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Excerpt from Kings of Eden by Dr. Louis Montaleux, Professor of History at the University of Jerusalem. (2010)

The reign of Baldwin VI began with a swift and decisive focus on continuing the internal improvements that had been started during his regency. These early moves were hampered however as the troubles of the Ottoman-Mamluk war spilled over into the Kingdom's borders. Despite the numerous uprisings of the previous years, Baldwin VI continued to ensure that travel between the two powers remained open and fairly free of obstruction. On the pragmatic side of the equation Jerusalem's Egyptian territories needed access to the port of Alexandria. The severe level of animosity prevented this was formally occurring and thus various Italian merchant families served as the intermediaries to shift goods and resources between Rashid and Alexandria. On the personal side of the equation, the locals still had large and distinct families living in Mamluk territory and blocking travel would only have antagonized the situation further.

With war declared however, tensions were rising in Rashid. For once the locals didn't see Jerusalem as their chief enemy but the Ottomans instead. This shift in focus is a turning point for modern Outremer culture as the people of Jerusalem, despite their varied differences, saw themselves as united against a common enemy in the Ottomans.

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This amicable nature however was short lived. In October of 1537 the Haute Cour (High Court) was formed. The nobility of the kingdom had long been moving their political chess pieces to prevent another gross abuse like the one suffered at the hands of Fulk II. Rebellion was not imminent but Baldwin VI saw the trouble brewing over the horizon. He called to Jerusalem all of his direct vassals as well as representatives from the Italian merchant families operating with royal permission. In exchange for a unified oath of fealty in perpetuity to the crown the Haute Cour was formed. Each landed noble who was a direct vassal of the crown was granted a single vote and the merchants were granted permission to sit in on meetings but not vote. The Haute Cour could only be called by the crown to convene but had to be called within a year of each new monarch's coronation. The Haute Cour couldn't pass any binding legislation itself as that would have been affront to the crown's authority but it did issue petitions to the crown which served as highly suggested legislation.

Baldwin VI also abolished the official positions of the Conseil du Roi that had been instituted during its inception. In their stead he created several new ones that consolidated power.

Constable - In charge of all military matters including the hiring of mercenaries.
Seneschal - In charge of all royal finances and the crown's property/holdings.
Chancellor - In charge of all diplomatic matters.

Of these three new positions the position of Chancellor continued to hold the greatest weight and served as the de facto voice of the crown.

The first Haute Cour convened to conduct actual business in November of 1537 and from there it petitioned Baldwin VI to issue the Conventicle Act that prevented the meeting of non-Catholics in groups larger than five individuals. Baldwin VI approved on the condition that Muslims would still be permitted to conduct daily prayers but services could only be held in designated Mosques and Imams had to be approved by the crown. In addition, each service required the participants to pay a tax to the crown for attendance. This stipulation carried through to the other various faiths and their sects within the kingdom.

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The timing of such a decision was ironic given that Europe itself was engulfed in religious divisions with both Protestant and Reformed movements spreading across the continent.

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By 1540 the Europe that the ancestors of the many Outremer families in Jerusalem had left behind for conquest in the Levant was looking very different.

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Back at home the Ottoman-Mamluk War was looking dire for the Mamluks. The Ottomans, knowing a stout defense of Alexandria would be made and wary of pushing its luck early on by marching through Jerusalem, had landed at the far western reaches of Mamluk territory and marched along the coast much like the Hospitallers had done when taking Jerusalem.

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In March of 1542 the war ended in an Ottoman victory but not the one they had hoped for. The ensuing peace granted them several paltry provinces along the coast but not the coveted city of Alexandria or any of the major provinces along the crucial Nile river.

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The kingdom held a collective sigh of relief with the conclusion of the Ottoman war but many knew that it was only a matter of time before they returned to take what they had been denied from the first war and then Jerusalem would be blocked in on two sides by a vastly superior enemy.
 
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Excerpt from Kings of Eden by Dr. Louis Montaleux, Professor of History at the University of Jerusalem. (2010)

In June of 1544 the economic situation hit a critical mass. The Kingdom's funds were being hoarded in Acre where most of the minting was being done and was becoming the de facto financial capital. Additionally, what coinage that was minted was becoming less and less useful. One of the early outcomes was an increase in regional autonomy with some areas trending back towards a rudimentary barter system. Seneschal DuBois advocated for this short term solution while trying to renogiate the many loans the Kingdom had endured for several decades with the Italian banking houses who had funded the many campaigns of the early Kingdom. Unbeknownst to Seneschal DuBois, the Italians had over-leveraged themselves as well. The Kingdom at the time was one of their primary clients and the Medicis especially had allowed the royal marriages of years past to cloud their decision making in this regard.

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The fallout from the economic situation spilled over into internal issues among several of the noble families with one in particular rising to power and playing a role for years to come. Count Heinrich Schruder's family controlled some of the land in the newly acquired Egyptian provinces and had over time had antagonized his neighboring nobles through shrewd dealings and outright hostility in some cases. His chief rival was the Rousson family who controlled land in Ras Gareb along the Red Sea. The Roussons continued to petition to the Conseil du Roi and Baldwin VI himself seeking assistance. Baldwin VI contended that the issue was petty in his opinion and fearful of the mistakes of his predecessor was unwilling to intervene with a heavy hand in the courtly politics and conflicts of the nobles in the Kingdom. The kettle boiled over in 1546 when Countess Emilia Rousson passed away and the Schruder's claimed, through very suspect documentation, that they were entitled to portions of the estate inheritance. Seeing no other recourse, Emilia's brother Pascal raised arms in revolt against the transgressions. By this time Count Schruder had already played his cards in is favor as his daughter was Baldwin VI's favored mistress and was one of Queen Isabella's ladies-in-waiting in court. Baldwin VI gave Schruder deference in the matter and the revolt was quickly put down with the Schruders gaining more influence, power, and wealth.

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Bad news comes in threes however. In June of 1547 the Ottomans, ever eager to expand their role in the Mediterranean, declared war on the Kingdom of Cyprus. Despite an alliance and several royal marriages over time the Kingdom declined the call to arms from their Cypriot allies. Baldwin VI wisely knew that an engagement at this time with the Ottomans would have meant complete collapse of his Kingdom and saw no reason why the pretenders of Cyprus should be saved. The Kingdom's agents in Cyprus were quickly evacuated and the notion was that while losing Cyprus was a poor outcome, the Kingdom still retained Rhodes as their island bastion in the Mediterranean.

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By this time Baldwin VI was coming into his own as a ruler. As a man he was often calm and collected and was not prone to emotional outbursts. His marriage to Queen Isabella had not produced an heir up to this point but much of that is credited to his private amorous relationships with several ladies of court. It would be hard to say he did not care for his marriage but two miscarriages had left him feeling sexually dejected from Isabella. Outside of these relationships he kept few close friends, mainly childhood companions he had grown up with, but was certainly not introverted from others. He entertained regularly for the benefit of his court and to show off the prowess of the crown. These soirees would often lead to private invitations to particular individuals to join him in discussion and debate. One of these invitees happened to be the Theologian John de Luynes. de Luynes was a farcry from the fire and brimstone attitudes of the Inquisition and believed that the Kingdom's religious salvation lay in compassion and unity. In September of 1547 he was brought on to serve on the Conseil du Roi as a special advisor and his influence exerted itself in the reversal of many of the Inquisition's policies and behaviors. de Luynes advocated to Baldwin VI that he had inherited a paradise on earth and that regardless of faith, his subjects were his flock to be treated fairly, justly, and with forgiveness when appropriate. He also encouraged Baldwin VI and the court to embrace that they were a new people and not beholden to their ancestors. His writings and influence led the Kingdom to begin abandoning the thought that they were French, English, German, or Italian in favor of their new identities as Palestinians, Galileans, and Egyptians. This new humanistic thought came on the heels of the great Renaissance and inspired a new generation to unify as one under the banner of Jerusalem and in defiance of the common enemy, the Turks.

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He was of great solace to Baldwin VI when his cousin Baldwin died on a hunting trip in Oultrejordain on July 11th, 1549. Weeks later Queen Isabella also passed away during her third pregnancy, the baby passing away days later.

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Wracked by grief over the losses, Baldwin VI sought solace in John de Luynes as well as counsel. The perfect candidate for a second wife came in Alseia Schruder, the King's mistress. Politically she was favored as a daughter of a growing noble family. While the King often retired from social gatherings early to read or write, Alseia was the life the party in contrast. She was immensely popular in court and immensely beautiful. The marriage occurred in August of 1549 and was immediately rewarded with the long sought heir that Baldwin VI had yearned for.

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Another reprieve came in 1550 when Genoa began coming apart internally. A part of their internal collapse came from the amount of loans they had given out, one of them being Jerusalem, as well as the loss of manpower at the hands of nations hiring their mercenaries to do their bidding. This meant a large portion of the Kingdom's debts stricken but not all of them.

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Inspired by this rash of good fortune Baldwin VI did not hesitate in honoring the call to arms of their Ethiopian allies in their own Crusade against Hejaz. This was seen was a prime opportunity to right the wrongs of the past as well as to secure more Egyptian territories as the Mamluks would almost certainly come to the aid of their Hejaz allies.

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The first major clash of this campaign for Jerusalem came on March 26, 1552 when Baron Guy de la Mothe sailed the Kingdom's small fleet out into the blue waters of the Mediterranean in hunt of the Mamluk fleet...
 
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The Saint John, flagship of the Kingdom of Jerusalem navy.

"SHIP SPOTTED!" The sailor screamed from the crows nest of the impressive warship as she bobbed in the waves. The Saint John was the flagship of the Jerusalemite navy and her sister ships, all five of them, slowly trailed behind her in a gently line over the waters.

As the call was passed down the rigging to the deck, a soldier clad in a breastplate hurried to the door leading to the commander's cabin and quickly rushed in.

Guy de la Mothe glanced up from the charts in front of him wearing a loose shirt, a sword hitched to his waist.

"My lord, a ship has been spotted. We believe it's them..."

Guy spurred into action at those words and quickly marched out of the cabin, the soldier following behind, out onto the deck and towards the bow. He scaled the stairs of the parapet and winced into the distance. The ship spotted was coming more into view. The Jerusalemites had the wind in their favor and as they crept closer it was becoming clearer that the ship in the distance was not one but two. One was indeed a Mamluk ship while the second was a smaller merchant vessel. From the looks of things it seemed the merchant vessel was being captured. That didn't surprise Guy very much. Ever since they had chased the Mamluks out of Alexandria they had been on the hunt and with no safe harbor for their enemy to return to it would lead to reason that they'd be pirating the trade lanes for supplies.

"Prepare for battle. Give me all the sail you can spare and then some. We cannot let them slip away this time."

The ship burst into a frenzied action with men clearing away the decks for the guns, men ferrying powder to the decks, every inch of sail unfurling, and the priest on board giving prayers and blessings on the men with some pausing when they had the chance to join in. The activity on the flagship quickly signaled for her fellows to join in and the line of six ships prepared to engage.

By now the Mamluk ship knew what was coming towards them and had abandoned their pillaging of the merchant vessel. To Guy's horror he saw flames licking up over the merchant vessel. They were setting it on fire and screams soon echoed over the waters in their shrill cries for salvation.

"Stay on course! We cannot save them. It's a ruse to delay us."

The next moments passed by in eery silence. Every man was acutely aware of his own mortality but the ship's masters continued to bark orders to keep the sailors busy lest they dwell on their fate too much.

As the distance closed they passed by the burning merchant vessel and Guy's eyes remained trained on his enemy. Only once did he glance at the merchant vessel and confirm his suspicions. The Mamluks had locked the crew in the hold as bait...a bait that sadly would not be taken today.

Several hours later...

The din of the battle had been brought to a hush. The Saint John stood defiantly on the waters with rigging dangling from her masts and wind whistling through the tattered holes in her sails. The rhythmic creaking of pumps flushed seawater across the deck and spilled over the sides with a crimson taint. Bodies were dragged to the side as fresh canvas was brought up to repair the sails and begin fashioning into bags for the deceased.

Guy walked across the deck surveying the damage with a slight limp but proud of the work done. For the first time the Jerusalemite navy had engaged in battle on the open seas and had not come up wanting. While their foe, equally battered and bruised, limped away thanks to expert Mamluk seamanship the fight had been decided as a victory for the Jerusalemites. He re-entered his cabin, the stench of the gunpowder clinging to the walls, and sat down exhausted at his table while flipping open the ship's logbook.

March 26 in the year of our Lord 1552
Engaged Mamluks, one vessel.
The saracens rule the seas no more...

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Dear readers, I have been struggling with a good denomonym for the Kingdom of Jerusalem's people. Some thoughts I had were...

Galileans
Palestinians
Levantines
Outremers

Jerusalemites doesn't really roll off the tongue and I wanted a good name to describe the new mash-up culture of the Kingdom. Suggestions or thoughts encouraged.
 
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I think Galileans is a good choice for a national identity. It emphasizes the place, without singling out a specific people of your kingdom (unlike Palestine, levantine, or Egyptian). At the same time it also emphasizes the Kingdom of Jerusalem's Christian identity, and that the holy land is holy because of a particular person (also might give people outside of the city of Jerusalem something to hold on too). I'd think calling your kingdom Galilee or Aramaia would be a good choice for forging a composite identity out of your European nobles and semetic subjects.

Outremur is a good term, but not for a national identity. I would imagine "Outremur" being used by certain nobility to harken back to their illustrious continental heritage, and to differentiate themselves from the up-and-coming local nobility. It sounds like what a subclass of nobles would call themselves like Peninsulares vs Creoles in Latin America, or Mullatres vs Noir in Haiti. Its a very exclusive term that doesn't offer much to the entire country.

Besides why would the Kingdom of Jerusalem resign to calling itself the oversees outskirts. You aren't some dusty island Odysseus got lost on, a new world with nothing but corn and angry locals, or some oversees colony that exists to siphon specie and spice. You are the Kingdom of Jerusalem, keeper of the Holy Land for all faiths. Pilgrims and kings from Cork to Kashgar flock to your lands barefoot, just to catch a glimpse of what your lowly apple merchants can see on their morning route, or to sit by the walls with your beggars. Jerusalem is placed at the center of the world in most medieval maps. Show some pride in the importance of place. England and France are the Outremur, not you!
 
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Good thoughts by all and @wam-mnebu makes a very astute point. I don't think the name of the Kingdom will change. Despite the KoJ now encompassing more than just Jerusalem I think the title signifies that all roads lead to Jerusalem. That being said I do like his thoughts on the term Galileans and I think I'll go with that as the shorthand name for the KoJ's as a whole. Outremer would make more sense if this AAR started in CK2.
 
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Out of curiosity, does the Maronite church factor into your story of Jerusalem at all? Have they been able to prosper alongside of the latin rite, or did all of the acts of uniformity slowly stamp it out and socially quarantine the eastern catholic traditions? I dont know how much of the inquisition's efforts allowed for other rites.

Perhaps Outremur could be used to as a rallying term for those who see John de Lunyes's humanistic reforms as an affront to their own privileges. They, "The Most Noble Chivalric Order of The Rhodesian Colossus of The Holy Knights of the Outremur" could culturally assert themselves as being distinctly European subculture, rail against the court adopting local characters, demand strict adherence to the Latin Rite (as opposed to the more local-friendly Maronite) and the french language in court, and refusal to marry anyone outside of fellow outremurs (or for bonus points someone from Europe or France). As your kingdom centralizes the Outremur could start to unite to assert their own position in the kingdom, and oppose new class of "Galilean" Bedouin, Arab, Egyptian, and Mixed nobles and burghers.

Also thanks for writing this, i started with the ending first, and have been reading up to everything else. You've done a fantastic job of showing the perilous road to a stable kingdom. Its pretty clear the Knights wish to be a more chivalous order than they actually are at times, but there are no delusions about how close they are to annihilation. I really like the explanation of the government in exile, for how the knights formed the kingdom.
 
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