1831-1832 - International Tension
Transdacia was one of the first matters to be dealt with at the start of 1831. Support for independence had grown over the years, especially with Bavaria being granted its freedom only a few years ago. While Transdacia was not nearly as powerful as Bavaria, it was more isolated and Hispanian influence limited. They mostly ruled themselves anyway, something Parliament recognized. It seemed that independence was required, especially now that a precedent was set. The key candidate for the Transdacian crown, the Duke of Wallachia, had far more influence in Transdacia than any Trastámara. Despite rumours that the man's father had been a bastard, he was the foremost noble in the realm. Regent Joan de Trastámara tried to push yet again for his son to receive a throne, but it fell on deaf ears. In the end, he had to be satisfied with his cousin sitting on the Transdacian throne instead. The Duke of Wallachia was crowned Gabriel I Kosovic, King of Transdacia, a few months later. The Transdacians, as with the Bavarians before them, were grateful for their independence, the first act by the new king being to sign an alliance with Hispania. The Transdacian Parliament had tried to initiate the process first, but Gabriel I overruled them and took over instead. Without a constitution to bind him, it seemed likely the new king and the Transdacian Parliament would spend the next while testing the balance of power between them where the monarch had only vague limits on his power.
As for the Greeks, it seemed that many outside Greece had grown tired of the issue. While there had been support before to handle the issue, the constant attempts got on some people's nerves. It seemed the issue would never die until those favouring a union with Byzantium got their way, even if the majority did not support it. This very sentiment led to Parliament to reject allowing another referendum. These dissidents did not need further validation. They had failed the first time and took matters into their own hands before. Parliament had already granted them the much-needed reforms to ensure fair treatment, and that seemed enough to most non-Greeks. The Greek nationalists saw things differently. With their attempt to obtain their freedom through a referendum denied, they rallied to the streets, holding mass protests throughout Hispanian Greece. However, those Greeks who favoured Hispanian rule had had enough, much like their non-Greek counterparts. Many of them heckled the protesters, calling them down for defying the government that granted them a referendum before and reforms. The conflict was only bound to escalate at that point. Soon the two sides, so opposed in viewpoint, clashed in the streets. Riots spread across Hispanian Greece, with the Exercit Athens called to action once more to quell a potential rebellion. Ending the violence was not so easy though, for unlike previous rebellions, the government was not the target. The army got caught between two sides bent on destroying the other, uncertain where to turn. This eventually caught the eye of Byzantium, who had decided to stay out of the previous conflict. Now seeing Greeks turning on each other, the Byzantine government offered an official statement condoning the violence and stated its intention to commence negotiations with Hispania to solve this dilemma once and for all. For the moment, they offered a place for any discontent Hispanian Greek in Byzantium in the hopes that permitting open immigration for them would end the conflict.
Attempts by the army to end the riots in Greece had taken its toll on the Exercit Athens, but they were not alone. Other armies had been ground down in the conflicts that had plagued Hispania over the past decade. Whether it was rebellions in Arabia or India, or the French Succession War, the Hispanian army was finding itself low on manpower. Young men were losing their lives in service and not enough were signing up to replace them. If the Hispanian army wanted to maintain its primacy, it needed to fill up its ranks. The government needed to decide how best to solve this dilemma. A draft could quickly fill up the ranks, although it could also anger those forced into service if only for a short time. Opening up the army to allow colonial subjects to serve could fill the ranks as well, although after recent troubles overseas it was doubtful that they could be considered truly loyal. Some financial incentives might encourage men to join of their own free will, but the costs might not make it worth it. Of course the other option was to downsize the army so less recruits would be needed in total. Some of these seemed more drastic than others, but something needed to be done to ensure the army survived.
The economy, at least, was showing signs of recovery. The choice to bail out the merchants started to show signs of success by the end of the year. Merchants who had been struggling to make a profit earlier were now just scraping by, which while not as good as them being profitable meant they no longer needed to rely on government aid. The trading companies that had been floundering before strengthened their hold on trade with government support, prompting their revival as well. Hispania had just barely avoided slipping back into an economic depression, and recovery was within sight.
Conflict always brewed up somewhere in the world, this time in the colonies. A growing border conflict had been occurring between various Hispanian and French colonies. French La Plata, completely surrounded by Hispanian colonies and with only a tiny corridor to the sea, seemed an inevitable source of such tension. On several occasions, French ships had landed in Nuevo Leon's nearby ports and shipped their goods on to French La Plata, all without paying Hispanian taxes and treating the port as their own. A few French expeditions had even been caught entering the Amazon basin, only accessible if they passed through Sanchonia first. Likewise, tensions between Terre Australe and Nueva Sicilia were growing under similar circumstances. The French controlled the western half and Hispania the east, except for a few islands and the northeast tip. The latter proved a source of conflict as the French constantly travelled between the main colonies and the northeast through Hispanian-claimed land. Nueva Sicilia's control over the disputed region was limited due to the hostile climate and open terrain, allowing the French to easily sneak through. Both these border disputes were bound to escalate as the Hispanian colonies attempted to stamp down on this behaviour.
This whole dilemma didn't reach Hispania's attention until France caught wind of it. Nuevo Leon and Nueva Sicilia, both fairly autonomous, felt it unnecessary to get Hispania involved, while France was more preoccupied with matters at home. The French Succession War had left a deep scar, and the regency was facing problems of its own. When the last regent was caught embezzling funds from the treasury and was summarily replaced, the new regent took interest in the colonial conflict as a way of boosting both his position and establishing French hegemony in the region. He started funnelling funds to the colonies so they'd win out over their Hispanian counterparts. If they could unofficially dominate the disputed regions, eventually the Hispanian colonies would have no choice but to accept French control of the land. With French activity suddenly increasing, the colonies finally decided to put the matter before Hispania at the Colonial Congress. This French interference had to be stopped. They requested that Hispania step in and negotiate a settlement, perhaps an exchange of land that could satisfy both sides. As for the French, when pressed on the matter, they showed a willingness to agree to an exchange of land, although the amounts suggested were enormous and likely lead to the dissolution of one or more colonial nations, the suggestion being that one receives all of Australia and the other all of La Plata. The colonial nations seemed more inclined to see Hispania force the French to hand over their colonies entirely, with all of La Plata and Australia falling under Hispanian control. Of course their French counterparts wanted the exact opposite with the annexation of the Hispania colonies under French control. Everyone wanted something different and were butting heads to get their way, but ultimately Hispania had the strength and influence to bring an end to the entire conflict, that is if they chose to intervene at all.
Negotiations with the French though would have to take a backseat for now, for a matter closer to home had popped up. Byzantium had attempted to end the matter of the call of union by Greeks in Hispania with their country by offering them a home in their own lands, but those Greeks in Hispania who favoured Byzantium seemed unwilling to leave. Despite preferring Byzantine rule, the Hispanian-controlled land was their home, and they could not abandon it. They made it clear that they would continue to fight until their home became part of Byzantium. With that having failed, the Byzantine government felt it was time to directly intervene by opening negotiations with Hispania. Representatives were sent to Hispania requesting that the two powers commence negotiations over the fate of Hispanian Greek lands. The Basileus sent a letter addressed to the Regent and Hispanian Parliament stating that his people could not stand by while their brethren in Hispania continued to struggle for freedom. An offer was made, where Byzantium would waive Hispania's loan to them in exchange for Hispania's Greek lands, along with further payment for the land. Once under Byzantine rule, the problem could finally be brought to an end. It was made clear though that if Hispania did not accept, the Byzantine government would have to get more involved in the matter, for they could not stand by while Greeks requested their help. They begged for Hispania to consider their offer for the good of all or lose the trust of all Greeks by refusing.
Greek nationalism was not the only form of nationalism to plague Hispanian in 1832. Far overseas, another potential uprising was brewing. Hispania's land in China had been vulnerable to such sentiment since its acquisition. The land was far from Valencia, and the ability to defend it somewhat limited. That had already been proven when Canton had been sacked during a war with Malwa. That didn't take into account that neighbouring Ming considered the land theirs. Ming's continuous conflict with Qing kept them from ever taking action, as well as Hispania's might. However, the Chinese people living under Hispanian rule were not always pleased, and Ming took advantage of that. Could Hispania truly control such a large population? That question was soon put to the test as riots erupted in Hispanian China, the focal point being Canton. The rallying call proved to be the return to Ming rule and to expel the Europeans. The Exercit Canton was at least present to crush the rebellion, but perhaps alternate solutions could be found. Perhaps it was time to let these Chinese lands go. On the other hand, perhaps it was better to show Ming that they could not meddle in Hispanian affairs, something an invasion would teach well enough. Either way, something had to be done about China.
With rebellion after rebellion, crisis after crisis, dissent in the capital was growing. The government's response had often been quick and effective, but the constant struggle to keep the Empire intact was taking its toll. The constant target of this dissent proved to be none other than Regent Joan de Trastámara. The Emperor's brother had proven an effective ruler, albeit a controversial one. With each conflict that emerged, he strengthened his hold on power. Parliament's influence was waning as the Cabinet was filled with Joan's cronies and often acted at Joan's command. Parliament was becoming nothing more than a rubber stamp, and even then it was often ignored if it disputed the Regent's decisions. Joan was not foolish enough though to rule unilaterally. He went with Parliament when needed to keep most members complacent, only taking action on his own where it truly mattered, all the while weakening Parliament's power. The rollback in reforms had done an effective job of that. However, there were always those who opposed the Regent, constantly calling for his removal. There were even rumours that the Emperor was actually dead, with Joan keeping it secret to keep himself in power. The fact that Empress Jeanne never validated these rumours perhaps was the only thing keeping such an idea from gaining ground. Indeed, the Empress had gotten over the grief of her husband's ill fate, becoming more vocal and raising opposition to the Regent. It was becoming clear to her and others that the Emperor would never recover. Pere was barely conscious, having to be spoon-fed each day just to stay alive. The only thing that kept Joan in power was the fact that Pere still breathed. Near the end of 1832, Jeanne began to call for Joan's resignation, stating that due to Pere's condition it was time to prepare the heir for succession. It was only logical that Joan step down and hand the regency to Crown Prince Ferran. The fact that Jeanne also favoured parliamentary reform saw her gain growing support from its members. Despite this, Joan's hold on power was still strong and he had many supporters. He showed no inclination of resigning, and it would take a lot of pressure to remove him now.
Even as Jeanne quarrelled with Joan over the regency, there were those in Parliament who were considering another path forward. The Crown under Alfons IX had ruled fairly and with the people's best interests at heart. Joan may have been an effective regent, but he was clearly biased. There was a genuine fear that if things progressed as they were, Parliament would become irrelevant and the Crown would rule alone. Few had had a problem with a strong monarchy under Alfons IX, but the possibility of an inferior successor, or one who felt compelled to rule alone, was a potential threat. With Hispania plagued with troubles and the Regent increasingly grasping at power, this might be the time to act. A limit on the monarch's power might be necessary. Talk of a constitution was raised, with support growing for the implementation of one. Several members of Parliament started drafting up ones, although no one was certain how to implement such a thing. It seemed likely that Joan would never accept a constitution in any form, and attempting to force one would end badly. An alternative existed in the form of Empress Jeanne. While not advocating a constitution, she was calling for reform. She already had significant support, and unlike with others, Joan could not so easily silence her. If given the necessary support, perhaps even Joan would be forced to accept a compromise and implement reforms. It was a faint hope, but much more likely than a constitution. Of course, there were always those who would support the Crown no matter what. Despite Joan's right-leaning tendencies, he had managed to keep Hispanian from falling apart. Weakening such a ruler during times of crisis could hurt Hispania more than help it. Perhaps it was better to trust in the royal prerogative during times like this and pray things would get better once things calmed down. The fate of Hispania had to be put first.
((Voting time! First comes the matter of the border conflicts with the French colonies. We have many options to choose from, including offering up Nueva Sicilia for French La Plata, offering up Nuevo Leon for the Australian part of Terre Australe, demanding France hand over both, giving up both our colonial nations, or letting the colonies quarrel on their own. The Greek vote is more simple, with us choosing whether to accept Byzantium's offer of money and the waiving of our loan in exchange for our Greek lands or to refuse their offer. For the riots in China, we can choose to crush the rebellion, hand the lands over to Ming, or launch an invasion of Ming. Then there is the possibility of parliamentary reform, where you vote on whether to present a constitution, press for reform, or respect the royal prerogative. The last vote is about army recruitment and will take on a different form, similar to that for the bankruptcy one earlier. We have the choice to implement a draft, open up recruitment to colonial subjects, provide financial incentives, or downsize the army. Here you can choose as many or as few of these options as you want. Those that receive majority support will be implemented, and if none achieve that the one with the most support will occur.
French Colonial Conflict:
Exchange Nueva Sicilia for French La Plata/Exchange Nuevo Leon for Terre Australe/Demand both French colonies/Give up both Hispanian colonies/Let the colonies handle it
1.
2.
3.
4.
5.
Byzantium's Offer:
Accept offer/Refuse offer
1.
2.
Chinese Rebellion:
Crush rebellion/Hand over land to Ming/Invade Ming
1.
2.
3.
Parliamentary Reform:
Present constitution/Push for reform/Trust in the royal prerogative
1.
2.
3.
Army Recruitment:
Institute Draft: Yes/No
Recruit Colonial Subjects: Yes/No
Provide Financial Incentives: Yes/No
Downsize Army: Yes/No
The vote will last until
Thursday at 12PM PST. Remember to post your votes in order of preference or else I can't count them, although the army recruitment is a simple yes/no vote for each option. If you want to make use of a stability or instability action, provided your haven't already, now is the time.))