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The Revolution of 1873

Cristóbal Aldecanta was a lawyer who had a grudge against the Carlist Regime. His father was killed in the Revolution of 1848 by Carlist forces when liberals rose up across the country. Aldecanta has remembered the pain Carlos V gave his family, and its people, by restricting the freedoms of the country. That is why he set out and formed the Movimiento por la Libertad, a liberal movement aimed at the restoration of freedom for the Spanish people across Spain. After experiencing so many failed revolts and rebellions by the liberals of Spain, Aldecanta was hell bent on making sure his revolution would not fail in its mission. He set out to recruit individuals for his mission. One of the first people to sign up with the Movimiento was Enrique María Fernando Carlos Francisco Luis de Borbón, the Duke of Seville and relative of the King himself. The Movimiento now had the support of a Bourbon family member. The Duke of Seville and Aldecanta set their plan in motion by buying presses from the United Kingdom and smuggling them into Spain. So far at this point, the Movimiento was still a secret, and Aldecanta was just some liberal lawyer in Spain. The King was none the wiser.

The first sign that something was wrong in the country was when agents of the King intercepted a British press on route to Seville. The press was illegal, and those who were caught transporting it were arrested. Of course, many government officials assumed this was probably just some random local newspaper in the region that thought it cheaper to smuggle in a press than buying a Spanish made one and receiving a government license to print, but not Minister Joao Maria Carlos Manuel de Correia e de Medinaceli, the Minister of the Interior and leader of the King's secret police force. Yes, the secret police, the thorn in the side for all liberal revolutions since Carlos V decreed them into existence. Minister Joao thought that no local press would dare try to smuggle in British presses, and began to fathom the possibility of a larger plot. He ordered his agents on high alert to watch for presses in the region. He also became very worrisome that the Duke of Seville was involved in the plot as well for the Duke had been reportedly sending lots of letters from his estate, but no one knew where or who to. Nonetheless, Minister Joao began keeping an eye out for more presses, and to hopefully get to the bottom of what he thought was a large conspiracy.

1868%20abyssinia%20mountain%20train%20jul%2004.jpg

(A Picture of Presses being shipped across Spain)

No new evidence though arose in the case, until a revolutionary pamphlet began circulating around Spain. The pamphlet denounced the violent repression the Carlist regime had practiced for decades, and claimed that Spain was a backwards reactionary power in a liberal continent, citing that Russia, Germany, and the United Kingdom were liberal powers, strong and independent. Minister Joao knew that this was what he feared, and ordered his agents to track down and silence whoever was publishing these pamphlets. Minister Joao also ordered that any meeting that dare organize to discuss these pamphlets be arrested and broken up. Joao was on a mad goose chase for the ring-leader. Pamphlets kept on getting printed across Spain, and the middle class became increasingly volatile to the government once again. The Middle Class's revolutionary fire was being lit again...

That was when the Moviemento stepped out fully into the light, and in a pamphlet, asked for the citizens of Spain to rise up in defiance against the repressive regime of the Carlists, for more freedom and a greater future. With that, the spark of revolution was set off across Spain. Protests and riots erupted across Spain, with the middle class mobilizing against the regime by marching towards armories and barracks. Many former slave owners and those invested in the slave trade offered support to the revolution as revenge for the loss of their proper and failure of compensation at the hands of the Carlist regime. Regional governments that had either large liberally dominated assemblies, liberal sympathetic and/or liberal viceroys like Granada and Andalucia also offered support for the revolution. Priests, like Don Francisco Pater del Valle, asked their congregations to rise up against the Carlist regime, and even the personal doctor of the King, Dr. Gregorio Vicente Osorio de Moscoso, was reportedly supporting the revolution. On the other hand though, the Carlist regime had the backing of church authorities like the Primate of Spain, the government (especially the First Minister and Second Minister), and military leaders like Antonio Carlos de Zumalacárregui e Imaz. However, many military officers like Carlos Maria de Alvear y Ponce de Leon chose to remain neutral, to not dare fire upon their own citizens. Ministers like the Foreign Affairs Minister Tomas Hortun Bartolo Hortun y Llorente Etxeto chose to remain neutral (though many in his family cite his age as the biggest reason he chose to stay out of the conflict). The Carlists also had the loyalty (as in they would not revolt) of poor citizens, meaning that a large revolution would be very hard for the Moviemento to achieve. King Felipe also added the Balearic islands to the list of regional areas that had autonomy, forcing Duke Roma to declare his neutrality. Regardless, the scene was set for a knock-out blood bath between liberals and Carlist leaders.

Then something unexpected happened. The King, while issuing orders to end the unrest, created a committee to investigate the grievances of the people of the realm, which was headed by the First Minister. Felipe VI met a group of prominent moderates who complained about the ban of the public meetings which hindered even nonpolitical leisure activities. The King expressed his disagreement with the notion that the sole fact, not the essence, was banned here and made indications he intended to make such changes after the end of the disorders. Such notices were made in the newspapers. It was announced the reform would take place when the peace would be achieved. At the same the King made notice he was intending to reform the State Council - the legislative body of the Realm. Cristóbal Aldecanta received the information about this and got certain understanding that reforms could be possible without violence, which many of the moderates found abhorrent and dangerous for the stability of the country. At the same time, Alejandro Manuel Felice Juan Francesco de Soneta, the Prince of Belmonte, a liberal noble, who did not like both alternatives (a revolution or the progressives being massacred by the army) decided to try to act as intermediary. He privately contacted Aldecanta and persuaded him that it is better for all to end hostilities. At the same time together with the First Minister, he worked in the government and at Court to organize a meeting between the Movimiento leadership and the representatives of the governmental committee. Aldecanta ordered a halt to the revolution in Madrid, the King gave corresponding orders to policemen and soldiers - and a certain ceasefire took place.

The governmental committee, under the supervision of the King and the Prince de Belmonte, consisted of the First Minister, Interior Minister Joao Antonio Carlos de Zumalacárregui e Imaz (representing the army), and Archbishop Andrés María Cardinal de Porcelli y Vallabriga (representing the church) met to discuss with the Moviemento about finding comrpomise without bloodshed. The discussion between two parties were long. They had many disagreements, but found common ground in fact that nobody wants the repeat of previous bloody rebellions when thousands of people on both sides were massacred, for they came in agreement that such practice is dangerous for the existence of Spain. The King confirmed his will to make changes when they are necessary, insisting that they can come only from the Crown as the supreme power and on its conditions and that the state cannot be kicked into submission by violence. The talks drifted towards the reforms. Aldecanta pondered on the necessity of public meetings allowed and press regulations becoming more definitive and less restrictive. He noted that if it does not happen, the stability of Spain would be endangered. After long it was agreed that the mechanism of Spain would be renovated as listed below over the years to come, while all hostilities would end.

It was agreed that the leaders of the movement and all others that committed acts of incitement and other crimes by speech would be pardoned. The King firmly stood by the idea that these people who killed, damaged or wounded soldiers or other servants of state should be held responsible. Finally it was agreed that serious culprits (murderers, plunderers, rapists, these that caused heavy bodily harm) would be punished with all harshness of law, while these who caused insignificant harm (like bruises and punches) would be fined. Luckily for them, the fighting on the streets was only riots and protests, with very little death due to the quick responce towards peace for both sides.


Gobierno_Provisional_1869_(J.Laurent).jpg

(The Committee and Moviemento)

Over the years to come the State Council, presided by the King himself, worked out a number of decrees (as stated below) which were then signed into force. They contained both new wide rights for the Spanish subjects - as well as the limitations of their abuses. The subject matter of the planned decrees were mentioned by the King during his talks with liberals, both before and during the negotiations with Aldecanta, but to take birth they demanded much work both by committees of the State Council and lawyers invited to participate in the process. Due to the peaceful intentions of both sides reforms and order have prevailed over guns.

The decrees hammered out in the compromise are as followed:

The Reformation of the Consultative Assemblies Decree

In order to better the conduction of the legislative process in the Spanish Realm, We decree the following:

I. We would, by a decree, сonvene and dissolve the sessions of the Gran Audiencia, consisting of the State Council and of the Assemblea Reale.
II. We would determines by a decree the length of the annual session of the State Council and of the Assemblea Reale, as well as the interval between the sessions.
III. The State Council shall be comprised of members appointed by Us directly. The Ministers of State ex officio sit in the State Council.
IV. The Assemblea Reale shall be comprised of members nominated by the people of each region of the Spanish Realm every five years according to the provisions of laws and confirmed by Us. The number of the Royal Assemblymen shall be set initially at four-hundred and amended according to the latest census.
V. The total number of appointed members of the State Council cannot exceed the total number of the nominated members of Assemblea Reale.
VI. The State Council examines the credentials of its members. Equally, the Assemblea Reale examines the credentials of its members.
VI. The same person cannot serve simultaneously as a member of the State Council and as a member of the Assemblea Reale.
VII. We can, by a decree, replace the nominated members of the Gran Audiencia with new members before their tenure expires, by holding new nomination procedures.
VIII. The Assemblea Reale and State Council deliberate on any draft bills: 1. Submitted to it by Us, 2. Proposed by the Ministers of State, unless they are directly signed into force or approved by the Crown, 3. Proposed by the members of the Assemblea Reale and the State Council.
IX. All draft bills shall first be examined by the Committees each Body shall elect for preliminary consideration. After a bill is discussed and approved by a Body, it shall be transmitted to the other Body for debate and approval; thereafter, it shall be transmitted to Us for our sanction.
X. Legislative measures that have been rejected either by the State Council or by the Assemblea Reale are considered defeated, unless We choose to sign them into force directly.
XI. Those legislative measures that have been initiated either by the State Council or by the Gran Audiencia [and approved by both], but which have failed to gain Royal approval, cannot be resubmitted for legislative consideration during the same session. Those legislative measures that have been initiated by either the State Council or by the Assemblea Reale and are rejected by either one of these Bodies can be resubmitted for legislative consideration during the same session, provided that We agree to it.
XII. Legislative measures that have been initiated in and approved by the Assemblea Reale and the State Council are submitted by the Chairman of the State Council to Us.
XIII. Eligibility for membership within the Gran Audiencia shall be reserved to subjects who have attained thirty years of age at the day of election and have resided in Spain or Spanish territories for five years, are of Roman Catholic faith, good standing and of monarchist convictions, enjoy civil and political rights, and fulfill other requirements specified by law.
XIV. This is considered a fundamental law of the Realm and can be amended solely by Us.

((Weighted Wealth Voting))

The Decree to Regulate the Press

Preamble: In order to provide a sufficient framework for the regulation of the press, and all publicly-circulated written material, the King has decreed the following:

I. The King grants His subjects the right to nongovernmental press, while the Government reserves the right to regulate the abuses of this right.
II. To facilitate the lawful act of printing the government shall have the power to issue to any organization it so chooses a press license.
II. The government can refuse to grant an individual a press license: 1. If the stated aims of his newspapers are dangerous for the dignity and importance of the Spanish monarchy, the holy institutions of the Christian faith or public morality or the person has been previously known to have had his press license revoked or is under criminal investigation or is sentenced to prison. The decision of the granting authority can be appealed to the courts of justice and the Crown.
III. The press license can be revoked by the government, if the press organ published the materials considered SUBVERSIVE LIBEL to the SECOND DEGREE at least three times, SUBVERSIVE LIBEL OF THE FIRST DEGREE two times or has at least once engaged in acts considered TREASONOUS PRINTING, or the press organ has been censored for lesser offences at least four times.
IV. A person commits the crime of UNLAWFUL PRINTING when he:
a) Intentionally or knowingly prints, sells, or posts any periodical, book, pamphlet, newsletter, or other document of an informative nature intended for public distribution without a press license OR when he intends to do so OR is complicit in doing so
b) UNLAWFUL PRINTING shall be punishable by a fine or imprisonment of up to five (5) years imprisonment
i) The fine shall not exceed ten (10) times the value of the documents printed
ii) For a first offense, the term of imprisonment shall not exceed two (2) years
c) This statute will not be construed to apply to the printing of any document of the Church or any publication issued by the government.
V. A person commits the crime of SUBVERSIVE LIBEL IN THE FIRST DEGREE when he:
a) Intentionally or knowingly prints, sells, or posts any periodical, book, pamphlet, newsletter, or other document of a political nature without a press license OR when he intends to do so OR is complicit in doing so
OR
Intentionally or knowingly prints, sells, or posts any periodical, book, pamphlet, newsletter, or other document that personally insults, libels, or impeaches, accuses, besmirches, or diminishes the dignity of the King or any of the King's Ministers or other high officers of government without their consent
SUBVERSIVE LIBEL IN THE FIRST DEGREE shall be punishable by up to twenty (20) years in prison and a fine
i) The value of the fine shall be paid to the wronged individual, if any, separate from and in addition to any civil damages
ii) For a first offense, the term of imprisonment shall not exceed five (5) years
This statute will not be construed to apply to the printing of any document of the Church, the King or the Royal Family, or any publication issued by the government
VI. A person commits the crime of SUBVERSIVE LIBEL IN THE SECOND DEGREE when he:
a) Negligently or recklessly prints, sells, or posts any periodical, book, pamphlet, newsletter, or other document of a political nature without a press license OR when he intends to do so OR is complicit in doing so
OR
Negligently or recklessly prints, sells, or posts any periodical, book, pamphlet, newsletter, or other document that personally insults, libels, or impeaches, accuses, besmirches, or diminishes the dignity of the King or any of the King's Ministers or other high officers of government without their consent
b) SUBVERSIVE LIBEL IN THE SECOND DEGREE shall be punishable by up to ten (10) years in prison and a fine
i) The value of the fine shall be paid to the wronged individual, if any, separate from and in addition to any civil damages
ii) For a first offense, the term of imprisonment shall not exceed two (2) years
c) This statute will not be construed to apply to the printing of any document of the Church, the King or the Royal Family, or any publication issued by the government
VII. A person commits the crime of TREASONOUS PRINTING when he:
a) Intentionally or knowingly prints, sells, or posts any periodical, book, pamphlet, newsletter, or other document of a political nature that calls for the death of the royal family, the King, any of his ministers, or any high officer of state, or the overthrow of the King or his government, or the giving of aid or comfort to any known traitor, enemy of the state, or enemy nation or individual, or promotes the causes thereof, or advocates the destruction of the state, or advocates any other behavior that is punishable as treasonous
b) TREASONOUS PRINTING shall be punishable by a sentence of death
VIII. Permission shall be granted for written material to be seized by the legal authorities on the following grounds:
a. Objections on grounds of the public safety, namely: incitement to mutiny, rebellion and insurrection against His Majesty's Government and the Kingdom; incitement to public disobedience thereof; incitement to harm His Majesty or remove His lawful powers, the Royal Family, and members of His Majesty's State Council, His Majesty's Government,; and all other incitements to violence.
b. Objections on grounds of confidence, namely: replication of private deliberations by His Majesty's Government and State Council; replication of private correspondence between His Majesty, His Ministers and all His servants, officers and agents, statement insulting for the dignity of His Royal Majesty and the nature of his power.
c. Objections on grounds of obscenity, namely: blasphemy against the Catholic Church; blasphemy against the Christian faith; advocacy of sexual deviancy, depravity and immorality according to common custom.
IX. Published written material subject to the criteria established in Article VIII shall be confiscated by the relevant legal authority, destroyed as necessary, and otherwise withdrawn from circulation. Copies of said written material shall be retained as evidence in charges.
X. Judging on the severity of the offence, the act of writing, printing and publishing such written material as fits the criteria established in Article VIII shall be be punishable either by a fine or a sentence of imprisonment, spanning no longer than ten years, aside from other charges to which the written material may be used in evidence of.
XI. The right of appeal shall be retained by the authors, publishers and distributors of written material accused of being in contravention of this Act, and ultimate interpretation shall rest with the judicial authority and the Crown..
XII. If the press organ wishes to mention the King or any immediate members of his family in its publications, it needs to receive the permission from the Office of the Royal Household.
XIII. This is considered fundamental law of the Realm and can be changed only by the granting authority.

((Censored Presses))

The Decree to Legitimize Public Meetings

In order to end the outdated practices within the organs of udiciary and law enforcement bodies and give His subjects further means to association and cooperation, the King decrees the following:

I. The sole fact of the public meeting is no longer a prosecutable offense.
II. The right to assemble shall not be infringed; however, such rights may be limited when the public safety, public order, and public decency are endangered by certain aims, speeches and actions conducted during the meeting.
III. The public meeting can be dispersed and its participants prosecuted by law, if the aims, actions or speeches during such meeting:
1. Constitute acts of violence or infringement of property rights, incitement to mutiny, rebellion and insurrection against King, Government and the Kingdom; incitement to public disobedience thereof; incitement to harm the King or remove His lawful powers, the Royal Family, and members of His Majesty's State Council, His Majesty's Government; separate certain territories from the Kingdom of Spain and all other incitements to violence and state treason:
2. Constitute acts and speeches that besmirch the dignity of the King or any of the King's Ministers or other high officers of government without their consent, constitute blasphemy or violate public morals.
IV. In order to organize a public meeting whose participants exceed a specific number, its organizers should in advance notify the governing organ of their municipality and the law enforcement of their intentions and get the authorization for the locations where the public meeting would take place and the specific forms of the public meeting. The specific number is set by the dual decree of the local law enforcement organs and the Regional Audience Reale, but cannot be below fifteen people.
V. Public meetings held at different locations, yet united by a) aims, b) planning and/or b) leadership are considered one public meeting.VI. Any public meetings that have a political nature and intend to be organized near the governmental buildings, royal palaces and the military bases, garrisons and armories should, in each separate case, acquire the additional authorization of the governmental organ in question, the Office of the Royal Household and the commanding officer of the military facility.
VII. This is considered a fundamental law of the Realm and can be amended solely by Us.

((Public Meetings are Allowed))

Act to Recognize and Legitimate Political Parties

Wishing for further cooperation of Our subjects and to enable them with the renewed abilities to serve the Throne and Country, We decree the following

I. Political parties shall be permitted to be established in the Kingdom of Spain.
II. A party shall be precluded from establishment if it:
a. Espouses an ethos contrary to the Spanish Monarchy and the Catholic nature of the Kingdom;
b. Incites harm against the Crown, the Royal House, the Government and the officers of the public authorities of the Kingdom;
c. Advocates disobedience to the Crown, the Government and the public authorities of the Kingdom, deprivation of these bodies of their legitimate authority and insults to their dignity;
d. Endorses insurrectionary activity against the Crown, the Government and the public authorities of the Kingdom, hatred and violence towards certain social groups of the Spanish Realm, separation of certain Spanish regions from the body of the Spanish Realm.
IV. As per Article II, the parties that fail the criteria of Article III shall be disbanded.
V. Ultimate interpretation along the lines of Article III shall rest with the Crown. The leaders of the political parties bear personal responsibility before the Crown for following these guidelines.
VI. This is considered a fundamental law of the Realm and can be amended solely by Us.

((Harassed Parties))

----------------------------------

Somberg and Marschalk have come to a compromise to avoid bloodshed. The compromise enacts the following decrees stated above and their respective in-game reform changes.

For those of you who are confused, here is a TL;DR version:

Establishment (IG) of Prussian Constitutionalism. IC the recognition of the supremacy of the royal power, the parliament works as an organ of the King (the King delegates the legislative authority to elected assemblies), de jure binding the government, but not the establishing authority, the Crown. The following reforms enacted:
  • Political Parties: Harassed
  • Voter Franchise: Weighted Wealth
  • Upper House: Appointed
  • Public Meetings: Allowed - With the Provision that certain actions and speeches during the meetings are prohibited (republican propaganda, sacrilege, etc) and they are authorized by the city authorities (so that do not disrupt traffic etc)
  • Press Rights: Censored Press
  • Voting System: Jefferson Method
  • Trade Unions: State Controlled
Following 3 are PDM reforms (not as important):
  • Conscription: Two Year Draft
  • Immigration Policy: Open Immigration
  • Minorities: Limited Minority Rights
So yea, we now have an elected legislature! That means, for the first time ever, we shall be having

ELECTIONS!!!!!!!

I remind all players about the election mechanics. Tomorrow, I shall be playing through a set amount of time to show the length of time needed to enact all these decrees. But for now, the revolution of 1873 has ended peacefully.
 

Qwerty7

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Society Hunting Trips
by Francisco Amadori

0uvS035.png

Gentilhombres on a trip in 1875

The Society of Gentlemen was known for its hunting trips which generally occurred annually. On occasion, however, they would host multiple trips per year. Many local chapters held their own trips consisting of the chapter's members. The trips were well-received among the Gentlemen and were very enjoyable. Following the successful negotiations that peacefully defused the Revolution of 1873, the Society's President and Founder, First Secretary Francisco d'Ambrosio, announced a trip to celebrate "peace for our time."[1] Many notables attended and the two day trip was considered to be "one of the most enjoyable yet." [2]

Society hunting trips tended to be three-day excursions into a nearby forest. The annual ones were typically held in woods near d'Ambrosio's estate at Escalona. Although sometimes they took place at the Duke of Seville's estate or at d'Ambrosio's summer cottage. During these three days the Gentlemen would "establish a camp" where "40-50 men lived during a day." It was common for people to stay for only a day of the trip. In fact, according to one hunter there was "seldom a man who stayed all three days besides the Duke himself."

The hunters would began their hunt at around ten in the morning. They were armed with the rifles of their periods which "evolved tremendously over my life." They would set out in small groups where they would discuss politics, culture, literature, art, and "a number of other subjects." After several hours of bonding the them ne would return to camp with their kills. The group which caught the heaviest animal was rewarded with a pot of money which each man had put some pesetas or silver into, as well receiving a badge of honor. The men would then dine at the Duke's estate or cottage, usually a large feast. The winners were served first after, of course, the Duke. [3]

Following dinner, the gentlemen would gather around a campfire where they told stories and played games. Small groups would often form and disperse around the estate. The celebratory trip for the handling of the Revolution of 1873 was no exception to this pattern. And at the end of the night, Martini d'Ambrosio saw "the Dukes [of Seville and of Escalona] wander off into the forest as is usual." [5] The Dukes had known each other for over forty years and frequently would walk into the forest, commonly with several others, during the nights of these hunting trips. Although the Duke of Escalona was known to be very unhappy with the Duke of Seville's choice in the recent crisis, they put aside political differences for the trips. They would walk for many hours before coming back without a scratch on them. Their walks, unfortunately, were not recorded down in one place and therefore these conversations are lost to history. What we do have, however, suggests that they were mostly what one would expect to be said between a person and their neighbor. The 1873 revolution trip, for example, had this rather insignificant dialogue preserved:

"What do you make of the weather tomorrow? I think it shall be cloudy," asked the Duke of Seville.


"Don't be surprised if the sun is shining." The Duke of Escalona responded. [6]

Most historians therefore generally regard it to be a waste of time to try and recover the Dukes' conversations. What is not a waste of time, however, is the plethora of papers concerning the hunting trips of the Society.


[1] Speech in d'Ambrosio, Papers, IX, 37-40.
[2] Rubio Marcos to d'Ambrosio, November 6, 1873, in d'Ambrosio, Papers, IX, 58.
[3] Juan Alliata to Martini d'Ambrosio, May 5, 1862, in Martini d'Ambrosio, Papers, II, 79; d'Ambrosio to Martini d'Ambrosio, April 4, 1881, in d'Ambrosio, Papers, XII, 23. On the evolution of rifles in Spain during d'Ambrosio's life, see Alejandro Pedrotti, The History of the Spanish Rifle & Musket (Madrid, 1976).
[5] Martini d'Ambrosio to Maria d'Ambrosio, September 12, 1873, in Martini d'Ambrosio, Papers, IV, 14.
[6] d'Ambrosio to Santa Ana, September 26, 1873, in d'Ambrosio, Papers, IX, 50.
 
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((Private))

"Welcome to the Spanish Niger!" said Carlos Maria's servant, taking his bags, "Oh, here's a letter from Madrid. Important news, I think."

Carlos Maria, having just arrived in his villa, was not expecting a letter so quickly. He sat down at his desk and scanned it, half expecting it to say that the liberals did something stupid and half expecting that it was the French acting up again.

"The revolution is over. The King has compromised with the liberals."

He put down the letter and said to his servant: "On second thought, go get me a seat on a ship back to Spain."
 

Riccardo93

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((Private: Police and Secret Police, as well as pertinent members of the Grace and Justice Secretariat))

Order of Seizure and Arrest

In keeping with the intent of the agreed to terms resolving the revolutionary unpleasantness, those within the rebellious camp who have been to have committed violence must and shall be seized and tried accordingly. All officers are hereby authorised, and indeed encouraged, so seize upon those rebels with a fury and speed that is unrivalled - furthermore, should any lingering cells of rebels refuse to accept the peace, they are to captured and tried or shot for treason to the Crown.

El Conde de Pontevedra

((Seize rebels in loose accordance to the provisions outlined by the agreement between the Crown and the rebel leaders))

-

((Private: Secret Police Officials))

With the emergence of some semblance of constitutional government, sickening as it may be, we have at least a newfound opportunity that I am wholly willing to exploit; those who will be elected to that haughty body shall likely be the most notable figures of the rebellion, and thus are the ones responsible not only for the body's formation, but also for the rebellion and the violence that was sired from it. They are to be watched tirelessly; their movements, their actions, and their corruption made known to us, and their crimes exposed with all deliberate haste.

It must also be considered that, due to the possibility that amongst the lower rungs of the rebellion, the sense of a "stab in the back" by their leaders - that is, the leadership has by and large been pardoned whilst the remainder are being arrested - can and should be used to our advantage. Those rebels, having been betrayed by their leaders, are with luck and hope more likely to see the error of their ways and begin a shift away from rebelliousness to fidelity to the Crown and a hatred of the liberal hypocrisy.

El Conde de Pontevedra

((Spy on elected officials, particularly those from the more liberal parties; divide former rebels))

-

((Private: Interior Secretariat))

As it seems, for the moment, concessions have been granted, we must do our part to ensure the continued stability of the government; therefore, it falls upon us to create an atmosphere in which the ideals that have guided the Kingdoms for some years now be guarded stalwartly and encouraged thoroughly. To that end, our efforts should be devoted to encouraging a strong sense of love for the Crown and the Order that stems from it across the most populated regions of the Spanish Kingdom.

Furthermore, it must be fully stressed that this body, like all other organ's of His Majesty's Government, are to remain wholly unbeholden to these democratic institutions, free from their perversions and petty partisanship, and divorced from the political squabbling that will undoubtedly stem from that loathsome institution. Their rulings and ordinances can be safely ignored unless expressly stated otherwise.

El Conde de Pontevedra

((Encourage Reactionaries in the most populated regions of Continental Spain))

-

((Public))

On the Need for Public Order, Stability, and the Sanctity of the Crown

With peace once again settling over the Kingdom of Spain, kinship and stability are now the watchwords by which we must live; the divisiveness that, in the recent weeks has brought naught but misery and disunion, must now be put aside for the greater good, regardless of our feelings to the specificities of the agreement by which this peace was established. Partisan bickering, and all other sorts of childishness should be tossed aside in the name of stability to the Crown, and with the thought of Spain's continued success in your breast. Let us, having been rivals and enemies for many years, continue forward as friends, for the sake of our Homeland, and for our Righteous and August King.
 

Plank of Wood

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With news of the Revolution's compromise, El Cocodrilo turned to the three women in the bed beside him. "Until universal suffrage is extended to the people, Spain cannot call itself a democracy," his eyes seemed to say.
 
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Somberg

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((Private))
Cristóbal returned to Córdoba following the compromise worked out between the Movimiento and the government. He was dissatisfied with the result as not only did Spain lack a formal constitution but divine right still remained. Yet he knew that, had he not given in on this point in exchange for the reforms that were able to worked out, the revolution would most likely have failed. Instead, he looked forward to participating in the new, more democratic and freer Spain that was to emerge from his efforts. It was far from ideal and there was much work to be done to make Spain truly democratic and free, but this was a good starting point. As he entered the headquarters of the Movimiento in Córdoba he saw Carlos, looking roughed up but still in one piece.

"Ah, Carlos, it is good to see you once again!"

"Ah, I see you are back, señor! Why did you not tell me that you were to arrive today"

"I'm sorry, Carlos. So much has been going on."

"I know. I will tell you right now that I am not pleased with how you conducted these negotiations and there are many in the Movimiento who agree with me. You gave in too much to the vile regime, Cris! How could you have done that?"

"I was under pressure, Carlos. There were certain individuals who privately were willing to support the revolution but only if negotiations didn't work out. I simply could not risk the failure of the revolution by having it be my stubbornness that doomed any chance for a compromise."

"But surely it would have been better to have waited before negotiating? I have had men coming to me furious that their friends are going to be arrested for following your orders and that the absolutist regime has succeeded in getting what it wanted from us. How can you fathom this?"

Cristóbal walks over to his desk, his head down in shame. He grips the back of the desk chair and puts his hands over his face before taking them off again.

"I understand, Carlos. I know what I did. It was a very difficult decision. To be honest, I thought violence was the only answer after the treatment of our operatives by the secret police and the lack of any sort of response from the King. Yet when it came, I realized that something could be done and we could avoid the extreme bloodshed that would have occurred had the revolution proceeded as planned. The deal is far from perfect. But I am hopeful that these new found freedoms and the beginning of democracy, how limited it may be, will lead to greater reforms down the line."

"Cris, we could have removed Felipe as king!! We could have achieved the sort of limited, constitutional monarchy that protected the rights of the people and allowed for democracy that you have wanted for so long! Why would you have let that go when men were prepared to die to achieve it?"

Cristóbal sighs, before turning away from Carlos.

"Carlos, you do not understand what it is like to have to live with the deaths of these men should the revolution have failed. I reluctantly resorted to violence to achieve our goals as the system was not working to bring them forth. But now we are on a path to our goals that does not require violence. It is very, very far from ideal and I will admit that the way forward is difficult, but it is not like it was before. And, should this new order of this prove too difficult to change, there is always organizing another revolution is necessary. I wish it wouldn't be necessary, but the forces of absolutism and reaction are strong. They may prove too strong to overcome peacefully."

"I still disagree with what you did, Cris, and this doesn't change that. But I will give you the benefit of the doubt." Carlos sighs deeply. "I don't know what I am supposed to tell the men who came to me. I hope you know what you are doing."

"I do, Carlos. The Movimiento will become a force to be reckoned with now. You will see."

"I hope, señor. I hope."

Carlos leaves the room as Cristóbal sits down and begins to write letters to the leaders of the Movimiento explaining his actions and the way forward from here.
 

Sneakyflaps

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Dissent in the Moonlight (I)​

The royal guard, Fernando had always admired them, he had spent so many nights with them as of late, ever since he had returned and waited for his command. He knew many of them from his childhood, officers who had been trained with him and groomed for this, soldiers who were loyal and among the best. But the recent changes within Spain had split the guard in two. Fernando had slept with them, eaten with them and drank with them, ever since the peace. His brother had cowered into submission, had allowed justice to be ignored for the sake of peace. No realm that gives up justice deserves peace, and his brother deserved no sleep at night for it either. On his orders, men and young boys of Spain sat in prison and the antichrist walked free. Fernando drank another cup.

“It’s a disgrace!” Said one of the guards, they had split into two guards, comprising the vast amount of the guards were still loyal, but there were a few, just enough that hated this new idea. They were the old guard, men from Fernando’s father’s time, and the commander had just had enough, it had taken too long.

“Those of you who wish to keep a job, and refrain from the gallows will present themselves first thing tomorrow morning and swear an oath of loyalty to the king, and we will put this behind, should you refrain from doing so and flee you will be treated as a deserter and traitor to the crown.” The commander said in rage, his temper was at an end, there was nothing more.

Fernando looked up from his cup. “They are right, what has happened is disgusting, it’s a perversion of justice and my brother has allowed it. But we are all loyal to the crown, and we must stay loyal to the king, for all his faults for currently there are many. Go to bed commander.” The commander looked at the young prince before shaking his head, the disgruntled men came and sat down, drinking together, talking, chatting and before long it was the middle of the night. Thirty of them sat there with the prince, as a bell rang and then one after one they looked up at Fernando, they sat there waiting until he finally gave a nod and they stood up “For Spain, and for King Carlos”.

It was cold outside, the moon was high and shining down upon as they walked out from the barracks and towards the stable, a guard stood there, looking at them surprised. He greeted his prince before Fernando walked up close “Forgive me”, he said, the guard managed to ask him for what before he punched him, knocking him out and going into the stables. They had enough horses, and a few to spare, Fernando laughed as they opened the gates and took the horses, riding out of the compound and into the night.
 

Michaelangelo

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((Private))

Dr. Gregorio Vicente Osorio de Moscoso returned to court after the revolutionary fervour petered out and the chaos seemed to abate, at least for now. He was glad the conflict had not escalated, and that his unintentional involvement had not been noticed. In fact, his absence had not really been noted at all. Apparently his assistants had done an excellent job taking over his duties and his excuse of his sister's illness had been accepted. Hopefully that would remain the case. Now Gregorio needed to get his life back together. He had already started cutting back on the morphine and opium, although giving it up completely seemed a remote possibility. He had nearly destroyed his own life and could not let that happen again. He resumed his duties as though his lengthy absence had not been irregular and hoped that the whole incident would be forgotten. He also hoped that a certain servant would never be found, for that more than anything would ruin everything for him.
 

naxhi24

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Aftermath: 1873-1874

Cristóbal Aldecanta was loathed by many members of the Moviemento. Following the revolution of 1873, many of his supporters were arrested for even loosely defiling the law during the revolution based on part of the compromise enacted between the Moviemento and the crown. While the leadership walked free, many members of the Moviemento were thrown in jail. These people started calling Aldecanta a "betrayer" to the ideals of the revolution. Radicals also began calling Aldecanta a coward due to his quick withdraw to a peaceful settlement. "He doesnt have the stomach for revolution! If I were in charge, I would have not compromised with the King and booted his arse off his throne!" was how one radical described it. Many in the Moviemento felt that Aldecanta was a coward to bloodshed and violence, and thus compromised and ended the hope for a true liberal revolution in Spain. "Now we have a government based on loose decrees and a King who despises it all!".

King Felipe was not one to rest easy either, even though his opponent was under fire. Many conservative and reactionary nobles started calling Felipe "Felipe the Fainthearted" for cowering at the thought of violence and bloodshed. "If the king was as strong as his family claims they are, he would have hanged every single liberal. But alas, he did not, cowered to the liberal's demands, and has ruined the absolutist and traditional nature of Spain!" The King though claimed that peace was brought "on his terms", and that any notion of the liberals forcing his hand were simply false. The conservatives and reactionaries called him out on this as well. "If peace would have been truely on his terms, he would have simply told Aldecanta that the status quo would be maintained and he would rot in a hole!". The conservatives and reactionary noble also complained about the complete lack of justice given out to the revolutionaries. "The leaders walk free and their mindless mobs that did not know better are thrown in prison? What kind of justice is this?" was what one reactionary noble said. "They hunt down rebels that flicked a guard, but the true culprits behind the violence walk free!".

With such problems, the King moved forward to enact his decrees. The State Council, made up of many reactionary and conservative nobles, tried to filibuster and block these decrees for as long as possible. As such, it took a year before the King was able to force through his decrees and make them into law a year later. The middle class was excited at this prospect, for they had received the vote. Yet, many in the middle class thought it was not enough. Yes, they did have the vote, but the landed elite would have more of a sway in who wins the election than they would. Many also claimed that the decrees issued allowing for this democratic government are "loose and easily revocable", and clamored for a constitution to solidify these freedoms. Yet, with all this, the first pre-election season would commence in earnest. Many of the factions of the former absolute system fell into obscurity, and new parties, protected by the law, would have to form to run for the new government.

---------------------------------
Player Actions Needed: The first pre-election cycle has started! Due to the lack of parties, and this being the first one, I will give you five days to create parties, post platforms, select leadership, and campaign in-thread for government.
 

TJDS

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193px-DC_Party_Logo_%281968-1992%29.svg.png


Partido Popular de España - People's Party of Spain
Interventionism - Protectionism - Moralism - Anti-Military - Limited Citizenship
((Conservative))
Chairman: Don Francisco Pater de Valle
Ideology: Christian Democracy
Political Position: Centre
Religion: Roman Catholicism
Headquarters: Casa de St. Tommaso d'Aquino, Madrid
Newspaper: El Tiempo - The Times
National Union: Movimiento de Trabajadores Cristianos - Christian Labourers' Movement
Founded: February 25th, 1874
Colour: White, Cyan

The Partido Popular de España (People's Party of Spain, PP(E)) was the first official national political party in Spain, being officially founded on the 25th of February 1874 in Madrid by writer and theologian Don Francisco Pater de Valle and various well-known Castillian and Andalusian theologians, clerical officials, members of the educated middle class and pious upper class. Although the reformist Pater de Valle was chosen as his first chairman, mostly because his more broader appeal to the middle and lower classes for his writings, the Partido Popular de España is largely centrist with large moderate and conservative factions, vying for influence in the young party. The Partido Popular de España, although enjoying some ties with the aristocratic and religious upper class, maintaints strong ties with the Middle and Lower Classes through the Party newspaper, El Tiempo, founded and supported by Pater de Valle and employing many of de Valle's colleagues in the literary world he had met on his travels through Spain. The Newspaper is generally considered to be Centre to Centre-Right, moving from previous Centre-Left orientation after collisions with the Censor Office. The Party has, under the auspices and strong control of the Spanish Government, supported the creation of a conglomerate of moderate trade unions named the Movimiento de Trabajadores Cristianos, with the Secretary-General of the Movement being a close friend of the PPE Leadership. These three organisations have repeatedly been called the temporal pillars of the Church in Spain.

The Partido Popular de España believes in a strong, united & pious Spain and will advise the Government to enact measures to strengthen it, these measures would include the expansion of subsidies for religious education across Spain in stead of a highly underfunded and Castilliancentric education system, which robs countless children from highly valued temporal and moral education. The Partido Popular de España believes in support for Spanish farmers and labourers, who form the backbone of the Spanish nation, and the abolition of defacto slavery still commonplace in the form of day labouring in the impovrished countryside and the deplorable situation in which labourers live. Moderatism and Unionism form the basis of the Partido Popular de España's reform policy, it maintains that longlived and beneficial political reform can only be provided through moderate reformism, thereby preventing either the disintegration of the Spanish Kingdom through wide-spread localist reforms and the destabilization of the Spanish Kingdom through radical reforms blind to the unique social and political situation and era we currently live in. The Partido Popular de España also recognizes the priviliges of the Spanish freeman, but motions that the foundation of every successful state is the adherance to the call of duty to every freeman from the community. Lastly, the Partido Popular de España supports the Royal Spanish Armed Forces in their mission to protect the Spanish Kingdom and its people, however, it believes the pen is more preferable than the sword and will seek to prevent wars, both internally and externally, from harming the Spanish Kingdom and its people.

Chairmen of the People's Party of Spain:
Don Francisco Pater de Valle (Since 1874)

Electoral History:
Spanish General Election, 1874: 25 seats* - 83,226 votes - 10,67%
Spanish General Election, 1879: 65 seats - 172,331 votes - 22,09%
Spanish General Election, 1885: 70 seats - 195,623 votes - 25,07%
Spanish General Election, 1890: 95 seats - 214,678 votes - 27,52%

* Out of 400
 
Last edited:

Firehound15

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THE RED MOVEMENT
Movimiento Rojo

hVFgLXR.png


Ideology: Regionalist
{Protectionism/Interventionism/Moralism/Full Citizenship/Anti-Military}
____________________
The Duke of Menorca's regionalist movement, which found the vast majority of its support in the Baleares, was never intended to be organized as a political party, with the individual chapters of Los Rojos being completely autonomous. Regardless, with the introduction of elections, local chapters and affiliates of Eloi Roma's "movement" began to organize as pseudo-political agencies, often running an ideologically diverse and uncoordinated smattering of regionalists. Of these regional clubs, only those of the Baleares were organized and popular enough to generate the traction necessary to strongly contest the first Spanish election. Yet, even as the movement awkwardly works to establish itself, a somewhat radical faction led by the Duke of Menorca's nephew appears to be making preparations to transform it...
 
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naxhi24

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Census of 1874

D9UZIqP.png


Population: ~30.7 M

Male Population: ~7.69 M

Voting Population: ~780,000
 

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Movimiento por la Libertad
Movement for Liberty
Movimiento%20Symbol%20Smaller_zpspnn1rgyi.png

Laissez-Faire - Free Trade - Pluralism - Pro-Military - Limited Citizenship

President: Cristóbal Aldecanta
Political Position: Left
Ideology: Liberalism
Headquarters: Madrid
Founded: February 27th, 1874
Colors: Yellow and Red

Commonly known simply as the Movimiento or the MpL, the Movimiento por la Libertad was originally an underground liberal movement founded in 1873 and led by Córdoba lawyer Cristóbal Aldecanta. Its goal was to end the absolutist regime and establish a constitutional monarchy which protected the rights of the Spanish people, severely limited the power of the King, and allowed for democracy to reign supreme in Spain. It was behind the "Revolution" of 1873 and the subsequent negotiations that led to moderate reform of the Spanish political system. With political parties finally being allowed, the Movimiento has moved beyond a simple movement and has organized into a national liberal party.

The Movimiento believes that the government should have a limited role in economic decisions and that trade should be unrestricted. It believes strongly in the needs for further reform in order to secure true liberty for all Spaniards and to further strengthen and expand Spanish democracy. At the same time, it also seeks to protect those rights that have already been given to the Spanish people from those forces which would see them revoked. It does not support the use of violence to achieve reform and advocates going through the established system to do so.


Members:
Cristóbal Aldecanta, Party President
 
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((Private: Leadership of the People's Party of Spain)

The Interior Secretariat finds the People's Party of Spain to be, by and large, an acceptably moderate party; we recommend, however, that due to the present needs of the Spanish Army and Navy, that a more pro-military stance is adopted, at least for the short term, though we will concede the decision to change the position or not to the leadership of the party. In terms of the more minutiae of the party's planks, they are again largely acceptable, though perhaps a moderation of the concerns of the working classes, or more specifically, a negative, antagonistic tone towards the managerial classes, etc., would be in order.

El Conde de Pontevedra, Second Secretary of Spain, Grace, Justice, and Interior Secretary for His Catholic Majesty, the King

-

((Private: Leadership of the Red Movement))

The Interior Secretariat suggests that the "Red Movement" change its military policy to one more suitable to the needs of the Spanish Kingdom, her army and navy being what they are; the present position espoused by this party are in no ways conducive to the needed structural changes to the military, and indeed can be regarded as impairments to their implementation. Furthermore, the position that citizenship be extended is quixotic and could very well be dangerous, and thus it is highly recommended that a more sensible, and wholly pragmatic, position be adopted. Of more important note, it is advised that the "Red Movement" cease the needless pursuit of regionalism, as the present system embodied by the decrees and rulings of Carlos V and his successors have been found to be successful and largely efficacious in handling local and broader matters.

Of lesser note, the name of the group bears striking similarity to various cells from the past year that were of questionable loyalty to the Crown; we suggest, though do not mandate, a change in the name to distinguish it from those more radical, suspect elements within Spanish society.

El Conde de Pontevedra, Second Secretary of Spain, Grace, Justice, and Interior Secretary for His Catholic Majesty, the King

-

((Private: Leadership of the Movement for Liberty))

The Movement for Liberty is, in the estimation of the Interior Secretariat, far too divergent from the mainstream of Spanish political thought to be deemed acceptable; in particular, its policies in regards to matters of faith and religion are counter to the Catholic nature of the Monarchy and the Government of the Spanish Kingdom, and its general permissiveness cannot be endorsed by the the Crown. It's policies, economically, are similarly at odds with the policies of careful management that have thus far allowed the Spanish Kingdom to remain free from vast foreign trade and the destruction of domestic industry - perhaps a more lax internal system could well be adopted, but the notion of free trade runs, again, counter to the needs of the Spanish Kingdom and could well undermine our nascent industrial initiatives.

Furthermore, the ties of the Movement to the rebellion of the previous year are both odious and wholly unsuitable to the political well-being of the Spanish Kingdom; how can we, being moderate and reasonable figures, who oppose the use of violence and revolution to enact change, reward those who by virtue of those means, and others, have attempted at varying points to overthrow the Monarchy and otherwise assail both the House of Bourbon and the Divine Right of Kings. The leadership of this party is suspect, its role in the rebellion contemptuous, and varying points of its platform counter to the needs of the Kingdom. Substantial reforms are needed before this party can be found permissible, both in regards to its policies and in terms of its leadership, who are too closely tied to those radical elements that sought to dethrone His Catholic Majesty.

El Conde de Pontevedra, Second Secretary of Spain, Grace, Justice, and Interior Secretary for His Catholic Majesty, the King
 

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((Private - Marschalk))

Cristóbal writes a letter to the King following the Interior Minister's predictable rejection of the Movimiento's establishment as a political party.


Your Majesty,

I send you this letter in light of the refusal of the Interior Minister to permit the formation of the Movimiento por la Libertad as a political party. I wish to point out that his reasons for rejecting party are in one part based on its platform as being too far outside of the Spanish mainstream. This does not fall under those conditions laid out in your decree allowing for the formation of political parties which would prevent a party from being formed. Additionally, he cites the prior actions of myself and others who were members of the previous Movimiento por la Libertad as a reason to prevent its formation. I will say to you that the Movimiento, as a political party, seeks to work within the system to achieve change and does not condone violence or the overthrow of the Spanish monarchy. The days of working illegally to bring reform are over now that we have been granted the ability to have our interested represented, to speak more freely about our political beliefs, and to affect change in the Spanish political system in some capacity. I believe it is in the interests of the Spanish Kingdom to allow the liberal movement legitimate and legal political expression through the Movimiento, rather than forcing not only a change in its platform which is not required by law but also to change its leadership which has renounced violence and upholds those decrees which were negotiated last year and which Your Majesty placed into law. It is my hope that Your Majesty will uphold the law in this circumstance and allow for the establishment of the Movimiento por la Libertad as a political party.

Sincerely,
Cristóbal Aldecanta
 

Firehound15

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((Private: Leadership of the People's Party of Spain)

The Interior Secretariat finds the People's Party of Spain to be, by and large, an acceptably moderate party; we recommend, however, that due to the present needs of the Spanish Army and Navy, that a more pro-military stance is adopted, at least for the short term, though we will concede the decision to change the position or not to the leadership of the party. In terms of the more minutiae of the party's planks, they are again largely acceptable, though perhaps a moderation of the concerns of the working classes, or more specifically, a negative, antagonistic tone towards the managerial classes, etc., would be in order.

El Conde de Pontevedra, Second Secretary of Spain, Grace, Justice, and Interior Secretary for His Catholic Majesty, the King

-

((Private: Leadership of the Red Movement))

The Interior Secretariat suggests that the "Red Movement" change its military policy to one more suitable to the needs of the Spanish Kingdom, her army and navy being what they are; the present position espoused by this party are in no ways conducive to the needed structural changes to the military, and indeed can be regarded as impairments to their implementation. Furthermore, the position that citizenship be extended is quixotic and could very well be dangerous, and thus it is highly recommended that a more sensible, and wholly pragmatic, position be adopted. Of more important note, it is advised that the "Red Movement" cease the needless pursuit of regionalism, as the present system embodied by the decrees and rulings of Carlos V and his successors have been found to be successful and largely efficacious in handling local and broader matters.

Of lesser note, the name of the group bears striking similarity to various cells from the past year that were of questionable loyalty to the Crown; we suggest, though do not mandate, a change in the name to distinguish it from those more radical, suspect elements within Spanish society.

El Conde de Pontevedra, Second Secretary of Spain, Grace, Justice, and Interior Secretary for His Catholic Majesty, the King

-

((Private: Leadership of the Movement for Liberty))

The Movement for Liberty is, in the estimation of the Interior Secretariat, far too divergent from the mainstream of Spanish political thought to be deemed acceptable; in particular, its policies in regards to matters of faith and religion are counter to the Catholic nature of the Monarchy and the Government of the Spanish Kingdom, and its general permissiveness cannot be endorsed by the the Crown. It's policies, economically, are similarly at odds with the policies of careful management that have thus far allowed the Spanish Kingdom to remain free from vast foreign trade and the destruction of domestic industry - perhaps a more lax internal system could well be adopted, but the notion of free trade runs, again, counter to the needs of the Spanish Kingdom and could well undermine our nascent industrial initiatives.

Furthermore, the ties of the Movement to the rebellion of the previous year are both odious and wholly unsuitable to the political well-being of the Spanish Kingdom; how can we, being moderate and reasonable figures, who oppose the use of violence and revolution to enact change, reward those who by virtue of those means, and others, have attempted at varying points to overthrow the Monarchy and otherwise assail both the House of Bourbon and the Divine Right of Kings. The leadership of this party is suspect, its role in the rebellion contemptuous, and varying points of its platform counter to the needs of the Kingdom. Substantial reforms are needed before this party can be found permissible, both in regards to its policies and in terms of its leadership, who are too closely tied to those radical elements that sought to dethrone His Catholic Majesty.

El Conde de Pontevedra, Second Secretary of Spain, Grace, Justice, and Interior Secretary for His Catholic Majesty, the King
D3T3E2Z.png

((Private - The Interior Secretary))

While I do not appreciate that a lesser member of the nobility is seeking to have a loose confederation of individuals with disparate views on the military adopt a position that is neither here-nor-there for a movement which espouses only greater regional rights as its ideology, I will do my best to explain why, I presume, your... subordinates in the Interior Ministry have presented you with the opinion that a broad movement is somehow opposed to this nation's military might. This supposed "anti-militarism" is due to the desire to see more regionally organized militias and organization, so as to encourage a more dedicated Spanish military, with much greater morale, not to disavow the armed forces, in which many Basques, Catalans, Balears, and Galicians serve proudly.

As for your attacks on regionalism, perhaps it would be wise to read the decrees of the King you claim to be so loyal to, child, as he has made expressly clear the extension of rights to the Baleares, an additional region of this nation, which clearly establishes the precedent for a peaceful movement, of which this is, has been, and will continue to be, contrary to your accusations, to promote greater regional rights within the legal constructs of this monarchy. Now, if you would kindly show some humility (it is a God-given virtue, at least amongst my people,) and respect your elders, I will not make no further contention over your attempts to twist the beliefs of numerous autonomous groups without an organized leadership.


In good faith,

aFfztua.png

Canceller de les Illes Balears,
Duc de Menorca
 

Riccardo93

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((Private: the Duke of Menorca))

To His Excellency, el Duque de Menorca

Whilst I am unfortunately bound by my many duties and roles within the government - something you no doubt have little understanding of - I do believe it only polite to address the concerns of my superior, if such terms would be pleasing to you; no doubt you need instruction.

I must begin by stating that, by your own letter and its sentiments, the purpose of the regionalist position of the party is made redundant; the Crown has, in its extreme generosity, already expanded greatly the rights of the varying areas of Spain, and as affirmed and reaffirmed those principles ad nauseum. Unless of course the party you wish to establish desires the Crown cede ever more of its authority away, something that I cannot endorse as a loyal subject of His Majesty, and as a longstanding member of His Government; if your positions itself as such - a conscious and direct effort to undermine the authority of the Crown and His Majesty's government - then I dare say further moderation than what I merely suggested may be needed.

I need not be reminded of the excellent service rendered to His Majesty by his Spanish subjects - whilst I am indeed not the War Secretary, I have attended enough meetings and councils of state to be wholly aware of their deeds and, if I may be so bold, misdeeds. The present suggestions I presented to you some time ago were made, in part, as a moderating reconciliation - recognising the deeds of those subjects, whilst further acknowledging that that loyalty has not always been universal.

In regards to your position on the military, I must express my thoughts that I find such a proposal both unnecessary and potentially injurious to the Crown; first and foremost, a planned expansion of the Royal Army and Navy has already been proposed by HRH Infante Pelayo and authorised by His Majesty the King and shall soon commence, rendering the need for such communal or regional forces wholly unnecessary. Secondly, and more alarmingly, I must express my wariness at the thought of armies concerned solely with a portion of Spain, of that peculiar particularism that seems to reign in such situations - the army, in my estimation, needs to be universal, with a firm and absolute hierarchy that stems directly from the Crown, and is in its essence authorised by and subject solely to the Crown.

In good faith,
El Conde de Pontevedra, Segundo Secretario de España, Gracia y Justicia Secretario y el Secretario del Interior de Su Majestad Católica, el Rey
 

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500px-coat_of_arms_of_spain-svg1.png

From the OFFICE OF THE ROYAL HOUSEHOLD - to Cristóbal Aldecanta ((Private - Somberg))

Senor,

Upon the orders of His Catholic Majesty, I should convey you the following. The King fully trusts his Internal Secretary and believes that any concerns he may voice are voiced due to his loyalty to the Throne and Country. However the King, being just, wants to demonstrate his good will and, as to say, turn over the page. Having pardoned you for your previous crimes, he is indeed hoping that in the future he would witness your loyal service to the Throne and Country - and ability to function within the boundaries of law. The King believes that, if our Creator believes that any person can atone for its sins and reform, it would unfair for Him, the King, not let His subject a second chance in this direction.

For this reason He would be willing to allow You the formation of the party - however, on the following conditions that would demonstrate your good will and sincerity. You would, as any subject, especially running for office, swear a public oath of fealty to the King as the God-anointed ruler of Spain and guarantee that your party would not advocate anything offensive for the Crown, infringing upon its powers and would not include anybody advocating violence or revolutionary activities. As a leader you would, if such an occasion happens, yourself take appropriate measures.

In this case the King would allow the party to be formed and contest the national elections - and would closely watch its performance.

If you wish to address certain matters regarding this theme, you can personally meet the King this Friday, in the Palace, after the evening mass. In this case please timely inform me or directly the Lord Chamberlain.

Your sincerely,
Sancho de Castaldo y Timaroque,
Lord-in-Waiting,
Office of the Royal Household

"Written upon my orders." - by HCMs own hand.
 
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((Private - Marschalk))

Your Majesty,

I will accept these terms of yours for the formation of the MpL and thank you for your graciousness in this situation. I will take the aforementioned oath at the earliest convenience to myself and edit the platform of the party accordingly to comply with your terms. I wish to thank you again for allowing the formation of this party to proceed.

Sincerely,
Cristóbal Aldecanta

((Public))

Cristóbal walked into a church in the middle of Madrid. He loathed having to go through this trial at the behest of the King, but he was more determined to see the formation of the Movimiento into a political party than to not go through this inconvenience. As he walked up the aisle to the altar, he saw a representative of the King standing by, most certainly there to confirm that he had given the oath. The priest picked up a Bible and thrust it toward Cristóbal, instructing him to place his left hand on it and hold his right hand up. He did so, and repeated the oath that the priest recited to him, swearing his loyalty to His Catholic Majesty, Felipe IV, King of Spain and God's anointed ruler over the Spanish people etc. etc. Afterward, he promptly exited the church and vomited in one of the nearby bushes, revolted by having to acknowledge divine right to please the King.
 
Last edited:

Riccardo93

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((A small editorial piece for the state newspapers))

The Loyal Revolutionary
By J.M.C


Earlier yesterday, before God and Man, the well-known leader of the liberal Movement for Liberty, Senor C. Aldecanta, swore his allegiance to the Crown and to the principle of Divine Right. A first-hand account of his prostration before the Almighty and the King notes that, as he swore the oath, tears of love appeared in the eyes of this meek little man, so affused with love for his homeland and his King that he could no longer contain himself. It was further suggested that he rushed out of the chapel with a sudden swiftness for fear of being overwhelmed by his powerful feeling of patriotism and love of God and King. Combined with his courage in the face of the radical elements within his own faction, those now safely imprisoned for their crimes against the King and Spanish society, and his willingness to amend the platform of his party, and curb the indecent speech of his fellow members, seems to indicate quite succinctly his passion for the institution of the Monarchy, and his hope that the Kingdom of Spain, ruled by Divine Right by the House of Bourbon, shall stand forevermore in peace and stability.