Well, I do agree that when I said 'constantly', it was a bit of an overstatement. What I really wanted to say is that considering the amount of resources, men, equipment and training used to maintain their army, did their army underperform 'generally' considering their rate of success on the battlefield isn't really that great,sometimes even worst compared other states who had less resources then they do?Well in a sense that goes back to the difference between centralized and horde polities, doesn't it. A centralized state usually loses land following the defeat of a single army (even more so for such a comparatively 'oppressive' state as Byzantium), whereas to wrest control of lands from a horde you basically do have to occupy everything, which generally required resources Byzantium didn't have. I think freedom from Byzantine taxes probably meant that peasants were more than happy to welcome their new masters, in general.
If you're talking about the Bulgar invasion of Moesia in the 7th Century, bear in mind that the Bulgars invaded while the Umayyads were on the verge of destroying the Empire, so I'm not terribly surprised that there wasn't much resistance to their attacks. So when Constantine IV was trying to 'defend' Moesia against the Bulgar invasion, he was in actuality going on the offense against Bulgarian strongpoints in Moesia in order to force them out of the region. The same applies to the Byzantine losses during the reign of Theophilos.
Your point about the constant Byzantine defeats against the Bulgarians is a good point... you'd have expected the guys to have gotten wise to the Bulgarian tactic of 'ambush in mountain passes' sooner. Bear in mind that most of these ambushes occured after the end of a relatively-decent campaign (like Nikephoros I or Basil II), so fatigue and just general discipline breakdown might have contributed to those as well.
We also do have to note that 1) there was a period of around 100 years after Asparukh where Bulgaria didn't do much and was in fact constantly defeated and raided by monarchs such as Constantine V & Nikephoros I (the latter of course resulting in disaster, but it doesn't diminish the fact), 2) when Bulgaria was faced with two-front wars (against the Holy Roman Empire) Byzantium similarly managed to take land from them, and 3) even under its greatest monarchs Bulgaria didn't achieve its goals vs. the Byzantine Empire (which was to take Constantinople).
The short answer is probably that the bad emperors commanding armies were the ones who lost the land. The amount of desertions/defections that Romanos IV sustained during the Manzikert campaign doesn't seem to be an indicator of good generalship to me, and the prevalence of Byzantine armies being 'ambushed' seems to indicate that there was a certain degree of tactical incompetence around at the highest levels.
Curiously enough, it seems that the competent generals were rarely in a hurry to re-annex all lost lands. Constantine V, for example, didn't bother formally annexing Bulgaria; John I didn't bother keeping the Levant when he pushed all the way to Nazareth. Perhaps they were only interested in the plunder; but you could also make an argument that the competent generals were not Alexander-types who wanted to conquer everything, only to keep what was strategically important for the Empire (like the border fortresses/gazi emirates of Tarsus, Melitene and Germanikeia).
I wouldn't put it that way; it's more like the Byzantine army can't be the master of all trades - it has a doctrine tailored to a specific enemy and a specific way of fighting; and anything that doesn't line up with that is likely to go terribly wrong, especially in the hands of incompetents. Training and tactics need time to adapt, and in the course of transition Byzantium generally performed poorly. But then again, so do most nations in that situation.
As an example, the Strategikon, with its emphasis on Roman-esque fortified camps and sources of food and water placed safely in the army's rear, seems to be written more for Sassanid columns (or large Arab armies), rather than the light skirmishing and maneuver of the early Arab invasions. The Tactica of Leo VI was written with the expectation of massive Caliphate armies invading on multiple fronts with the intent of capturing major cities, not for fractured emirates that were content with small-scale raiding with occasional spurts of activity. Praecepta Militaria was written in light of Nikephoros II Phocas' experiences against the gazi emirates on the Anatolian border who raided for booty, not against Turkish hordes who invaded and then stayed.
So in conclusion could Byzantium have done better? Sure. But to say it constantly performed poorly, even with good generals and good armies, is a bit of an overstatement.
About Romanos IV, I don't think he's the brightest Byzantine commander out there, but I don't think he's a bad commander either. He had quite a successful career as a commander in the Danubian region before he became emperor.
At any rate, I got a lot of information here. Thanks folks. Although, I must say that answers from this thread showed me that indeed, the military reputation of the ERE was completely overrated and that it did perform rather poorly despite having superior resources than it's rivals due to a number of factors like it couldn't adapt to different enemies all the time, general incompetence of some of the commanders,centralization causing citizens despise the empire due to heavy tax and thus not actively assisting in resistance against the empire's enemies and sometimes even colluding with them as a result etc
I thought the Bulgar conquest of Moesia only began after Konstantine IV got his arse kicked in the Battle of Ongal, where once again the ERE lost despite outnumbering the Bulgars by a ratio of 2:1......There was only one strong point originally. The thing is though that Byzantium didn't have effective control over the Balkan hinterland for centuries, with the exception of a few fortified points. Constantine's campaign was essentially limited to sailing by the coast. BTW Tervel actually helped during the second siege of Constantinople, so in some way Constantine's failure could be considered a boon in disguise.
That's not really something that the Byzantine armies could have adapted to in any meaningful way. A fortified pass means either trying to force through or going home or starving (depending on which side of the mountain one is). It's even more problematic when a feigned retreat into bad terrain is used during battle, which was also a local favourite. Crusading armies (both passing though and participating in the Fourth Crusade) had difficulty dealing with the same issue as well.
The interregnum and Constantine V's campaigns aren't exactly a point for centralised armies. Essentially he was prevented from achieving much by the border tribal chiefs, while the court nobility in Pliska argued who's to be boss. Ditto for Nikephoros' campaign. Border forces were able to prepare the ground for the army, that was occupied northwards.
As far as the third point goes, capturing Constantinople or dismantling Byzantium was hardly an overall objective of the state, with the exception of a few sovereigns (Simeon being more or less the only one with a holistic plan about it and that possibly evolved from a trade war), just like dismantling Bulgaria or general reconquest was not the general objective of Byzantium, with the exception of a few emperors. Wars were hardly the norm, there were quite a few Bulgarian rulers that were fairly cordial to Byzantium, like the already mentioned Tervel or Peter I. As some historians say we don't really have historical sources for the history of medieval Bulgaria, but for Bulgarian-Byantine wars. Byzantine chronicles are the most voluminous source and those sources usually dealt with the subject only in the case of a war. Wars were usually related to perceived ad hoc opportunities, rather than a constant strategy.
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