The Marquis de Pontevedra, now the President of the State Council, quickly enacts the King's will in regards to Income Representation Act. In his own efforts, he quietly and quickly begins coercing Councillors to oppose the other two measures.
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"Francisco Maria, the Duke of Marchena!"
"Thank you sir. While there are a good number of members in this State Council who wish to see the Regional Act pass under the assumption that by letting the states decide suffrage we shall have peace throughout the regions, they fail to see that the bill itself aims at further destroying the central authority of the King's Government, of the National Government. The further federalization of the realm goes against many of the policies this Kingdom was founded on, and rejects the idea of a centralized monarchy, one that has been practiced in this state for many years. There are other ways to ensure peace and stability, but reducing the power of the central government in favor of it is not one we should use."
"Thank you sir. While there are a good number of members in this State Council who wish to see the Regional Act pass under the assumption that by letting the states decide suffrage we shall have peace throughout the regions, they fail to see that the bill itself aims at further destroying the central authority of the King's Government, of the National Government. The further federalization of the realm goes against many of the policies this Kingdom was founded on, and rejects the idea of a centralized monarchy, one that has been practiced in this state for many years. There are other ways to ensure peace and stability, but reducing the power of the central government in favor of it is not one we should use."
"Andreu Blanxart, the Baron of Reus!"
*The Baron speaks with a light Catalan accent*
"Gentlemen of the State Council, while some may argue that giving regional governments the authority to determine who shall have the power to vote within their boundaries is a violation of His Majesty's centralized authority, perhaps it should be understood from where the present system of regional parliaments derives - His Majesty himself - and that, as long as the allegiance of a Regional Parliament remains to the King of Spain himself, there can be no question of who holds the ultimate authority throughout the realm.
"What lay before us is clear - that we are a proud, distinct, and unified nation... But that we are just as much one nation as we are a 'nation of nations,' and that from Badajoz to Madrid; from Pamplona to Barcelona, there are many distinct cultural features which derive directly from this nation's history. Certainly, was it not, in the aftermath of the War of the Ascension, decided that certain regions have displayed great merit and loyalty? Such that they were granted local rule? Can we not trust these men - who operate in conjunction with a representative of His Majesty - to determine what means of elections are most appropriate so as to adequately represent themselves?
"Or has it been argued, in this esteemed place, that the prior judgments of the Spanish Crown are illegitimate?"
*The Baron speaks with a light Catalan accent*
"Gentlemen of the State Council, while some may argue that giving regional governments the authority to determine who shall have the power to vote within their boundaries is a violation of His Majesty's centralized authority, perhaps it should be understood from where the present system of regional parliaments derives - His Majesty himself - and that, as long as the allegiance of a Regional Parliament remains to the King of Spain himself, there can be no question of who holds the ultimate authority throughout the realm.
"What lay before us is clear - that we are a proud, distinct, and unified nation... But that we are just as much one nation as we are a 'nation of nations,' and that from Badajoz to Madrid; from Pamplona to Barcelona, there are many distinct cultural features which derive directly from this nation's history. Certainly, was it not, in the aftermath of the War of the Ascension, decided that certain regions have displayed great merit and loyalty? Such that they were granted local rule? Can we not trust these men - who operate in conjunction with a representative of His Majesty - to determine what means of elections are most appropriate so as to adequately represent themselves?
"Or has it been argued, in this esteemed place, that the prior judgments of the Spanish Crown are illegitimate?"
Pontevedra murmurs quietly to one of his men:
"Was it also not decided that a great many of those regions displayed blatant disloyalty during the reign of Carlos VI?"
He then redoubles his efforts to block the passage of the other motions.
"Was it also not decided that a great many of those regions displayed blatant disloyalty during the reign of Carlos VI?"
He then redoubles his efforts to block the passage of the other motions.
Antonio Carlos de Zumalacárregui e Imaz, sat himself down in his chair behind the desk in his large office. He did some casual paperwork and prepared to leave as courier came into his office with an urgent message. As he read it he sighed and said: "They can't do anything right can they, those damn Portugese. Letting Coimbra fall to the liberal sack of shits. We shouldn't trust them with native officers..." He paused before he sat down, find paper and quill and wrote:
To his majesty Felipe, King of Spain etc.
I write to you due to the rapidly detoriating situation in Portugal. I therefore request, that if the Portugese army doesn't force the liberal rebels out of Coimbra in three months time, we should send a Spanish task force to help them and maybe further get Spanish officers in the Portugese army. If it comes to a Spanish task force, I would request I personally lead them.
To his majesty Felipe, King of Spain etc.
~ Major General Zumalacárregui, Minister of War
Don Francis de Valle writes an open letter to the King advising him to postpone intervention until the Portuguese Liberals have directed a direct attack against the Spanish Monarchy, for the Liberals currently enjoy support of the Portuguese People and a Spanish intervention may only enhance that, moreover, it may encourage the Liberals to seek support from a foreign power of their own, which would be a far greater threat to Spanish National Interest than a Constitutional Monarchy in Portugal. He thus advises the Monarch to withhold military intervention and seek to reconcile both sides and create a compromise constitution and a new Moderate Liberal government for Portugal.
In a private extention of the letter, De Valle advises the Monarch to, if military intervention is unavoidable, wait till the last possible moment when the victor is already clear to intervene, thereby gaining the influence with that faction to establish a State coridial to Spanish interests, irrespective of their ideology.
In a private extention of the letter, De Valle advises the Monarch to, if military intervention is unavoidable, wait till the last possible moment when the victor is already clear to intervene, thereby gaining the influence with that faction to establish a State coridial to Spanish interests, irrespective of their ideology.
Though no letter was sent to Pontevedra, he couldn't help but smell disloyalty and cowardice wafting from the liberal aisle of the Audience. He likely expected cold feet in regards to Portugal, or perhaps some other mundanity of a hill the liberals had decided to die upon. Pontevedra, all the same, maintained that an intervention along the lines of the Duke of Victory's proposals was increasingly necessary, and that conceding to the radical in Portugal, or elsewhere, would merely undermine the power and respectability of the Spanish Crown.
TO THE DUKE OF VICTORY
((RR - Private))
Major General,
We concur that putting an end to the vile rebellion in Portugal (especially since it has risen under the AntiSpanish flag) is important for our national honor and external interests. However, Our trusted ally and friend, King Miguel of Portugal, has ensured Us that at the moment His troops can overcome the insurrection alone. We should respect his wishes and territorial borders - however, We empower you to communicate with the Portuguese Crown and Government, and when and if they would need our support, lead the mentioned expedition and assist them in restoring internal order.
FELIPE
To his Majesty, Miguel, King of Portugal
your Majesty, even though you have ensured the Spanish government that you can deal with the liberals yourself, you are no doubt aware that the Ministry of War is monitering the events closely. If it is not possible for your army to crack down on the revolt quickly, you are to immediately write to me so we can put an end to the troubles. I, on the behalf of the ministry of war also request that your government sends reports directly to the ministry so we can take necesarry steps to ensure the protection of your Kingdom and your crown.
~ Major General Zumalacárregui, Minister of War
*The Duc de Menorca uses the confusion and the shift of focus from the electoral law as an opportunity to outmaneuver his political opponent(s).*
Breaking Point: 1887-1890
One year has passed, and Coimbra was still under siege. The liberal rebels hauled up in the historic city had not budged from their position, and King Miguel II was growing impatient. He had thrown over 42,000 men at the city, leaving a mere 6,000 men guarding Lisbon. He figured since rebel activity was non-existent in the rest of the country that he can focus his efforts at attacking the rebels in Coimbra. As the Portuguese continued their siege of their former capital, the military attache in Lisbon wrote back to Felipe VI and General Antonio Carlos de Zumalacárregui e Imaz, who was waiting on the border with over 45,000 troops. As the situation in Portugal grew more desperate, the more jingoistic members of the State Council began to call for an intervention into Portugal to crush the rebels once and for-all. King Felipe though restrained himself from engaging unless Miguel II himself asked for assistance. The reasoning behind this was the fact that Felipe knew that if he went in, the rebel rhetoric of Portugal being dominated by Spain would persist. If Portugal can handle the situation on its own, then they should.
(Portuguese Troops encamped outside of Coimbra)
It was around the same time of the State Council's debate over the fate of their Iberian neighbor that news arrived from Lisbon. A large army of rebels had moved suddenly from the Algraves and was marching on Lisbon. The 6,000 man army in Lisbon stood no chance against an army of such power. As such, Miguel II immediately ordered the Coimbra siege to be lifted and for the 42,000 men in Coimbra to return back to Lisbon to protect the capital. General Augusto Carlos Teixeira de Aragão, the Portuguese general in charge of the siege, moved his forces back with haste to Lisbon. When they arrived though, they were met with the sounds of shot and charging rebels. In an odd move, the rebel forces, a smaller force than Augusto's own, charged the enemy line. This caught the Portuguese off guard, and put them on the defensive. As they pushed their way through the southern rebel line, they were hit in the back by another rebel force, the one that had hunkered down in Coimbra. The two rebel forces had encircled Augusto's force, and were putting the squeeze on his men. Miguel II was writing reports to King Felipe, stating that "Augusto will hold out damn him!". The military attache to Portugal was not as confident, for he wrote to General Zumalacárregui:
"I am in great certainty assured that Augusto will be forced to retreat or his forces be destroyed. He underestimates the tenacity of the rebel forces, the will of their cause, and the lengths they will go to see them through. I look at the War of Ascension in Spain's history as an example of the power of good leadership and zealous soldiers, and apply it in this situation. If Spain's government can be toppled by a force similar to the one engaging our friends in battle, then Lisbon is doomed to fall."
The attache's words would come true. The rebels put the squeeze on the forces of Augusto. The general was running out of options. A plan came to mind. He was only a few miles from the shore. If he can reach the shore, then the might of the Portuguese navy will be able to support him, giving his troops the upper hand in the conflict. He ordered his troops to direct their attack in one side of the rebel front. Though suffering immense casualties, the army broke through, and made a beeline to the sea. Some of the rebels followed in pursuit, chasing the Portuguese army to the shores of the Atlantic. What they were met with was a barrage of sea-side artillery and shot from the remaining troops. They were wiped out. 48,000 Portuguese soldiers entered the battle, and now only 30,000 were left standing. The rebels though suffered greater. Estimates put the size of their force at around 45,000-60,000 men, 20,000 of which were found to be dead, wounded, or missing. While the rebels lost more in the battle, they would consider it a victory in their cause. To capitalize even further, they would pick themselves up, and march themselves into a defenseless Lisbon. The rebel army was greeted with cheers from the liberal population, as Miguel II and the conservative government fled to the sea. Lisbon had fallen, and now the rebels were in a position of strength. King Miguel finally decided that the time was right to call for assistance.
(Rebels in the streets of Lisbon)
King Felipe's letter to intervene in Portugal did not even reach General Zumalacárregui before he started to move. Over 70,000 Spanish soldiers marched into Portugal once word reached Felipe that Lisbon had fallen. General Zumalacárregui and his forces assaulted the Liberal stronghold of Covilha, the city where this whole situation began. The city was taken by the superior numbers of the Spanish army, as well as the sudden and surprise attack made by the General. Liberal officers and ring-leaders that were still found to be in the city were rounded up and hung from lampposts across the city, as a warning to those who would use this base for further militant operations. Afterwords, General Zumalacárregui moved his forces to Coimbra, securing the city that was abandoned in favor of Lisbon. He met up with the remains of General Augusto's forces before pressing onto Lisbon. 40,000 rebel soldiers occupied Lisbon, while over 75,000 Spanish and Portuguese soldiers were assaulting the city. While this was happening, Admiral Benito Alcala-Zamora, the admiral put in charge of Spain's new fleet, moved his steamships and Ironclads into the bay of Lisbon, and began shelling the city. For weeks, the army and the navy battered the city with immense firepower. It was said that over 10,000 shells were fired into the city. Finally, after sustaining heavy loses, the rebels in the city surrendered. General Zumalacárregui was said to have the officers of the rebels hung, and to have ordered the rest to begin a long march back to Spain, where King Felipe would past judgement on them. With Lisbon back in the hands of the Portuguese government, the rebels would begin a new approach, one of guerrilla warfare. They refused to give into open combat, and would harass Spanish and Portuguese forces whenever they marched through their area. General Zumalacárregui, following the ideas of his father, would set up his own counter-guerrilla force, a group of rangers set up with hunting down guerrilla forces. While these rangers operated in the wilds, the General's main force would move across Spain, hunting down any resistance to the new Portuguese government. Anyone who was found sympathetic to or harboring rebels was locked up. No city was spared of the searches. The rebellion of 1887 had ended, the Spanish Occupation had begun.
(Such was the fate of the rebel leaders)
Spain's presence though in Portugal was not a welcomed one. While rebel forces still commenced hit and run attacks on Spanish troops was one thing, the fact that Spain was marching through Portuguese cities and searching Portuguese homes was enough to convince some people to join up with the rebels. Portuguese resentment to the Spanish was only growing when Spain moved into occupy the country. Spain's intervention was also costing a pretty penny. As supplies and other essentials were getting raided by rebel forces, the cost for managing the occupation grew. Soon, a large portion of the military expenditures for the Spanish army were being spend on the occupation. Spain soon trickled down into a deficit, as the government purchasing supplies in large quantities was causing prices for the average citizen to skyrocket. Investment was at a low as well. The government's heavy hand in the economy had chased many capitalists out of the market. The Royalist government also chose the side of the poor in industrial disputes. One instance was a coal-mine explosion in Galicia that claimed the lives of five coal-mine workers. The government enforced a fine on the mine owners, who said that the miners carelessly caused the explosion. As the government continued to side with the poor, more and more capitalists continued to stop investing and let the government take control of the industrial economy of the nation. While railroads and some factories continued to be built by private investors, the government-operated factories out-produced many of them. The rich were not getting richer, and this made them upset...
("The Rich man of Toledo", a satirical look at wealthy citizens)
As the election of 1890 rolled around, a new system of voting was established. An act proposed in the Audience was passed by the Audience, passed the State Council, and was made into law by the King. This act set up the idea that the Regional Audiences of each region would be the ones to decide the suffrage in their own respective state. While the Spanish government would encourage certain forms of suffrage, the regions would ultimately be left up to their own devices in how to handle voting rights. Most of the regions though had a conservative majority in their Regional Audience, so weighted wealth voting stayed in place. In regions like Andalusia and Valencia, regions that had voted majority People's Party, the weighted voting system was removed, allowing middle class and upper class citizens to have their votes counted equally. The most radical system established though was in Granada, where the weighted system was kept in place, but poor citizens were granted the right to vote. Granada allowed all three classes the right to vote, weighing rich votes at 3x the normal vote, and middle class votes as 2x the normal vote. This was a very radical system compared to the rest of Spain, though the poor citizens and middle class rejoiced at the reform, and the rich were satisfied with having the most voice in the vote. Now that the regions had established their own suffrage system, it was time to put it to the test...
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Player Actions Needed: We have entered the 1890 pre-election phase! Please get your parties organized.
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A New War of Independence in Iberia
Don Francisco de Valle
Today, eight-two years ago, Madrid rose up against the corrupt and oppressive French Regime. It was the spark that set of the inferno that destroyed the French Regime and its collaborators in the Spanish War of Independence. However, the French Regime would commit its greatests crimes against the Spanish People following this uprising, killing thousands of patriotic Spaniards, even priests, as they would not bow for government which had sentenced them to death. These men and women, who bravely rose up against that oppressive government in those days in May, were called traitors by the new Spanish King that was not theirs, Joseph I, but in the fullness of time, and the Spanish victory in these inhumane struggle, saw these men and women hailed for their brave acts, for their "crimes." As the Spaniards who now enjoy liberty and independence due to the sacrifices made by our forefathers in the War of Independence, it is only fitting that we pay tribute to them on this day of remembrance. However, we should also look to the present and the future, to cleanse them from the crimes done unto our people, in memory of the sacrifices.Don Francisco de Valle
But when I look to the present, I am sickened by the crimes committed against our Iberian Brothers, struggling in their own War of Independence, against a foreign occupational force that oppresses all who oppose them. Not unlike our War of Independence, these brave men and women in Portugal, have, after being mercilessly persecuted for their belief in a free Portugal, and prosecuted for their actions to protect it, taken up arms in a guerrilla war against the foreign invaders and the Portuguese King that was not theirs, as his branch of the Royal family was too installed by a foreign invasion. Men and Women of Spain, today our sons, brothers and fathers march in Portugal to protect a King that is not theirs and to oppress a people that has done them no wrong, they die and starve for a cause that is not theirs and a nation towards they own no loyalty. In this battle between the People of Portugal and we, the Foreign Invaders, only one can ultimately be the victor. And, like, in our own war of independence, the People who have lost their nation, their home and their future shall defeat the Foreign Invaders, because the Lord did not protect the French in their crimes and mercilessness and shall not protect us.
It is indeed hard for the strong to be just to the weak, but acting justly carries his own reward. The course we have followed is not a just cause. Our fathers, brothers and sons are now sentenced to fight and die for an unjust cause, yet they can still be saved by your voice. We, the People of Spain, can call for an Iberia of brothers and sisters, rather than oppressors and oppressed, an Iberia of unity and acceptance, rather than one of division and persecution, an Iberia remembering the past, but looking to the future. This we can achieve, if we call for it, and Godwilling, they will listen!
This was the first of De Valle's four minutes speeches, which would be published in all PP-aligned newspapers and periodicals, while in major cities and other PP-strongholds, men would read out the speech to large parts of the Public. De Valle would personally read this speech in Madrid to mark the importance of the City in the start of the Spanish War of Independence.
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Fernando Armando Hernando Rolando Fernández, with his resignation ignored by the King and the First Secretary effectively preventing him from doing his duties as he pleased, decided that if he couldn't do his job properly then no one would. Using his position as Secretary of State for Grace and Justice, he neglected to appoint any new judges and other positions and blocked any appointments by anyone else. As members of the judicial system quit or retired, openings were made that were left vacant. With a decreasing number of employees, the judicial system slowly deteriorated. Fernando also used his position to meddle in the prisons, creating a bureaucratic nightmare that hindered the proper functioning of these institutions. It was becoming clear now that either Fernando would be allowed to do his job properly or he wouldn't do it at all. The capitalist hoped the King would listen for once and reign in his First Secretary, or he would inevitably let the man rule in his stead yet again. At this point, Fernando no longer cared.
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The Socialist Party begins their campaign for the 1890 election, using speakers, along with women and male volunteers, to blanket the 4 corners of Spain. Senor Verdejo will make several public appearances across Granada, to bring out the poor vote which will be crucial in Socialist success.
((The Parties updated info:
El Movimiento socialista- The Socialist Movement
Free Trade - Planned Economy - Moralism - Pro Military - Full Citizenship
Chairman: Salbatore Verdejo
Ideology: Right-Wing Socialism, Monarchism
Political Position: Left
Headquarters: Casa Passao, Madrid
Founded: August 15, 1878
Colour: Red, White
The Movimiento Socialista, or the socialist movement, begun as a coalition of socialist groups across Spain's cities, and has come out in force for the 1879 elections. It is primarily focused in the middle class, with few nobles supporting its unorthodox platform. It has gotten a headquarters in Madrid, and with its Chairman, Salbatore Verdejo, it has begun to challenge the established parties, and will bring the idea of Marx and Engel to Spain, Under a more moderate and monarchist platform, of course.
The Socialist Movement is unlike any socialist party in the world, promoting a form of state socialism led by an enlightened monarchy supporting state regulation of the economy. It doesn't support an abrupt overthrow of the Social order, instead working within the bounds of a monarchy to further the interests of the worker.))
((The Parties updated info:
El Movimiento socialista- The Socialist Movement
Free Trade - Planned Economy - Moralism - Pro Military - Full Citizenship
Chairman: Salbatore Verdejo
Ideology: Right-Wing Socialism, Monarchism
Political Position: Left
Headquarters: Casa Passao, Madrid
Founded: August 15, 1878
Colour: Red, White
The Movimiento Socialista, or the socialist movement, begun as a coalition of socialist groups across Spain's cities, and has come out in force for the 1879 elections. It is primarily focused in the middle class, with few nobles supporting its unorthodox platform. It has gotten a headquarters in Madrid, and with its Chairman, Salbatore Verdejo, it has begun to challenge the established parties, and will bring the idea of Marx and Engel to Spain, Under a more moderate and monarchist platform, of course.
The Socialist Movement is unlike any socialist party in the world, promoting a form of state socialism led by an enlightened monarchy supporting state regulation of the economy. It doesn't support an abrupt overthrow of the Social order, instead working within the bounds of a monarchy to further the interests of the worker.))
A New Dawn
Don Francisco de Valle
Don Francisco de Valle
People of Spain, with every new Audiencia, the democratic forces in Spain go through, not through violence, like the Royalists in Portugal, or through covert means, like the Royalists in Spain, but through discussion and democratic means. With your support, we have given an equal vote in Andalusia and Valencia, we have given the working classes a voice unprecedented in Spanish history in Granada. After years of democratic struggle against a divisive minority, both inside the Royal Audiencia and the Ministries of Interior and Justice, these monumental reforms were passed. No longer are the Spanish People restrained by the chains of reactionary royalism, now the Spanish People march as equals to the Nations of Europe on the March of Civilizations to a horizon and a New Dawn. On the horizon of history I see a New Dawn, a New Spain of equals and strong and pious communities and, God-willing, we shall achieve it!
However, the Reactionary royalists may be defeated, they still stand united in their mission to crush all democratic opposition to their evil Machiavellian schemes. Their leader, the Marquess of Pontevedra, still resists all attempts by the People's Party and their Democratic allies to establish an independent judiciary and the Rule of Law. Be vigilant, my friends, for this divisive minority still stands strong and their sadistic allies, who persecuted many of our fellow Sevillians in their struggle for democracy, still hide in the shadows. But we shall overcome them, as we have overcome them in the past, for with the Spanish People and the Lord on our side, we shall bring the light of the New Dawn to Spain, from Cadiz to Barcelona!
Thus, friends, support the Democratic patriots, those fighting for the progress of the Spanish People and the Spanish Kingdom and I promise you, Spain shall march ever faster on the March of Civilizatins!
This was the second of De Valle's four minutes speeches, which would be published in all PP-aligned newspapers and periodicals, while in major cities and other PP-strongholds, men would read out the speech to large parts of the Public. The first was the anti-war A New War of Independence in Iberia, which was well recieved among the many anti-war groups in Spain, who have losts their families in that useless struggle, A New Dawn focused on the traditional People's Party manifesto pledge of more democracy. De Valle personally read this speech in Sevilla, his constituency since his resignation from the State Council following the death of Carlos VII, it was long the centre of liberal agitation and is one of the main strongholds of the People's Party, thus a speech for democracy was a very apt choice for the Pater.However, the Reactionary royalists may be defeated, they still stand united in their mission to crush all democratic opposition to their evil Machiavellian schemes. Their leader, the Marquess of Pontevedra, still resists all attempts by the People's Party and their Democratic allies to establish an independent judiciary and the Rule of Law. Be vigilant, my friends, for this divisive minority still stands strong and their sadistic allies, who persecuted many of our fellow Sevillians in their struggle for democracy, still hide in the shadows. But we shall overcome them, as we have overcome them in the past, for with the Spanish People and the Lord on our side, we shall bring the light of the New Dawn to Spain, from Cadiz to Barcelona!
Thus, friends, support the Democratic patriots, those fighting for the progress of the Spanish People and the Spanish Kingdom and I promise you, Spain shall march ever faster on the March of Civilizatins!
Partido Popular de España - People's Party of Spain
Interventionism - Protectionism - Moralism - Anti-Military - Limited Citizenship
Ideology: Christian Democracy
Political Position: Centre (Europe), Centre-Left (Carlist Spain)
Religion: Roman Catholicism
Headquarters: Casa de St. Tommaso d'Aquino, Madrid (National), Abadía de San Francisco d'Asís, Seville (Most Important Regional)
Newspaper: El Tiempo - The Times
National Trade Union: Movimiento de Trabajadores Cristianos - Christian Labourers' Movement
Founded: February 25th, 1874
Colours: White, Cyan
- A NEW DAWN FOR SPAIN -
THE PEOPLE'S PARTY MANIFESTO FOR THE GENERAL ELECTION OF 1890
THE PEOPLE'S PARTY MANIFESTO FOR THE GENERAL ELECTION OF 1890
The Partido Popular de España is a centrist Christian Democratic party. Its ultimate goal is the establishment of a Spanish Christian community free from corrupt and nepotistic rulers, protected by democratic institutions and the Rule of Law and united under God and His Most Catholic Majesty. To achieve this, the People's Party shall seek to create an independent judiciary to uphold the laws of the Kingdom, to create a society in which all are judged equally before the Law. The People's Party will also seek to expand fair representation and enfranchisement, which has already been achieved in the People's Party-controlled regions of Valencia and Andalusia, to all of Spain. The People's Party will seek an end to the Occupation of Portugal, which is not a Spanish Struggle and does not service our national interests. Lastly, the People's Party shall seek to protect the Middle and Working classes from exploitation through the legalization of non-governmental trade unions, the establishment of a free press, independent from the office of censorship, and the end of gerrymandering by private interests. These Reforms are vital for a New Dawn for Spain, where democracy, peace and prosperity reign.
The Establishment of an Independent Judiciary
The People's Party will spearhead the creation of an independent Parliamentary Committee for Judicial Affairs, which shall oversee the appointments by the Secretary of Grace and Justice and veto them if the candidates are proven to be partisan, the committee will also investigate the actions by already appointed judges, whose non-partisanship is called into question due to indecent ties with extrajudicial organisations and people, and shall take the necessary steps to protect the Rule of Law and the independence of the judiciary.
The Enfranchisement of Communities
Currently, many regions still maintain the irrational disenfranchisement of thousands of honest, hard-working Spaniards, in favour of protecting private interest, private profit and private control. This broken system causes entire villages and communities of Spaniards to be disenfranchised, as in small farm villages, only the pater can vote for the entire community, and his vote is worth less than that of the plantation owners in the Spanish Overseas Colonies. This causes these villages to suffer under a system that does not care for them, while at the same time, their brothers in the ever expanding cities of Spain, the heartland of a new economy, are voiceless against the oppression by profit-seeking industrialists, as they cannot buy the land required to buy the right to vote. The People's Party does not believe a right to vote should be bought, it must be earned through hard-work, loyalty and contribution towards the community, and these traits are ingrained in the thousands of Spanish communities that form the strength of this Kingdom. The People's Party therefore proposes a Great Reform Act to expand the franchise to include these hard working, honest Spaniards.
The End of the Portuguese Occupation
The People's Party believes the Kingdom of Spain strays on the wrong side of history by supporting the oppressive and corrupt regime in Lisbon, to which the Portuguese people do not own their loyalty and which is must alike to the old French Regime in Spain. It is therefor that the People's Party proposes an immediate end to the persecutions and the military reprisals against innocent citizens in Portugal. The People's Party will encourage His Most Catholic Majesty's Government to serve as mediator in Portugal until a stable and democratic Kingdom of Portugal can be established, which enjoy the support of the Portuguese People. For if we do not end this struggle, we risk the lives of our brave soldiers, our fathers, brothers and sons, in a struggle that is not theirs for a cause that is not ours, and we risk to end decades of fruitful cooperation and mutual friendship between the Portuguese and Spanish Peoples and Kingdoms. Those are prices we are not willing to pay.
The Protection of the Weak and the Voiceless, Our Duty
The Works of Mercy, both spiritual and corporal, shall be the centerpiece of the People's Party in Government and in the Royal Audiencia. They form our guiding principles and must be ingrained in any Spanish Government. The People's Party shall introduce legislation in the Royal Audiencia to achieve the first four spiritual works of mercy - instructing the ignorant, counseling the doubtful, admonishing sinners, and comforting the afflicted - in the Catholic Schools and Hospitals across the Kingdom, who shall be dutifully supported in these momentous tasks by the People's Party. The People's Party shall also seek to support the Roman Catholic Church in its mission to achieve the Corporal Works of Mercy - to feed the hungry, to give drink to the thirsty, to clothe the naked, to harbor the harborless, to visit the sick, to ransom the captive, to bury the dead -, and it sees a pivotal role for the State in achieving them. It is therefor that the People's Party will seek to reform the State, from its current jingoistic and partisan form, to an institution which fulfills both its Christian, as described in the seven corporal Works of Merchy, and its historical, protecting the Spanish People and the King, tasks.
These are the duties and goals of the People's Party for the next Royal Assembly, and it is our earnest hope that the Spanish People support us both in this General Election and after that. For the People's Party makes no baseless promises. The future will not be easy. But this time peace, rather than war, must be won. The People's Party offers a New Dawn for Spain and a plan which will win Democracy, Peace and Prosperity for the People.
This new manifesto of the People's Party, the first of its kind in Spain, was spread throughout the nation, as it was easier and cheaper to spread the plans of the Party on paper than through speech tours of the Party Leader. Many of the seventy People's Party MPs modeled their speeches after this document and for the first time in Spanish Democratic history, a national political party with a coherent national manifesto was established.
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Pontevedra orders a mass censorship campaign against the People's Party, and quickly moves to ensure the Royalists become dominant.
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STOP! COOKIE TIME