- Apr 28, 2012
The Revolution of 1873
Cristóbal Aldecanta was a lawyer who had a grudge against the Carlist Regime. His father was killed in the Revolution of 1848 by Carlist forces when liberals rose up across the country. Aldecanta has remembered the pain Carlos V gave his family, and its people, by restricting the freedoms of the country. That is why he set out and formed the Movimiento por la Libertad, a liberal movement aimed at the restoration of freedom for the Spanish people across Spain. After experiencing so many failed revolts and rebellions by the liberals of Spain, Aldecanta was hell bent on making sure his revolution would not fail in its mission. He set out to recruit individuals for his mission. One of the first people to sign up with the Movimiento was Enrique María Fernando Carlos Francisco Luis de Borbón, the Duke of Seville and relative of the King himself. The Movimiento now had the support of a Bourbon family member. The Duke of Seville and Aldecanta set their plan in motion by buying presses from the United Kingdom and smuggling them into Spain. So far at this point, the Movimiento was still a secret, and Aldecanta was just some liberal lawyer in Spain. The King was none the wiser.
The first sign that something was wrong in the country was when agents of the King intercepted a British press on route to Seville. The press was illegal, and those who were caught transporting it were arrested. Of course, many government officials assumed this was probably just some random local newspaper in the region that thought it cheaper to smuggle in a press than buying a Spanish made one and receiving a government license to print, but not Minister Joao Maria Carlos Manuel de Correia e de Medinaceli, the Minister of the Interior and leader of the King's secret police force. Yes, the secret police, the thorn in the side for all liberal revolutions since Carlos V decreed them into existence. Minister Joao thought that no local press would dare try to smuggle in British presses, and began to fathom the possibility of a larger plot. He ordered his agents on high alert to watch for presses in the region. He also became very worrisome that the Duke of Seville was involved in the plot as well for the Duke had been reportedly sending lots of letters from his estate, but no one knew where or who to. Nonetheless, Minister Joao began keeping an eye out for more presses, and to hopefully get to the bottom of what he thought was a large conspiracy.
(A Picture of Presses being shipped across Spain)
No new evidence though arose in the case, until a revolutionary pamphlet began circulating around Spain. The pamphlet denounced the violent repression the Carlist regime had practiced for decades, and claimed that Spain was a backwards reactionary power in a liberal continent, citing that Russia, Germany, and the United Kingdom were liberal powers, strong and independent. Minister Joao knew that this was what he feared, and ordered his agents to track down and silence whoever was publishing these pamphlets. Minister Joao also ordered that any meeting that dare organize to discuss these pamphlets be arrested and broken up. Joao was on a mad goose chase for the ring-leader. Pamphlets kept on getting printed across Spain, and the middle class became increasingly volatile to the government once again. The Middle Class's revolutionary fire was being lit again...
That was when the Moviemento stepped out fully into the light, and in a pamphlet, asked for the citizens of Spain to rise up in defiance against the repressive regime of the Carlists, for more freedom and a greater future. With that, the spark of revolution was set off across Spain. Protests and riots erupted across Spain, with the middle class mobilizing against the regime by marching towards armories and barracks. Many former slave owners and those invested in the slave trade offered support to the revolution as revenge for the loss of their proper and failure of compensation at the hands of the Carlist regime. Regional governments that had either large liberally dominated assemblies, liberal sympathetic and/or liberal viceroys like Granada and Andalucia also offered support for the revolution. Priests, like Don Francisco Pater del Valle, asked their congregations to rise up against the Carlist regime, and even the personal doctor of the King, Dr. Gregorio Vicente Osorio de Moscoso, was reportedly supporting the revolution. On the other hand though, the Carlist regime had the backing of church authorities like the Primate of Spain, the government (especially the First Minister and Second Minister), and military leaders like Antonio Carlos de Zumalacárregui e Imaz. However, many military officers like Carlos Maria de Alvear y Ponce de Leon chose to remain neutral, to not dare fire upon their own citizens. Ministers like the Foreign Affairs Minister Tomas Hortun Bartolo Hortun y Llorente Etxeto chose to remain neutral (though many in his family cite his age as the biggest reason he chose to stay out of the conflict). The Carlists also had the loyalty (as in they would not revolt) of poor citizens, meaning that a large revolution would be very hard for the Moviemento to achieve. King Felipe also added the Balearic islands to the list of regional areas that had autonomy, forcing Duke Roma to declare his neutrality. Regardless, the scene was set for a knock-out blood bath between liberals and Carlist leaders.
Then something unexpected happened. The King, while issuing orders to end the unrest, created a committee to investigate the grievances of the people of the realm, which was headed by the First Minister. Felipe VI met a group of prominent moderates who complained about the ban of the public meetings which hindered even nonpolitical leisure activities. The King expressed his disagreement with the notion that the sole fact, not the essence, was banned here and made indications he intended to make such changes after the end of the disorders. Such notices were made in the newspapers. It was announced the reform would take place when the peace would be achieved. At the same the King made notice he was intending to reform the State Council - the legislative body of the Realm. Cristóbal Aldecanta received the information about this and got certain understanding that reforms could be possible without violence, which many of the moderates found abhorrent and dangerous for the stability of the country. At the same time, Alejandro Manuel Felice Juan Francesco de Soneta, the Prince of Belmonte, a liberal noble, who did not like both alternatives (a revolution or the progressives being massacred by the army) decided to try to act as intermediary. He privately contacted Aldecanta and persuaded him that it is better for all to end hostilities. At the same time together with the First Minister, he worked in the government and at Court to organize a meeting between the Movimiento leadership and the representatives of the governmental committee. Aldecanta ordered a halt to the revolution in Madrid, the King gave corresponding orders to policemen and soldiers - and a certain ceasefire took place.
The governmental committee, under the supervision of the King and the Prince de Belmonte, consisted of the First Minister, Interior Minister Joao Antonio Carlos de Zumalacárregui e Imaz (representing the army), and Archbishop Andrés María Cardinal de Porcelli y Vallabriga (representing the church) met to discuss with the Moviemento about finding comrpomise without bloodshed. The discussion between two parties were long. They had many disagreements, but found common ground in fact that nobody wants the repeat of previous bloody rebellions when thousands of people on both sides were massacred, for they came in agreement that such practice is dangerous for the existence of Spain. The King confirmed his will to make changes when they are necessary, insisting that they can come only from the Crown as the supreme power and on its conditions and that the state cannot be kicked into submission by violence. The talks drifted towards the reforms. Aldecanta pondered on the necessity of public meetings allowed and press regulations becoming more definitive and less restrictive. He noted that if it does not happen, the stability of Spain would be endangered. After long it was agreed that the mechanism of Spain would be renovated as listed below over the years to come, while all hostilities would end.
It was agreed that the leaders of the movement and all others that committed acts of incitement and other crimes by speech would be pardoned. The King firmly stood by the idea that these people who killed, damaged or wounded soldiers or other servants of state should be held responsible. Finally it was agreed that serious culprits (murderers, plunderers, rapists, these that caused heavy bodily harm) would be punished with all harshness of law, while these who caused insignificant harm (like bruises and punches) would be fined. Luckily for them, the fighting on the streets was only riots and protests, with very little death due to the quick responce towards peace for both sides.
(The Committee and Moviemento)
Over the years to come the State Council, presided by the King himself, worked out a number of decrees (as stated below) which were then signed into force. They contained both new wide rights for the Spanish subjects - as well as the limitations of their abuses. The subject matter of the planned decrees were mentioned by the King during his talks with liberals, both before and during the negotiations with Aldecanta, but to take birth they demanded much work both by committees of the State Council and lawyers invited to participate in the process. Due to the peaceful intentions of both sides reforms and order have prevailed over guns.
The decrees hammered out in the compromise are as followed:
The Reformation of the Consultative Assemblies Decree
In order to better the conduction of the legislative process in the Spanish Realm, We decree the following:
I. We would, by a decree, сonvene and dissolve the sessions of the Gran Audiencia, consisting of the State Council and of the Assemblea Reale.
II. We would determines by a decree the length of the annual session of the State Council and of the Assemblea Reale, as well as the interval between the sessions.
III. The State Council shall be comprised of members appointed by Us directly. The Ministers of State ex officio sit in the State Council.
IV. The Assemblea Reale shall be comprised of members nominated by the people of each region of the Spanish Realm every five years according to the provisions of laws and confirmed by Us. The number of the Royal Assemblymen shall be set initially at four-hundred and amended according to the latest census.
V. The total number of appointed members of the State Council cannot exceed the total number of the nominated members of Assemblea Reale.
VI. The State Council examines the credentials of its members. Equally, the Assemblea Reale examines the credentials of its members.
VI. The same person cannot serve simultaneously as a member of the State Council and as a member of the Assemblea Reale.
VII. We can, by a decree, replace the nominated members of the Gran Audiencia with new members before their tenure expires, by holding new nomination procedures.
VIII. The Assemblea Reale and State Council deliberate on any draft bills: 1. Submitted to it by Us, 2. Proposed by the Ministers of State, unless they are directly signed into force or approved by the Crown, 3. Proposed by the members of the Assemblea Reale and the State Council.
IX. All draft bills shall first be examined by the Committees each Body shall elect for preliminary consideration. After a bill is discussed and approved by a Body, it shall be transmitted to the other Body for debate and approval; thereafter, it shall be transmitted to Us for our sanction.
X. Legislative measures that have been rejected either by the State Council or by the Assemblea Reale are considered defeated, unless We choose to sign them into force directly.
XI. Those legislative measures that have been initiated either by the State Council or by the Gran Audiencia [and approved by both], but which have failed to gain Royal approval, cannot be resubmitted for legislative consideration during the same session. Those legislative measures that have been initiated by either the State Council or by the Assemblea Reale and are rejected by either one of these Bodies can be resubmitted for legislative consideration during the same session, provided that We agree to it.
XII. Legislative measures that have been initiated in and approved by the Assemblea Reale and the State Council are submitted by the Chairman of the State Council to Us.
XIII. Eligibility for membership within the Gran Audiencia shall be reserved to subjects who have attained thirty years of age at the day of election and have resided in Spain or Spanish territories for five years, are of Roman Catholic faith, good standing and of monarchist convictions, enjoy civil and political rights, and fulfill other requirements specified by law.
XIV. This is considered a fundamental law of the Realm and can be amended solely by Us.
((Weighted Wealth Voting))
The Decree to Regulate the Press
Preamble: In order to provide a sufficient framework for the regulation of the press, and all publicly-circulated written material, the King has decreed the following:
I. The King grants His subjects the right to nongovernmental press, while the Government reserves the right to regulate the abuses of this right.
II. To facilitate the lawful act of printing the government shall have the power to issue to any organization it so chooses a press license.
II. The government can refuse to grant an individual a press license: 1. If the stated aims of his newspapers are dangerous for the dignity and importance of the Spanish monarchy, the holy institutions of the Christian faith or public morality or the person has been previously known to have had his press license revoked or is under criminal investigation or is sentenced to prison. The decision of the granting authority can be appealed to the courts of justice and the Crown.
III. The press license can be revoked by the government, if the press organ published the materials considered SUBVERSIVE LIBEL to the SECOND DEGREE at least three times, SUBVERSIVE LIBEL OF THE FIRST DEGREE two times or has at least once engaged in acts considered TREASONOUS PRINTING, or the press organ has been censored for lesser offences at least four times.
IV. A person commits the crime of UNLAWFUL PRINTING when he:
a) Intentionally or knowingly prints, sells, or posts any periodical, book, pamphlet, newsletter, or other document of an informative nature intended for public distribution without a press license OR when he intends to do so OR is complicit in doing so
b) UNLAWFUL PRINTING shall be punishable by a fine or imprisonment of up to five (5) years imprisonment
i) The fine shall not exceed ten (10) times the value of the documents printed
ii) For a first offense, the term of imprisonment shall not exceed two (2) years
c) This statute will not be construed to apply to the printing of any document of the Church or any publication issued by the government.
V. A person commits the crime of SUBVERSIVE LIBEL IN THE FIRST DEGREE when he:
a) Intentionally or knowingly prints, sells, or posts any periodical, book, pamphlet, newsletter, or other document of a political nature without a press license OR when he intends to do so OR is complicit in doing so
Intentionally or knowingly prints, sells, or posts any periodical, book, pamphlet, newsletter, or other document that personally insults, libels, or impeaches, accuses, besmirches, or diminishes the dignity of the King or any of the King's Ministers or other high officers of government without their consent
SUBVERSIVE LIBEL IN THE FIRST DEGREE shall be punishable by up to twenty (20) years in prison and a fine
i) The value of the fine shall be paid to the wronged individual, if any, separate from and in addition to any civil damages
ii) For a first offense, the term of imprisonment shall not exceed five (5) years
This statute will not be construed to apply to the printing of any document of the Church, the King or the Royal Family, or any publication issued by the government
VI. A person commits the crime of SUBVERSIVE LIBEL IN THE SECOND DEGREE when he:
a) Negligently or recklessly prints, sells, or posts any periodical, book, pamphlet, newsletter, or other document of a political nature without a press license OR when he intends to do so OR is complicit in doing so
Negligently or recklessly prints, sells, or posts any periodical, book, pamphlet, newsletter, or other document that personally insults, libels, or impeaches, accuses, besmirches, or diminishes the dignity of the King or any of the King's Ministers or other high officers of government without their consent
b) SUBVERSIVE LIBEL IN THE SECOND DEGREE shall be punishable by up to ten (10) years in prison and a fine
i) The value of the fine shall be paid to the wronged individual, if any, separate from and in addition to any civil damages
ii) For a first offense, the term of imprisonment shall not exceed two (2) years
c) This statute will not be construed to apply to the printing of any document of the Church, the King or the Royal Family, or any publication issued by the government
VII. A person commits the crime of TREASONOUS PRINTING when he:
a) Intentionally or knowingly prints, sells, or posts any periodical, book, pamphlet, newsletter, or other document of a political nature that calls for the death of the royal family, the King, any of his ministers, or any high officer of state, or the overthrow of the King or his government, or the giving of aid or comfort to any known traitor, enemy of the state, or enemy nation or individual, or promotes the causes thereof, or advocates the destruction of the state, or advocates any other behavior that is punishable as treasonous
b) TREASONOUS PRINTING shall be punishable by a sentence of death
VIII. Permission shall be granted for written material to be seized by the legal authorities on the following grounds:
a. Objections on grounds of the public safety, namely: incitement to mutiny, rebellion and insurrection against His Majesty's Government and the Kingdom; incitement to public disobedience thereof; incitement to harm His Majesty or remove His lawful powers, the Royal Family, and members of His Majesty's State Council, His Majesty's Government,; and all other incitements to violence.
b. Objections on grounds of confidence, namely: replication of private deliberations by His Majesty's Government and State Council; replication of private correspondence between His Majesty, His Ministers and all His servants, officers and agents, statement insulting for the dignity of His Royal Majesty and the nature of his power.
c. Objections on grounds of obscenity, namely: blasphemy against the Catholic Church; blasphemy against the Christian faith; advocacy of sexual deviancy, depravity and immorality according to common custom.
IX. Published written material subject to the criteria established in Article VIII shall be confiscated by the relevant legal authority, destroyed as necessary, and otherwise withdrawn from circulation. Copies of said written material shall be retained as evidence in charges.
X. Judging on the severity of the offence, the act of writing, printing and publishing such written material as fits the criteria established in Article VIII shall be be punishable either by a fine or a sentence of imprisonment, spanning no longer than ten years, aside from other charges to which the written material may be used in evidence of.
XI. The right of appeal shall be retained by the authors, publishers and distributors of written material accused of being in contravention of this Act, and ultimate interpretation shall rest with the judicial authority and the Crown..
XII. If the press organ wishes to mention the King or any immediate members of his family in its publications, it needs to receive the permission from the Office of the Royal Household.
XIII. This is considered fundamental law of the Realm and can be changed only by the granting authority.
The Decree to Legitimize Public Meetings
In order to end the outdated practices within the organs of udiciary and law enforcement bodies and give His subjects further means to association and cooperation, the King decrees the following:
I. The sole fact of the public meeting is no longer a prosecutable offense.
II. The right to assemble shall not be infringed; however, such rights may be limited when the public safety, public order, and public decency are endangered by certain aims, speeches and actions conducted during the meeting.
III. The public meeting can be dispersed and its participants prosecuted by law, if the aims, actions or speeches during such meeting:
1. Constitute acts of violence or infringement of property rights, incitement to mutiny, rebellion and insurrection against King, Government and the Kingdom; incitement to public disobedience thereof; incitement to harm the King or remove His lawful powers, the Royal Family, and members of His Majesty's State Council, His Majesty's Government; separate certain territories from the Kingdom of Spain and all other incitements to violence and state treason:
2. Constitute acts and speeches that besmirch the dignity of the King or any of the King's Ministers or other high officers of government without their consent, constitute blasphemy or violate public morals.
IV. In order to organize a public meeting whose participants exceed a specific number, its organizers should in advance notify the governing organ of their municipality and the law enforcement of their intentions and get the authorization for the locations where the public meeting would take place and the specific forms of the public meeting. The specific number is set by the dual decree of the local law enforcement organs and the Regional Audience Reale, but cannot be below fifteen people.
V. Public meetings held at different locations, yet united by a) aims, b) planning and/or b) leadership are considered one public meeting.VI. Any public meetings that have a political nature and intend to be organized near the governmental buildings, royal palaces and the military bases, garrisons and armories should, in each separate case, acquire the additional authorization of the governmental organ in question, the Office of the Royal Household and the commanding officer of the military facility.
VII. This is considered a fundamental law of the Realm and can be amended solely by Us.
((Public Meetings are Allowed))
Act to Recognize and Legitimate Political Parties
Wishing for further cooperation of Our subjects and to enable them with the renewed abilities to serve the Throne and Country, We decree the following
I. Political parties shall be permitted to be established in the Kingdom of Spain.
II. A party shall be precluded from establishment if it:
a. Espouses an ethos contrary to the Spanish Monarchy and the Catholic nature of the Kingdom;
b. Incites harm against the Crown, the Royal House, the Government and the officers of the public authorities of the Kingdom;
c. Advocates disobedience to the Crown, the Government and the public authorities of the Kingdom, deprivation of these bodies of their legitimate authority and insults to their dignity;
d. Endorses insurrectionary activity against the Crown, the Government and the public authorities of the Kingdom, hatred and violence towards certain social groups of the Spanish Realm, separation of certain Spanish regions from the body of the Spanish Realm.
IV. As per Article II, the parties that fail the criteria of Article III shall be disbanded.
V. Ultimate interpretation along the lines of Article III shall rest with the Crown. The leaders of the political parties bear personal responsibility before the Crown for following these guidelines.
VI. This is considered a fundamental law of the Realm and can be amended solely by Us.
Somberg and Marschalk have come to a compromise to avoid bloodshed. The compromise enacts the following decrees stated above and their respective in-game reform changes.
For those of you who are confused, here is a TL;DR version:
Establishment (IG) of Prussian Constitutionalism. IC the recognition of the supremacy of the royal power, the parliament works as an organ of the King (the King delegates the legislative authority to elected assemblies), de jure binding the government, but not the establishing authority, the Crown. The following reforms enacted:
- Political Parties: Harassed
- Voter Franchise: Weighted Wealth
- Upper House: Appointed
- Public Meetings: Allowed - With the Provision that certain actions and speeches during the meetings are prohibited (republican propaganda, sacrilege, etc) and they are authorized by the city authorities (so that do not disrupt traffic etc)
- Press Rights: Censored Press
- Voting System: Jefferson Method
- Trade Unions: State Controlled
- Conscription: Two Year Draft
- Immigration Policy: Open Immigration
- Minorities: Limited Minority Rights
I remind all players about the election mechanics. Tomorrow, I shall be playing through a set amount of time to show the length of time needed to enact all these decrees. But for now, the revolution of 1873 has ended peacefully.