Hispania, public opinion is firmly pushed in favor of intervention, and Parliament votes unanimously to declare war on the illegitimate Valencia regime. Francisco resigns from his cabinet position and takes up a battlefield commission. Commonwealth reinforcements arrive in France, saving them from total collapse, while Francisco, Carlos Fernando, and Javier Luis, the 15-year-old son of Alfonso Marti, invade Africa to establish a foothold from which to reach the mainland. By 1943, Commonwealth forces have retaken Africa and push into Iberia. The underground Reconquista, which has reinvented itself as a resistance group, proves instrumental in sabotaging fascist supply lines and sending crucial intelligence to the Commonwealth. Iberia falls, and Silva is murdered by an angry mob. However, while liberating Leon and the family estates, Javier Luis and Francisco are killed by a fascist airstrike.
Juan Carlos/Esperanza Isabella: The war comes to a close, and Juan Carlos is dismayed the entire empire could not be reunited. He thanks God Nova Hispanian scientists built an atomic bomb in time to save Greece and most of Hispania from the communists. But as the war ends and a battered Hispania returns home to face down the communists in Lithuania, Juan Carlos decides to focus on internal reconstruction first. About 35 years of chaos and disunity have scarred Hispania like no other time in history. North Africa and the colonies are allowed to gain their independence from Hispania, as there is no way they can be convinced to stay. Negotiations over the fate of Rome stall due to Lithuanian and Hispanian nuclear weapons pointed at each other from across Italy. Parliament is restored, with the true Reconquista reinstated. But due to its involvement in the republican government, it is unlikely it will ever form a government again or if the Leons will ever put one of their own in the cabinet again. For that matter, the conservative parties which sided with Silva are banned, as are all fascist and communist parties. Esperanza Isabella oversees the independence of the colonies and is named the first Hispanian delegate to the new Hispanian Commonwealth, which she serves as until her death in 1962. After helping negotiate the abdications of both Jaume and Victòria in favor of Prince Eduard, Juan Carlos is nominated provisional prime minister, but he declines the job and retires from politics. He died in 1950.
Carlos Miguel: Carlos Miguel and Leon Enterprises stayed in Nova Hispania. The company steadily grew over the next twenty years as it invested in the reconstruction of Hispania, but most of its operations remained in Nova Hispania and the New World. Carlos Miguel married a local Nova Hispanian and bought a house in the countryside. He occasionally made donations to likeminded Nova Hispanian politicians and gave speeches at universities railing against communism and in support of free and open markets. He passed away in 1990.
Felipe Alejandro de Leon: Born in 1936, Carlos Miguel’s son inherited Leon Enterprises in 1983 and expanded the corporation into Europe, China, and the communist world. Felipe Alejandro is widely believed to have turned around the company’s fortunes that decade, as by 1990 its stock values had skyrocketed to their highest point since before the civil war, though they paled in comparison to Faixon Industries and other modern corporations. He was known for his flamboyant and carefree personality, although this covered a streak of charity and philanthropy. He was known for being fiercely defensive of Leon Enterprises’ workers’ benefits programs and donated most of his salary to charities. In 2016, with his popularity among the public at an all-time high, he was asked to run for prime minister of Nova Hispania, but he declined, saying his talents were best suited at Leon Enterprises. He died a month later.
Carlos Fernando: Shaken by the death of Javier Luis, Carlos Fernando left the military and went into politics. As one of the few surviving Leon men, he inherited most of the family’s noble titles and estates. After serving in the Assembly for twenty years, Carlos Fernando retired to the family estates in Leon, where he wrote several memoirs. Toward the end of his life, he grew interested in Hispanian history, trying to find the point in time when Hispania’s decline began. This led to him writing an op-ed in the Valencia Times, called “Empire of the Mediterranean,” in which he detailed the history of Hispania from 1444 to the modern day and firmly placed the blame on his own family, starting with Carlos de Leon. His closing words were, “My family failed Hispania. We could’ve done better.”
Britain Path
Juan Felipe de Leon: Although he did not approve of the Emperor’s policies, he still remained loyal to the monarchy, hoping to stave off revolution and encourage reform from within. He attended many of the Emperor’s public events, hoping to convince him to change his views. But the Emperor and his Crown Prince remained steadfast. Juan Felipe didn’t give up. At one of these public events, he noticed Italian anarchists wearing suicide bomb vests. The anarchists blew themselves up, causing widespread panic and destruction. Juan Felipe threw himself in front of the Emperor and Crown Prince to protect them. All three were killed.
Hernando de Leon: In the aftermath of the assassination, the Hispanian government reeled from the loss of the Emperor and the Crown Prince, especially after the assassins were found to have ties to Italian separatist movements. Hernando de Leon, Juan Felipe’s eldest son, quickly assumed his late father’s seat and gave a rousing speech to Parliament, urging them to stay calm and respect the rule of law. He also redirects Parliament’s anger and rage against Italian nationalist organizations, which reduces the PNI’s influence in the legislature. Many PNI seats are subsequently taken over by the Reconquista. Lluis is soon crowned Emperor, and Hernando becomes the first nobleman and politician to swear his loyalty to the new Emperor. Lluis shares Hernando’s desire for reform, and the two begin work on a comprehensive reform program. However, Hernando and Lluis clash over the role of the Cortz in the reform program. Hernando wants the Cortz to remain as its, while Lluis believes the Cortz is obstructionist and unrepresentative in its current state. Ultimately, Lluis convinces Hernando it is necessary to reform the Cortz, as it has a very low approval rating by both the Assembly and the public. After the 1912 elections, the Reconquista makes significant gains, entering into a coalition with the liberal parties. As the first officially card-carrying social democrat in Parliament, Hernando pushes for an expansion of social services, the protection of rights of the poorest Hispanians, and a reduction in unnecessary spending. Although he is not appointed Prime Minister, he is given the posts of Interior and Foreign Minister and granted a mandate to implement his policies. As Lluis introduces his Cortz reform bill to the Parliament, Hernando also tries to restrain the Reconquista’s hard left wing and keep the party in the center. He ultimately votes in favor of the reform bill, but this energizes the hard left, which calls for even greater reductions in noble privileges. Heated arguments take place on the floor, and several of the radicals are expelled from the Assembly. Hernando forces the rest of the radicals to tone down their rhetoric. The reform bill is passed by imperial decree, which shifts the balance of power to the Assembly. Hernando would take a seat in the Assembly, where all future Leons would also be seated. With the Reconquista firmly under his control, Hernando focuses on his social reforms for the next two years. However, the assassination of the King of Hungary leads to the outbreak of La Gran Guerra.
Francisco de Leon: Hernando’s younger brother, Francisco is a brash and impulsive man. His father found an outlet for his jingoism in the military. After graduating from the War Academy with relatively good grades, he was deployed to India, where he spent ten years manning the garrisons of Hyderabad. He slowly rose through the ranks. By the time La Gran Guerra broke out in 1914, he had become a general and outspoken critic of his brothers’ military policies. Following the declaration of war on France, Francisco is deployed to Provence, where he is placed in command of local exercits. He finds himself unable to break the enemy lines and is forced to send wave after wave of soldiers against the French trenches, constantly calling for reinforcements from Italy and mainland Hispania. Frustrated with his lack of progress, he eventually orders all of his men over the top, himself included. Francisco is killed, giving him the battlefield death he always wanted, but most of the Hispanians, including his young great-nephew Alexander, are killed as well. Provence is taken, though.
Hernando: Shaken by the death of his brother, Hernando reaches out to the neutral powers in a bid to end the war in Hispania’s favor. He first opens secret negotiations with Scandinavia, finally promising them Lithuanian land to get them to join Hispania’s side. He then talks with the ambassadors to the UKA and Canada, sending armed guards to make sure they don’t kill each other during the talks. He promises the two ambassadors land in Louisiana if their countries join Hispania’s side. The talks are a success, and the UKA and Canada temporarily put aside their differences to invade Louisiana. This turns the tide of the war. In 1917, France succumbs to a communist revolution and agrees to peace talks. Although he attends the peace talks, Hernando lets the other delegates make demands. He is mostly there to observe the structure and organization of the new French government. He is aware of the communists’ desire to spread their ideology abroad, and there are many Reconquistadores who sympathize with them. Hernando uses the information gathered from the conference to root out the communists in the Reconquista using anti-radical and anti-republican laws his ancestors had passed. However, many of these communists flock to the banner of his estranged brother, Daniel de Leon, who ironically is murdered by French secret police for not being radical enough. This leads to the implosion of the hard and far left wings and the supremacy of Hernando’s center left wing. Emperor Lluis passes away in 1918, and Hernando attends his funeral, being one of the pallbearers of his casket. Focused on internal affairs, Hernando does not attend the peace conferences for the other belligerents, instead letting the Peripheral Powers delegations impose harsh terms on the former Commonwealth and partition Transdacia. With the war over, Hernando resumes the push for reforms in the name of the late Emperor Lluis. Working with his sister Esperanza Isabella, he finally secures women’s and non-Christians’ suffrage, something the late Empress Dowager Maria Luisa had fought for. Parliament grants the colonies control over their own foreign affairs, while colonial independence movements grow popular both in the colonies and the heartland. Many Reconquistadores view the colonies as too expensive to maintain, especially after La Gran Guerra. Hernando oversees a decentralization of the Hispanian government and cutbacks to the military to balance the budget and stamp out regional nationalism before it becomes a problem. In his spare time, Hernando writes some bestselling books about the Hispanian economy, in which he expresses skepticism about the liberals’ deregulatory economic policy, and his foreign policy, warning after the rise of Duke von Sickerberg Hispania must do more to safeguard democracy around the world. He also writes a biography about his namesake, Hernando Francisco de Leon, putting great emphasis on his rivalry with Alexandre de Montsegur. Back in government, Hernando expresses his disagreement over economic policy with the Prime Minister and the cabinet, warning they cannot continue the current pace of deregulation and economic boom. The Prime Minister ignores him. Hernando responds by writing an op-ed in El Cid warning of disaster if the liberals continue on their current path, and the Prime Minister sacks him in retaliation. Weeks later, the Hispanian stock market crashes, and the liberals are blamed.
Elias de Leon: The third son of Juan Felipe de Leon, Elias assumed leadership of Leon Enterprises after the death of his distant cousin, Luis Emiliano. He continued his cousin’s generous workers’ benefits program, which continued attracting talented workers from across Hispania and its empire, and subsidized it with revenue gained from his latest endeavors. Elias accurately predicted many future trends in the economy, and he expanded Leon Enterprises into promising industries accordingly. By the time La Gran Guerra broke out, he had holdings in banking, real estate, railroads, automobiles, airplanes, and oil. Oil proved to be his best bet. Demand for oil during La Gran Guerra made him as rich as Hernando and one of the most powerful businessmen in Hispania. Despite his success, he never forgot the workers who got him there, and he always went out of his way to make their lives better. Offering to take pay cuts whenever possible, he implemented generous salaries, paid leave, safety regulations, and shorter working hours. This ensured Leon Enterprises wasn’t hit that hard by the Great Depression and retained most of its business and employees (although he had to sell his bank holdings). By the time Elias passed away in 1936, Leon Enterprises had weathered the worst of the Great Depression and claimed to be Hispania’s largest employers and its flagship company (though this was contested by its corporate arch-nemesis, Faixon Industries).
Hernando: Riding a wave of public anger, the Reconquista sweeps the next election on a platform of sweeping social reform and economic stimulus plans. The liberal parties, blamed for the crisis, are decimated and never recover. Emperor Jaume appoints Hernando as Prime Minister. His first act as Prime Minister is to pass the centerpiece of his platform: the New Deal. A comprehensive package of social and economic reforms, the New Deal was designed to protect all Hispanians, particularly those worst hit by the Great Depression, and get the economy rolling again. After a significant lobbying campaign in favor of the bill by Elias and Leon Enterprises, the bill passes in Parliament. Soon afterward, Hernando passes away in 1938. He had just published his memoirs, in which he warns of the threat posed by a resurgent France, Germany, Lithuania, and China.
Daniel de Leon: Juan Felipe’s youngest son, having repudiated his noble heritage and rejected the rest of his family, tried to establish himself in far left circles, with mixed results. After being kicked out of the Partido Popular, he formed the Partido Neuva Popular Fraternidad (PNPF), which was immediately banned. After his brother Hernando purged the Reconquista of communists and other far left radicals, many of them flocked to Daniel’s banner. During La Gran Guerra, Daniel agitated for armed revolution against the Hispanian government. After the overthrow of the French government and rise of the French communists, he and his followers were among the first to join the new government. The militant wing of the PNPF became the base of the French secret police. However, the French communists soon saw Daniel and the political wing as a threat. They ordered the militant wing to liquidate the political wing, claiming Daniel was a secret royalist. Daniel and his followers were murdered in 1919, ending the PNPF.
Esperanza Isabella de Leon: Throughout the 1910s, Esperanza Isabella continued her women’s rights activism, taking up the torch the Empress Dowager had carried. As La Gran Guerra continued, she united the various feminist and suffragette organizations under one banner and marginalized the militant ones, giving them a single voice with which to break into the mainstream movements. Working with Hernando, she ultimately secured the franchise for women and also non-Christians. During the 1920s and 30s, she also got the Reconquista to support the expansion of women’s rights. Following Hernando’s death, she ran for and won a seat in Parliament, where she maintained a friendly rivalry with her nephew, Juan Carlos. The two Leons frequently fought over legislation and cabinet spots, with Esperanza Isabella arguing Juan Carlos didn’t go far enough in securing the rights of all Hispanians. As the second La Gran Guerra began, the two agreed on a compromise, with Juan Carlos as Prime Minister and Esperanza Isabella as Interior Minister but neither of them serving at the same time. She passed away in 1945, just after the end of the second La Gran Guerra.
Juan Carlos de Leon: Hernando’s oldest son, Juan Carlos inherited his father’s seat in the 1930s and was instrumental in modernizing the Reconquista during the Great Depression, keeping the party moderate in the face of radicalism abroad. He was an outspoken opponent of appeasement and neutrality, arguing Hispania needed to do more to stop the march of fascism and communism around the world. When the second La Gran Guerra broke out, Juan Carlos made a bid for and was appointed as Prime Minister after the Reconquista retained its majority in 1940. He oversaw the defense of Italy and the Pyrenees and the liberation of the Asian colonies, with help from the colonial nations. Even at the communists’ and fascists’ greatest extent, Juan Carlos continued to believe in Hispania’s eventual victory, giving impassioned speeches over the radio to encourage public morale. As the war winds down, Juan Carlos wins reelection as Prime Minister and oversees the peace treaties which would bring the war to a close. He served out the rest of his term by focusing on rebuilding Hispania’s economy and those of Hispania’s allies and colonies before stepping down in 1948, deciding it was time for someone else to lead Hispania. He passed away in 1966.
Solon de Leon: Daniel de Leon’s son was expected to continue his father’s legacy as the leader of the Hispanian and French far left. However, Solon wanted nothing to do with the far left or any politics for that matter. As soon as he got the chance, he ran away from his father and joined an Italian monastery, where he was ordained as a priest. During La Gran Guerra, he was promoted to bishop and opened his monastery to anybody fleeing the war. As the Great Depression intensified, Solon again opened his monastery to the needy and poor, offering free food and shelter for any who needed it. His charity earned him a reputation as a caring man and a neutral party respected by both sides of the political spectrum. By the time the second La Gran Guerra broke out, Solon had become an archbishop who used the radio to reach a larger audience, preaching a message of love and kindness even as Italy burned during the war. After the war ended, he became a cardinal, and in 1953, he was elected Pope. He would peacefully pass away in 1975, his sermons having reached hundreds of millions and redefining what the Church stood for in the 20th century.
Alfonso Marti de Leon: Juan Carlos’ second son served in the Hispanian Army, seeing action in the Pyrenees and southern France. After the death of his older brother Alexander, his father had him brought home and expected him to go into politics like his younger brother, Carlos Miguel. However, Alfonso Marti registered as an independent with conservative leanings and was later elected to Parliament as a conservative MP. Believing La Gran Guerra had irreparably damaged Hispania’s image, he advocated for a military buildup and modernization to stop radicalism around the world, agreeing with his father on the need to abandon appeasement and neutrality. During the second La Gran Guerra, Alfonso Marti toured the front lines to meet the troops and volunteered as an engineer on the Indian front. After the war, he drifted further to the right, uniting the major conservative parties under his leadership with his fiery denunciations of communism and authoritarianism in general. He competed with Carlos Miguel for the office of prime minister but never won. He died in 1983, and his successors would refine his ideas and policies into what would become known as “neoconservatism.”
Carlos Miguel de Leon: Juan Carlos’ youngest son was too young to serve in World War I. Instead, he went into business and got a job in Leon Enterprises. After Elias passed away, Carlos Miguel took over and continued Elias’ strategy of expanding into emerging industries, particularly armaments manufacturing during the second La Gran Guerra. After the war, Carlos Miguel entered politics as a Reconquista member to “balance” Alfonso Marti’s conservatism (though he just wanted to keep him out of power). Many elections during this time ended up with one brother as a candidate, with the other losing a party primary. He died in 1983, a day after Alfonso Marti died.
Carlos Fernando de Leon: Alexander de Leon’s son grew up hearing stories of his father’s heroics during La Gran Guerra. This motivated him to join the Hispanian Army. He was killed by enemy artillery in the North Italy campaign while rescuing ten injured comrades. He was awarded Hispania’s highest military honors for his bravery.
Javier Luis de Leon: Born in 1926, Alfonso Marti’s son grew up during the Great Depression, which shaped many of his political views. His decades-long career in politics saw him sitting in the Assembly and occasionally serving in Reconquista cabinets, although he never aspired to become prime minister. He became known as a moderating force in Parliament, helping regulate the sometimes heated discussions between the socialist and conservative parties, earning him respect from both sides even though he mostly voted with the Reconquista. He died in 2013.
Felipe Alejandro de Leon: Born in 1936, Carlos Miguel’s son inherited Leon Enterprises in 1983 and expanded the corporation into the developing world, investing heavily in the economies of Hispania’s former colonies and countries like China and Lithuania. Felipe Alejandro was known for putting an end to the long-standing feud with Faixon Industries (or whatever they wanted to call themselves). He was also known for his flamboyant and carefree personality, although this covered a streak of charity and philanthropy, and for being fiercely defensive of Leon Enterprises’ workers’ benefits programs. In 2016, with his popularity among the public at an all-time high, he prepared to announce his campaign for prime minister, but he died before he could do so.
Jose Emiliano de Leon: Born in 1947, Javier Luis’s only son was born after the end of the second La Gran Guerra. Growing up in the early years of the Cold War, he joined the Hispanian Army and soon attained the rank of major general, devising many of the army’s modern strategies. He was appointed to many prestigious postings, such as Special Adviser to the Korean Army, Special Military Adviser to the Indian Prime Minister, Commander of Overseas Forces Asia, and Army Chief of Staff. He was responsible for developing Hispania’s strategy of containing communism after the Jeju Missile Crisis of 1975 and the effective deployment of soldiers in Central Asia to keep the peace and hold off extremism. He was also a major proponent of decolonization in Africa, arguing it would be more efficient for African security to be outsourced to local militaries working with the Hispanian military, which could be deployed elsewhere. His effective strategies earned him the respect of both his soldiers and civilians around the world. He is responsible for shaping Hispania’s modern military doctrine and convincing the military to adopt new technologies like the helicopter, missiles, laser-guided weapons, and drones. Recently, he has announced his retirement, saying it is time for someone younger to lead the Hispanian military in the modern era.
Emilia Magdalena de Leon: Jose Emiliano de Leon had twins born in 1982. Emilia Magdalena was the older of the two and became the first woman to inherit the Leon family estate. Like many Leon women before her, she proved very talented in many fields, but she also demonstrated a rare interest and talent in politics previously seen in only the Empress Dowager Maria Luisa and MP Esperanza Isabella de Leon. Today, Emilia Magdalena is a rising political star within the Reconquista, often heralded as the first in a new generation of Reconquistadores ready to reshape the party and Hispania for the modern age. She has a sizable online presence which gives her an advantage over older politicians, allowing her to reach millions of younger voters and promote her brand of progressivism. She takes inspiration from the activism of Esperanza Isabella de Leon and the late Empress Dowager Maria Luisa. In 2015, Emilia Magdalena announced her candidacy for prime minister in the 2016 elections, with her campaign emphasizing the dawn of a new age for Hispania.
Jaimie Carlos de Leon: Overshadowed by his famous sister, Jaimie Carlos took an unconventional path for Leon men. He didn’t follow his sister into politics or his uncles into the military or Leon Enterprises. Instead, he went into academia and graduated from the University of Hispania with a degree in Hispanian history. His PhD dissertation, a discussion of the life and reign of Alfons the Great, was widely acclaimed by academics around the world. At the age of 34, he has already made a name for himself by publishing critically acclaimed biographies of well-known Hispanians like Marshal Montsegur and Empress Dowager Maria Luisa, all noted by Jaimie Carlos’ trademark impartiality. His biography of Montsegur is widely considered the best and most authoritative work covering the controversial marshal and the Phoenix Wars for its sympathetic take on the rebel general and his contributions to modern Hispania and Germany. A movie adaptation is planned. Recently, Jaimie Carlos has begun work on his magnum opus, a multi-volume project chronicling Hispania’s history, from the establishment of an advisory council by Alfons V, King of Aragon, on November 11, 1444 to the modern day. The series, titled “Empire of the Mediterranean,” released its first volume on July 13, 2015, with the second to be released on April 9, 2017. The first volume has already been hailed as a masterpiece deserving of a place next to the established classics.
Edit: Removed some nepotism and fixed timeline anachronisms.
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