Vincent Julien: Cool. 
And I am trying to keep things somewhat plausible!
XXVIII. The Speaker of the House (1933-34)
"To hell with the Constitution!" - Coleman L. Blease, 12th President of the Confederate States of America
The Democratic Party had controlled Congress for so long that it's lose of the majority almost passed unoticed in the wake of the shock Populist victory. Though still the largest party in both the Senate and the House the Democrats lay like a beached whale across the political landscape, their bulk and might concealing impotence and and fragility. No obvious leaders stood out.
The Whigs on the other hand - though painfully denied a House majority, had much more energy. Texan Whig John Nance Garner, House Minority Leader was much the favourite - as a moderate Whig he could likely secure the votes of moderate Democrats enabling him to become Speaker. In particular the Texocrats - Texan Democrats - though they disliked him personally would be quite prepared to back him as Speaker as the man who stood between Long and their money.
As it was Garner faced fierce opposition from his own party: William B. Bankhead, an Alabaman Whig was somewhat more radical than Garner (who felt the only thing wrong with the Whig Party was that he was not leading it) and ran against the Texan in the House election. In the end Garner managed to gain the title by a fairly close 88 votes in favour, the rest either for Bankhead or diehard conservative Democrats voting for old Prohibitionist Morris Sheppard.
John Nance Garner was both the first Whig Speaker since the 19th century and the first Texan Whig since President Culberson to hold such an important national position. Even if the Party had been out of power for twelve long years - and had at least another six to go - they now finally occupied a position of national influence once more.
In June 1934 the first piece of Long's platform came before the House: the establishment of an old age pension with the beginning qualifying age set at 60. Given that even the most diehard Democrat would have difficulty claiming this as an act of a would be Stalin it was clear that the new President intended to keep his most controversial legislation for the second act.
With the backing of the Populists, the Whigs and a few of the more radical Democrats the pensions went through.
And I am trying to keep things somewhat plausible!
Above: John Nance Garner, Speaker of the Confederate States House of Representatives
XXVIII. The Speaker of the House (1933-34)
"To hell with the Constitution!" - Coleman L. Blease, 12th President of the Confederate States of America
The Democratic Party had controlled Congress for so long that it's lose of the majority almost passed unoticed in the wake of the shock Populist victory. Though still the largest party in both the Senate and the House the Democrats lay like a beached whale across the political landscape, their bulk and might concealing impotence and and fragility. No obvious leaders stood out.
The Whigs on the other hand - though painfully denied a House majority, had much more energy. Texan Whig John Nance Garner, House Minority Leader was much the favourite - as a moderate Whig he could likely secure the votes of moderate Democrats enabling him to become Speaker. In particular the Texocrats - Texan Democrats - though they disliked him personally would be quite prepared to back him as Speaker as the man who stood between Long and their money.
As it was Garner faced fierce opposition from his own party: William B. Bankhead, an Alabaman Whig was somewhat more radical than Garner (who felt the only thing wrong with the Whig Party was that he was not leading it) and ran against the Texan in the House election. In the end Garner managed to gain the title by a fairly close 88 votes in favour, the rest either for Bankhead or diehard conservative Democrats voting for old Prohibitionist Morris Sheppard.
John Nance Garner was both the first Whig Speaker since the 19th century and the first Texan Whig since President Culberson to hold such an important national position. Even if the Party had been out of power for twelve long years - and had at least another six to go - they now finally occupied a position of national influence once more.
In June 1934 the first piece of Long's platform came before the House: the establishment of an old age pension with the beginning qualifying age set at 60. Given that even the most diehard Democrat would have difficulty claiming this as an act of a would be Stalin it was clear that the new President intended to keep his most controversial legislation for the second act.
With the backing of the Populists, the Whigs and a few of the more radical Democrats the pensions went through.
