Echoes of A New Tomorrow: Life after Revolution in the Commonwealth of Britain

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stnylan

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A thought just occurred to me. With the Stock Market Crash approaching and the imminent fall of the British state, would some European countries that heavily depend on trade with Britain get an even worse economic crisis than in OTL?
That strikes me as being entirely probable.
 

DensleyBlair

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A thought just occurred to me. With the Stock Market Crash approaching and the imminent fall of the British state, would some European countries that heavily depend on trade with Britain get an even worse economic crisis than in OTL?

That strikes me as being entirely probable.

This absolutely strikes me too as being entirely probable. My economic history is severely lacking so I’m largely going to be treating the Depression in ways that don’t mean I have to spend hours researching international trade of the 1930s. But for sure, any mitigating effect the British market had on the situation in Europe IOTL can be considered as good as gone.

With the British economy having already been in the pits for the best part of two years (and arguably some years before that) the Depression is evidently going to take on a different character this time around. I have a basic framework of events, but I’d be absolutely open to input if anyone has any general suggestions about how things might play out at home or in Europe.

____________

And as promised: @LordTempest there is a brand new update waiting for you at the end of page four. :p
 

avalanches

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Hey, I just wanted to drop by and say how much I've been enjoying this timeline; it's been a long time since I've played Paradox games, but this almost makes me want to get back into the swing of things. I hope we get another Hobsbawm update soon, loved that chapter. What's Maxton been getting up to in all this?

On an unrelated note, I found it funny that you mentioned Meadow as an inspiration since I never knew he published stuff over on the Paradox forums - he's got his own publishing firm for alternate history stuff at Sea Lion Press, it would be great to see a well-researched and well-written story like this on the forums over there.
 
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LordTempest

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Working my way through the Mosley updates right now. I have to hand it to you Dens, you've done a marvelous job of capturing the sheer, er, uniqueness of the mind of Mosley.
 

loup99

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Decisive times, in a way knowing the ultimate outcome of the sequence of events makes the whole process of getting to that result far more dramatic and interesting. Or maybe it is just your repeated cliff-hangers throughout the story so far that makes it so interesting to finally get to this moment of revolution. And we still don't have the whole picture of how Mosley, the CPBG and all the different revolutionnary currents are going to interact during and after the revolution itself, so there is that which you are concealing to us too. In this update itself there is of course already an embryo of an alternative to the United Kingdom which is being built, and seeing those actions taking place is already largely revolutionnary on its own.
 

DensleyBlair

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Hey, I just wanted to drop by and say how much I've been enjoying this timeline; it's been a long time since I've played Paradox games, but this almost makes me want to get back into the swing of things. I hope we get another Hobsbawm update soon, loved that chapter. What's Maxton been getting up to in all this?

Hey! Very glad indeed to have you around. This timeline actually stems from the first Victoria play through I did in a very long time, so if the desire to get back into the game is infectious then in some ways I can consider my work done. :)

Hobsbawm is always a fun character and no doubt I'll get him back out for something or other down the line. Maxton too is a gift. He's currently putting his considerable talents to good use as a leading member of Mosley's PLUA. Don't worry: he'll be sticking around for a while.

On an unrelated note, I found it funny that you mentioned Meadow as an inspiration since I never knew he published stuff over on the Paradox forums - he's got his own publishing firm for alternate history stuff at Sea Lion Press, it would be great to see a well-researched and well-written story like this on the forums over there.

It was @LordTempest who first made me aware of the fact that Meadow was involved with Sea Lion Press after I said how much I enjoyed reading Shuffling the Deck a few years ago. I've always liked what I've read of their work and I'd be quite happy to put this timeline on the forums over there in some form at some point.

Thanks for stopping by! Glad to have you around.

Working my way through the Mosley updates right now. I have to hand it to you Dens, you've done a marvelous job of capturing the sheer, er, uniqueness of the mind of Mosley.

A lot of the work was essentially just editing Mosley's own words to fit the TL, but if it's unclear to the untrained eye which parts are Mosley and which parts are my efforts at imitation then I'll happily (?) take the W. Reading his memoirs was certainly an interesting experience. His self-apologist, "let me explain what really happened" act gets quite ugly quite quickly.

Decisive times, in a way knowing the ultimate outcome of the sequence of events makes the whole process of getting to that result far more dramatic and interesting. Or maybe it is just your repeated cliff-hangers throughout the story so far that makes it so interesting to finally get to this moment of revolution.

I've watched La Haine an awful lot over the past year and there's something about the whole "being upfront about how this ends" structure that I just find really effective. Hence why I borrow it at every possible opportunity. :p

And we still don't have the whole picture of how Mosley, the CPBG and all the different revolutionnary currents are going to interact during and after the revolution itself, so there is that which you are concealing to us too. In this update itself there is of course already an embryo of an alternative to the United Kingdom which is being built, and seeing those actions taking place is already largely revolutionnary on its own.

Some of this, truthfully, is me also still working things out. But absolutely there's some big-picture stuff that is still to be revealed. Certainly, the clash of different factions when the dust settles and the revolutionaries realise they don't all think the same way makes for some fun times ahead. (Or so I hope.)

__________________________

Thanks as ever for the comments, ratings and feedback. They continue to be greatly appreciated. :)

I've started in earnest on a handful of updates post-revolution that really start to push the timeline ahead. I've got two weeks ahead with a good amount of time for writing, so with any luck I'll be able to make good progress (provided I don't get too distracted reading Age of Extremes like I did this afternoon...) Depending on how things go I'll look to put the next update out towards the end of the week.

Until then!
 

DensleyBlair

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So I've just been going back through my files and I've found an update which it doesn't look like I ever posted, scheduled to have slotted in between the Mosley chapters. Luckily, it still fits with where we're at now (now you understand the merits of a circuitous narrative arc... :D) and goes into more detail about the improvised workers' state that emerged before the final overthrow of the UK government. I'll put it up later as a bit of a bonus update.

Until then!
 
The In-Between State: Worker Control of Britain during the General Strike (February 1928 – January 1929)

DensleyBlair

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ECHOES%20HEADER.jpg



THE IN-BETWEEN STATE
WORKER CONTROL OF BRITAIN DURING THE GENERAL STRIKE

E. P. THOMPSON

1973



When circumstances came together at the end of the 1920s and offered the working classes of Britain the opportunity to take control of the process of their own emancipation, they were quick to seize upon it. Conscious of their own power more than they had ever been previously in of the history of Britain, working men and women across the country built for themselves unassailable networks of organisation that, in little under two years, enacted the complete victory of the workers over the governing bourgeoisie. This was neither a simple nor a linear process, and at many moments it seemed more than likely that the dominant forces of Capital might have defeated the revolutionary tendency. Yet the combined efforts of the British state were unable to mount any serious threat to the organised working class, and ultimately, as we know, they came to nothing. At no point between 1927 and 1934 could the subdued bourgeois tendency struggle enough to reassert its dominance, and the workers’ state held.


In between these two points, the journey from A to B becomes muddled and murky. The agents engaged in the struggle for class emancipation were numerous and diverse, both in their methods and in their characters. I have written before of the mongrel nature of the structures of power in the Commonwealth, and much of this multiplicity is evident even in the seeds of its germination. Any action by a class of people, the singularity of that class being impossible, will necessarily lead to a rich flowering of potential if the context is suitably fertile. This remains true for both the result and the process. Thus it becomes possible to view the action of the working class during the General Strike not as one unified attempt at self-liberation, but rather as a tapestry of innumerable actions nevertheless engaged in one common struggle.


The fact of this assessment becomes readily apparent when one engages with the character of the revolutionary struggle particularly after the election of the MacDonald government in February 1928. Having endured and survived the existential threat of the Conservative government, the workers faced a different threat from MacDonald, who looked in vain to a programme of reform to subdue the industrial dispute. In government for the first time, Labour’s altogether inadequate response to both the issue of the coal industry in particular, and the state of the working classes more broadly, exposed the reformist approach’s fundamental lack of utility. Hence the upturn around this point in revolutionary discourse emanating from the workers’ movement: if not the elected guardians of the working-class interest, it would have to be the working classes themselves who brought about their emancipation. Lenin’s view of the Labour Party as “a thoroughly bourgeois party … led by reactionaries … which exists to systematically dupe the workers” had been soundly vindicated, and having been vindicated was thus acted upon.


MACDONALD%20WHITE%20TIE.jpg

For many, MacDonald's time in government had succeeded only in pushing him into the firm grip of the upper classes.


Unique after MacDonald’s election with reference to what had come before was the extent to which, for the first time, the trade unionist movement made use of the power of the organised unemployed. This marks the appearance of a novel tactic in the struggle, mobilising those who had no notional power as far as concerned jeopardising the interests of one particular industry (which, for argument’s sake, I take as the immediate methodology of any strike acton). The Communist Party had started to build up a body through which the unemployed might be organised along the lines of a trade union at the start of the decade. This was the National Unemployed Workers’ Movement, set up under the leadership of Wal Hannington, a young toolmaker who had been present as a delegate at the founding of the National Minority Movement. Prior to the strike, the NUWM had experienced some success in 1922 with a hunger march to London, but was not otherwise a mass movement. Unemployment by the time Ramsay MacDonald entered office sat at roughly 1.5 million, or 10 per-cent of the working population. At a time when the largest trade unions could boast membership figures of a quarter of a million or more (the Miners’ Federation had over a million registered members at its peak), before 1928 the NUWM at its height represented around only 100 thousand workers.


This figure escalated dramatically during the General Strike, assisted both by increased working-class consciousness generally, and by the particular circumstances of a large number of job losses during the period 1927–28. In spite of the amnesty issued by MacDonald’s government, mine owners and other bosses were reluctant to take back workers who had been on strike. The government, which had come out strongly against this form of discrimination, declined to back its strong words with action of any kind, and the situation failed to dissipate. Thus unemployment figures from March 1928 onwards were supplemented by considerable numbers of radicalised workers who had been abandoned by their government. Rather than denouncing those left stranded after having attempted to return to work, in a rare moment of intellectual flexibility the CPGB decided to take advantage of the situation and organise these workers into the apparatus of the NUWM, now reconstituted as the National Unemployed Workers’ Committee. By July, Wal Hannington had risen overnight from a marginal figure in the class struggle to become the leader of a movement of 700 thousand highly militant members of the working classes. Unable to effect the shut-down of any one industry in particular, Hannington led his workers in a campaign of mass public disruption. His first coup, orchestrated after the NUWC hit membership of 1 million in early August, was the organisation of a “national congress of action” in Hyde Park, similar to that held by the Minority Movement before the official outbreak of strike action only on a far larger scale. 350 thousand unemployed workers from across the country answered Hannington’s call, and in front of this crowd he motioned that the workers continue to occupy the park “until such time that this government is willing at long last to dispense with its palliatives, and attack the root causes of the injustices suffered by the working people of Britain.” This followed a call made by the TUC leadership at the end of July, timed to coincide with Parliament’s vacation of the Palace of Westminster for the summer, for the workers to take to the streets of London en masse in a show of strength. This campaign reached its climax at the end of August when 100 thousand workers marched into Parliament Square and declared a second occupation, effectively shutting down Whitehall. In both cases, the Metropolitan Police and other forces of order proved unable to deal with the agitation, failing to break up the occupations and arresting only about one thousand men and women throughout July and August. Extra-legal attempts by the Fascisti Q Divisions to “restore order” met with a similar fate, and on 12 August MacDonald was forced to take to the airwaves of the BBC to repudiate fascisti activity. He was ignored by Rotha Lintorn-Orman, who continued to keep Q Divisions stationed around central London throughout the summer.


LINTORN%20ORMAN.jpg

Lintorn-Orman, posing in her official portrait as Q Division commander-in-chief.


Conflict between the combined police forces and the occupying workers was more incendiary away from central London over in the East End, where 21-year-old tradesman and CPGB member Phil Piratin had been leading groups of mainly Jewish workers on sorties against the Fascisti ever since the London Docks Massacre the previous June. The Q Divisions were an odd assortment of generally bourgeois figures, drawn often from the ranks of the officer corps, though in the East End the British Fascisti could count also upon the services of a corps of working-class street fighters. What united these men and women was their motivation, in almost every recorded case based upon one of numerous – yet all equally abhorrent – conspiracy theories involving the ruination of the British Empire by a cabal of Communist Jews. Street fighting was therefore bitter, and the anti-fascists secured a major victory at the end of July by driving the Q Divisions out of Cable Street, the main thoroughfare between Whitechapel and Limehouse. Piratin proved an incredibly capable leader, quickly coming to the notice of the CPGB’s national organising committee as a result of his exploits. While Rotha Lintorn-Orman was making grave public declarations about “eradicating the threat of sedition from the political life of this country”, CPGB military spokesman Tom Wintringham was busy working with Piratin to organise the first of the “workers’ brigades”, a paramilitary force tasked with opposing fascism in all of its forms. Piratin’s Stepney Column was by far the largest, at its height staffed by 6 thousand volunteers.


In addition to the great victories won by the workers’ movement in the capital, the workers’ movement established its control of local government throughout areas of South Wales, Clydeside and the industrial North. Outside of London, policing efforts were increasingly antipathetic; constables often turned a blind eye to the existence of these informal worker economies and political structures, in some cases actively co-operating. While the Metropolitan Police remained vigilant in their actions against the Workers’ Brigades in the East End – removing barricades and so on – in November there was little resistance when workers in Leeds derailed a train and installed road blocks around the city centre. By the start of winter, large areas of Leeds, Hull and Newcastle were under worker control. The TUC National Organising Committee, responsible throughout the strike for the distribution of materials and resources necessary for the maintenance of the strike effort, took on an increasing role as a directing force behind an alternative infrastructure to that commanded by the government in Westminster and Whitehall. Occupations in London and elsewhere were sustained by improvised co-operative movements, food and other sundries provided on the basis of need by the bakers’ union, various clothes-makers’ unions and other similar bodies. The beginnings of a programme of worker control were thus visible even in the last days of the strike, when men and women in key industries returned to work so as to appropriate the means of production for the sustenance of the wider workers’ movement. From an initial situation in May and June 1927, where vital services were kept operative by bourgeois volunteer strike-breakers organised under the auspices of the Organisation for the Maintenance of Supplies, 18 months later a similar situation emerged, only this time at the direction of the workers themselves, sufficiently empowered not only to disrupt the workings of industry but to repurpose its workings for their own ends.


While the political structures of the United Kingdom would subsist for another few months, by the start of winter 1928–29 their redundancy was becoming ever more apparent. Having organised to not only sustain but gradually escalate a mass struggle from summer 1927, now the working classes were able to demonstrate their true power, rendering the bourgeois political class obsolete through radical efforts at self-organisation. By the end of 1928, symbolic victories had been won against Parliament (who had fled from Westminster to Cliveden), the state police (who had been neutralised across the country and who would soon be evicted from London), and even the Crown: King George had taken off for Newfoundland at the end of November, supposedly following his doctor’s orders (documents discovered years later revealed the royal doctor advised the king need only go to Bognor). Thus already present and visible in the final months of the revolution was the operation of the Commonwealth, not in fact a successor state born out of the ruins of the United Kingdom, but a subversive tendency co-extant with the United Kingdom in its final days, representative of the great power of the working classes excluded from an ossified political structure and manifesting itself elsewhere, alternatively. This is the true muddy boundary between the two orders: bourgeois and proletarian, capitalistic and communistic. The latter was always already present in the former, articulated through innumerable relationships forged between newly-conscious members of the working classes, now given the power of manifestation in a revolutionary space.



Edward Palmer Thompson (b. 1924) is an English historian and activist in the Marxist tradition of “history from below”. Since 1969 he has directed the Institute for Social History at the University of Warwick, where is also a Professor of Sociology. The above excerpt is reproduced from his forthcoming book, Lions Rising: A History of the Working Classes in Britain, 1925–1934.
 
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And so does liberty die :)
 

DensleyBlair

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And so does liberty die :)

Not saying that this British revolution is in any way an allegory for other instances of popular movements being hijacked by aristocratic demagogues for their own, anti-democratic ends. But if one just so happened to make the comparison, well… :D

I’ve managed to get a lot of writing done this week (more on that later) and what’s emerging is an idea that the promised land of the Commonwealth, perhaps predictably, is not all that it was made out to be. My great hope is to make sure that the gradual death of liberty is subtle enough to remain compelling without just tripping a switch from utopia to dystopia. There’s a really good literature of dystopia on the boards already, particularly within the KR universe which of course this story sort of parallels. Rather than just rewriting any of those stories, I’m sort of more interested in looking at how things can begin to fall apart without any one maniacal figure necessarily being directly responsible.

____________________

As hinted above, I’ve now got a whole load of updates ready to go. A bit more writing this week and I think I’ll have managed to cover myself for the start of the next academic year, in which case this will be able to run on through till December without hiatus. When I first drafted this scenario, in the back of my mind was the fact it might just have to end up being a summer thing and I’d have to put it on ice come the end of September. Thankfully I’ve sustained enough momentum that my return to AARland can be a bit longer lasting. :)

This being the case, I’ll likely have the next update out towards the end of the week. In the meantime, as ever all feedback is really gratefully received. Thanks to all of you who engage with this on a regular basis. It really is the majority of the fun. :)

Cheers!
 

loup99

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What would be interesting and nicely complement the text in my view would be to have maps over Britain and London to better visualise which areas that fell under early worker control and how it spread. I understand producing such cartography would be difficult, and I'm not sure of any maps of the social composition of the UK at the time are available, but do you have plans to show us some maps in the upcoming updates? It would also be interesting if possible, to get a bit more insight on how local government functions after the Revolution, since it is already been hinted that such structures are coming into existence. But you might already have planned this or have enough work as it is, so see these only as friendly suggestions, the AAR is excellent as it is, and the texts themselves make the story very much lively. :)

Not saying that this British revolution is in any way an allegory for other instances of popular movements being hijacked by aristocratic demagogues for their own, anti-democratic ends. But if one just so happened to make the comparison, well… :D

I’ve managed to get a lot of writing done this week (more on that later) and what’s emerging is an idea that the promised land of the Commonwealth, perhaps predictably, is not all that it was made out to be. My great hope is to make sure that the gradual death of liberty is subtle enough to remain compelling without just tripping a switch from utopia to dystopia. There’s a really good literature of dystopia on the boards already, particularly within the KR universe which of course this story sort of parallels. Rather than just rewriting any of those stories, I’m sort of more interested in looking at how things can begin to fall apart without any one maniacal figure necessarily being directly responsible.
Interesting take, I find it always relevant to get the nuance between loss of liberty and the self-defence against the external threat in any case of revolution. It is easy to both fall into either the trap of painting a quasi-Orwellian authoritarian dictatorship established overnight or exclusively focus on the regime being threatened from the inside and the outside and thus justifying all losses of liberty by that. Reality is far more complex than either of those binary contradicting positions, and the author should also be able to share their distinct perspective(s), so I look forward to see how you narrate this shift. There is also always that conflict between what structures can do vs what impact individuals have.
 

DensleyBlair

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What would be interesting and nicely complement the text in my view would be to have maps over Britain and London to better visualise which areas that fell under early worker control and how it spread. I understand producing such cartography would be difficult, and I'm not sure of any maps of the social composition of the UK at the time are available, but do you have plans to show us some maps in the upcoming updates? It would also be interesting if possible, to get a bit more insight on how local government functions after the Revolution, since it is already been hinted that such structures are coming into existence. But you might already have planned this or have enough work as it is, so see these only as friendly suggestions, the AAR is excellent as it is, and the texts themselves make the story very much lively. :)

I actually have some maps ready to go for the next update, so it's a timely request to put in. I was becoming increasingly conscious of the fact that writing things like "worker control spread out from the East End up to the Northern Circular" probably makes very little sense to people who don't know London.

I've got a piece ready to go looking at the structure of the revolutionary government, which will probably fall in two or three updates time. There are also a handful cultural overviews of the early Commonwealth, as well as an economic piece and some stuff about international relations. But, as I say, I'm always happy to hear what people would like to read more about. :)

Interesting take, I find it always relevant to get the nuance between loss of liberty and the self-defence against the external threat in any case of revolution. It is easy to both fall into either the trap of painting a quasi-Orwellian authoritarian dictatorship established overnight or exclusively focus on the regime being threatened from the inside and the outside and thus justifying all losses of liberty by that. Reality is far more complex than either of those binary contradicting positions, and the author should also be able to share their distinct perspective(s), so I look forward to see how you narrate this shift. There is also always that conflict between what structures can do vs what impact individuals have.

I think this is all very true. Any society usually has what one might call it "utopian" and "dystopian" tendencies, and 1930s Britain is no exception (either ITTL or IOTL). A lot of the class antagonism and anti-semitism and so on that turns up motivating the various sides in this AAR was present in society anyway, and the job of any alternate history project (as I see it) becomes less about inventing underlying currents to push a narrative forward, and more about reconfiguring existing factors in a society to try and see whether there's somewhere else it could have led to. Obviously in this case I've got the gameplay driving the narrative in the first instance, but I always maintain that before simply writing about what the game threw up, my task is always to translate it somehow into something plausible.

Or at least, that's the lofty ideal floating above the simple goal of writing a good AAR. :)
 

loup99

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I actually have some maps ready to go for the next update, so it's a timely request to put in. I was becoming increasingly conscious of the fact that writing things like "worker control spread out from the East End up to the Northern Circular" probably makes very little sense to people who don't know London.
Great to hear! I have personally been to London a few times and read some books, so I have somewhat of a grasp of the basic geography in my head, but it was a while ago now and I do have to admit I have trouble knowing all places without looking them up, and I suppose that someone who has never visited or read up on it would have more trouble. Also I love maps, so there is that too. ;)
I've got a piece ready to go looking at the structure of the revolutionary government, which will probably fall in two or three updates time. There are also a handful cultural overviews of the early Commonwealth, as well as an economic piece and some stuff about international relations. But, as I say, I'm always happy to hear what people would like to read more about. :)
That does mostly cover all the aspects I would imagine for now, I believe. I guess I will see if I have any questions that arise as you publish these updates!
 

avalanches

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Something I'm really interested in reading about (as hinted at by mentioning Maxton) in my first post is what left opposition looks like in the Commonwealth; I can't imagine someone like Mosley and those who would associate with him would be exactly welcoming to vocal criticism of the new order of things.
 

DensleyBlair

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Great to hear! I have personally been to London a few times and read some books, so I have somewhat of a grasp of the basic geography in my head, but it was a while ago now and I do have to admit I have trouble knowing all places without looking them up, and I suppose that someone who has never visited or read up on it would have more trouble. Also I love maps, so there is that too. ;)

That does mostly cover all the aspects I would imagine for now, I believe. I guess I will see if I have any questions that arise as you publish these updates!

Great! I look forward to hearing what you think about the new world, when it comes. :)

Something I'm really interested in reading about (as hinted at by mentioning Maxton) in my first post is what left opposition looks like in the Commonwealth; I can't imagine someone like Mosley and those who would associate with him would be exactly welcoming to vocal criticism of the new order of things.

I have a lot of love for Maxton so for sure he’ll be back in time, as will his relationship with Mosley.

The left opposition is something I can gladly cover in the future. I have a clearer idea of what it looks like from the Fifties on, but I’m certain earlier manifestations exist and it’s just a question of giving it some thought.

Cheers!
 

Wraith11B

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stnylan

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I have a query - which you don't have to answer - just how much of this is satire of current political events? Intentional or otherwise.
 

DensleyBlair

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I haven't read it yet, but apparently the BBC did a special on Sir Oswald Mosley that might be interesting to read... https://www.bbc.com/news/stories-49405924

Mosley turning up in Peaky Blinders? Not a crossover I expected, even if I suppose it makes sense.

Thanks for the link. :)

I have a query - which you don't have to answer - just how much of this is satire of current political events? Intentional or otherwise.

It’s a good question. The simple answer is no. I never conceived this as a direct satire (ie it wasn’t Theresa May who gave me the urge to start up Victoria for the first time in a few years), and I certainly don’t intend to suggest any direct parallel between the characters I portray and the people ruling Britain at the present time. When I responded to your comment above with a remark about aristocrats derailing popular movements for their own ends, it was with tongue fairly firmly in cheek.

That being said, it’s hard to divorce the world I’m working out here from current events IOTL. Thoughts of Johnson and co don’t exactly keep me typing when inspiration dries up. But I would be lying if I said that some of the broader themes explored in this AAR (class relations, crises in capitalism, [anti-]fascism, state brutality, the inefficacy of traditional political structures, and so on) aren’t interesting to me as a writer because of the current situation in our own world. Obviously my writing here is informed to some degree or other by the opinions I hold around these subjects in real life. And certainly a lot of the research I do in the background for this project has relevance to the contemporary situation.

So I suppose I’d say that while I wouldn’t call this satire in any intentional sense, I would definitely hope that like any good alt-history it goes some way towards reflecting critically on the world as we experience it. (All the while trying to remain engaging and entertaining and all the rest.) You are free to make of this what you will, of course. But these are my quick thoughts as an authAAR. :)

__________________

In other news, I’ve completed a couple more updates in the past few days exploring the events that take us up to Mosley’s ascent to power. I’m fairly happy with them, and I’m eager to see how they are received when I eventually post them. (@avalanches will I trust be pleased to know that Hobsbawm features. :))

The next update on the upload schedule is of course the resolution of the Jenkins–Healey debate. I’ll put that up later in the week, so @LordTempest can look forward to finally finding out how Roy puts Denis squarely in his place. :p

Until then!
 

avalanches

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In other news, I’ve completed a couple more updates in the past few days exploring the events that take us up to Mosley’s ascent to power. I’m fairly happy with them, and I’m eager to see how they are received when I eventually post them. (@avalanches will I trust be pleased to know that Hobsbawm features. :))

The next update on the upload schedule is of course the resolution of the Jenkins–Healey debate. I’ll put that up later in the week, so @LordTempest can look forward to finally finding out how Roy puts Denis squarely in his place. :p

Until then!
aaa i'm so excited

Oh, and I didn't pick up on this on my first read, but it was a nice touch to have Benn continue in his career at the alt-BBC instead of entering politics outright - it's the attention to detail that really sets this story apart.
 

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