Chapter Five, Part One 1550-1556—All Pity Choked
Chapter Five, Part One 1550-1556—All Pity Choked
O, pardon me, thou bleeding piece of earth,
That I am meek and gentle with these butchers!
Thou art the ruins of the noblest man
That ever lived in the tide of times.
Woe to the hand that shed this costly blood!
Over thy wounds now do I prophesy,
--- Which, like dumb mouths, do ope their ruby lips,
To beg the voice and utterance of my tongue ---
A curse shall light upon the limbs of men;
Domestic fury and fierce civil strife
Shall cumber all the parts of Italy;
Blood and destruction shall be so in use
And dreadful objects so familiar
That mothers shall but smile when they behold
Their infants quarter'd with the hands of war;
All pity choked with custom of fell deeds:
And Caesar's spirit, ranging for revenge,
With Ate by his side come hot from hell,
Shall in these confines with a monarch's voice
Cry 'Havoc,' and let slip the dogs of war;
That this foul deed shall smell above the earth
With carrion men, groaning for burial.
William Shakespeare (Primary Timeline 1564 - 1616), "Julius Caesar", Act 3 scene 1
From the Collected Journals of Michael, Winter 1556
Four long years it has been since I awoke in my cell for the first time. I tried suicide once, about six months into my sentence. The guards evidently have orders against allowing such things, and while I woke with a splitting headache, it was yet in this body.
After that, I confess that I fell into a melancholy. My mission would have to wait the decades it would take me to die a natural death. It was purest chance that gave me an opportunity and shook me awake from my stupor.
The guards use chalk to scrawl symbols on the walls next to our cell doors. One hash mark might mean that breakfast had been given, an ‘X’ might denote an uncooperative prisoner who bore extra watching, etcetera. One day, a stub of this chalk fell to the floor and rolled into my cell. After some time, I idly reached for it and began to scrawl out a variety of thoughts on the walls of my cell.
A few days later, the prison Priest came to visit and offer services to the Catholic prisoners. Father Jimenez noticed my writing, which by now had become rather florid and encompassed much of the cell in a variety of languages. His interest piqued, he spoke to me at some length, asking me how many languages I was literate in. When I told him, he became quite interested, and offered me a job as his assistant in the prison. Guards and prisoners alike needed someone literate to be able to read their mail to them, and to draft replies. In addition, there were books and hymnals to be copied in plenty.
I took to the task with a will, as it offered me the hope of gleaning some information about the world and the state of the Kingdom from the varied correspondence, as well as access to pen and paper that I could continue my journals.
The news was grim, yet not so bad as I had feared. King Carlos had put the assassins to trial on the grounds of attempted regicide and the murder of Brother Michael Erhardt—a “visiting monk” with whom he had been meeting in the chapel. Under intense questioning, the conspirators yielded numerous names of those who had helped them obtain access to the castle and to smuggle weapons inside. However, while there seemed a clear confluence of beliefs and goals between the Reconquista and the conspirators, no direct link was found. Alcon and his damnable Papist Calatravans had gotten away clean, it seemed.
But not quite. While there was not enough hard evidence to warrant the King moving openly against them, there was certainly enough “circumstantial” evidence to convince the King and some of those he chose to share it with. From the many fragmentary reports I received, it appeared that the King had been quite moved by the attack, and had become more outspoken than ever on the ideals of religious tolerance and a State free from the machinations of the Pope. In some quarters, sympathy for the devilish Reconquista was definitely waning.
This allowed the King a certain freedom of action he might not otherwise have enjoyed, and the canny old politician used it to the hilt. The Reconquista were like a giant pyramid scheme. Their immense wealth and prestige enabled them to attract vast numbers of followers, who themselves added to that wealth and fame. And since by and large they were used on the frontiers of the Kingdom, they could always be portrayed as heroic defenders of the realm, putting down a ruthless and heretic enemy. This increased their prestige even further, as the lands they captured from the enemy multiplied their wealth.
A week after the trials, King Carlos made a public appeal to all of the Catholic military orders to help keep the peace in the Lowlands. As we’d expected, Calvin’s ideas had taken root at last. In January 1550, the Lowlands came ablaze with revolt, treason, and—for some—heresy.
The Orders were bound by honor and faith to defend these Catholic lands that were suddenly in open revolt. The new Pope, Julius III was also forced to publicly endorse this use of the Orders in the service of Catholicism. But these lands were already part of the Kingdom, and had been for many decades. They belonged to established nobility, and their people were Spanish. Suddenly, the Reconquista was brutally slaughtering its own people, in full view of the heartland of the nation and the eyes of Europe. The Order was now locked in a struggle it could not hope to truly win, expending blood and treasure with wanton abandon, with most of their potential new recruits wincing in sympathy for the rebels. And they could expect no reward for their pains, for the land could not be claimed by right of conquest and settlement. No, they were doing this purely for their Catholic ideals.
Over a hundred thousand men flooded the Lowlands in a human tide led by the famed Duque de Alba, all desperate to restore order quickly and get back to their profitable enterprises on the frontier.
Burning Castle
by Aert Van der Neer, 1650
from
Tigertail Virtual Museum
In neighboring Saxony, which had only so recently “taken” Holland from us, they could not get recruits into uniform fast enough to keep up with the rebellions. The Saxons had their fill of rebels by this point, as that spring they annexed Kleves entirely and took Munster from Hessen.
In the strangest and saddest historical footnote to the revolts, a very small band of colonists from the Lowlands rose up with their brethren in the tiny colony of Martinique. By the time this small rebellion was contained, roughly half the original 300 or so colonists were dead.
Through it all, Carlos kept a cool head and a deft touch. In the name of Christian charity and compassion, he declined to use force to break up some of the largest riots in the cities. After putting down numerous small ones, he concentrated most of the units into Friesen and Flanders, with reserves in Luxembourg. One by one, provinces toppled—Holland first, then Zeeland and The Hague. Time and again, massive uprisings in Flanders were allowed to siege and take the city. When the rebel armies moved on, out into the countryside, the Reconquista in bloody battle met them and the cities were taken by storm in equally bloody assault.
In January 1552 there was quite a political crisis. As the revolts in the now mostly Reformed Lowlands continued, our longtime ally England announced her embrace of the Reform movement, breaking all ties with the Catholic Church. Our grand alliance with her, which had withstood so many wars over six decades, came to an abrupt end.
Again, our King was magnificent. His diplomats were quick to point out to King Edward VI that while some of our Reformed provinces were revolting, it was more out of a spirit of emerging nationalism than religious repression. Spain had embraced the Reform movement from the beginning, and several of our holdings in what had been southern France had become bastions of that faith with no ill will. Thus reassured, and with the lavish gift of Spanish funding for a new English fleet of warships to patrol the Channel, Edward happily rejoined the alliance in March.
The signing was none too soon. Our diplomat, Hernan Ayonwatha, son of an Iroquois chief, had barely arrived in Castile with the new treaty when the Lowlands gave a final wracking spasm and birthed the new and proud Dutch nation. The Netherlands, composed of Holland, The Hague, Zeeland, and Friesen declared war on us that April.
From what I have been able to discern, there was no small skullduggery in this. The rebel forces had been a ragtag lot, with little training and slipshod weapons and armor. Virtually overnight, however, the victorious mobs of freedom fighters emerged as a hardened, unified and well-equipped Dutch national army of almost 50,000. If only I had better sources of information I might be able to determine how this was done. One of our many enemies from within or without had surely planted supplies and equipment with the rebels, and given them the training they needed to go from rabble to army.
Once the word had gone out that Spain was otherwise engaged, the jackals came out to feed, disparate in religion and philosophy but united in purpose by their hatred of us. In May the Catholic French alliance declared war, followed in July by a bizarre uber-coalition of Turkey, Poland, Hungary, Ryazan, Bohemia, the Knights, the Papal States and Brandenburg! Of those, Eire disavowed her treaty with the French to stay neutral. Brandenburg, the Knights, and the Papal States disavowed their treaties as well. Eire (and later, the Knights) found a new ally in the Doge of Venice, while the faithless Pope sought refuge in the odd alliance of Portugal and Mysore.
The war around the Netherlands raged hot, with the Duque de Alba’s forces spread thin as they tried to combat the Dutch and retake the fallen garrison of Flanders, which thankfully had not ratified the Articles of Independence that created the Netherlands. While one force kept the Dutch armies busy and another sieged Flanders, the Duque took a third to each Dutch province. One by one, they fell to the Duques repeated assaults—a benefit of our original policy of withholding fortifications to the Lowlands. Barely a year later, in May of 1553, the Dutch were forced to the table, and made to sign away The Hague, Zeeland and Friesen. But the victory was a costly one, as the grand Duque, who should have had many years of service left to his country, was slain leading the final assault on Holland.
On the French front, things progressed smoothly as well. With the Reconquista providing the bulk of our forces in the Lowlands, a large part of the national army had been available to be stationed on peacekeeping duties in the former French holdings. These units were quickly turned against the French, as for the first time our local forces approached parity with theirs. By March of ‘53, Ile de France had fallen and was sacked. Our victorious troops bore away the French navigational charts, which greatly assisted our own mapmakers. The humbled French quickly signed away the heartland provinces of Champagne and Lyonnais, with a token gift of 55 ducats besides.
The war with the Turkish superalliance was not going as smoothly. Egypt had long been the single jewel of the region denied our grasp. Her proud walls withstood numerous assaults, and when she was finally captured the Turks slew the first three diplomats sent to request her, even though by then we had taken several other holdings from them. Finally, with ulterior motives clearly written across his face, the wily old Sultan Suleyman I bade us leave with Egypt and Mekkah both in October of 1553. We could not see the wisdom in this sudden reversal, until a few months later, in January of 1554, when the Turkish superalliance suddenly declared war on Venice and her new ally Eire.
The Turks had the upper hand by far, and pushed their advantages in this war. By the Spring of 1556, they controlled Tyrol and Istria, and the walls of Illyria and Venice were days from breaching. The panicked Doge emptied the treasury and prostrated himself before the Sultan pleading for mercy. Suleyman, still an imposing soldier in his own right after 36 years on the throne, is reported to have said—“This once, you will be spared, by the mercy of Allah and the Ottoman Empire. The next time, we will be coming for you, and there will be no mercy.” And though it cost him a little land, in that moment the Sultan gained new respect and the fear of all of Europe.
With their blood-enemies the Turks occupied looking west, the very next month the Persians unleashed the lions upon their equally hated foes in Oman. The Sultan of Oman had long ago taken Hormouz with a surprise amphibious assault, and that humiliation rankled the Shah of Persia. With the Omani cut out of their traditional alliance with the Turks they were alone and friendless, while the Persians could count on the ready aid of their allies the neighboring Uzbeks. Wave after wave of Persian and Uzbek troops washed across Hormouz, while the brave Omani navy made repeated crossings of the Straits of Hormouz to drop off small guerilla units whose mission seemed to be ranging across Persian territory, burning and playing hell with the Persian supply trains.
After a few months in which victorious Spanish troops were rushed north from Egypt, King Carlos declared war on Persia and the Uzbeks, presumably hoping to expand our sphere of influence in the region and create an even bigger buffer around the Holy Land. In turn, this set off a retaliatory declaration against us by the Palatinat and Hessen, who had stayed neutral towards us all this time, but with whom relations had been drifting ever faster downwards.
That fall there was heavy fighting on both fronts. In August the Uzbeks yielded Elbruz for peace. By October, we were the ones forced to the table, as our local forces—still suffering the loss of the great Duque de Alba—had been humiliated time and again in four separate battles by the smaller and worse equipped Army of the Palatinat. We paid the Electors 250 ducats to end the conflict, wanting to seal a peace and avoid further opportunistic declarations, as we had meanwhile obtained the Persians cession of Lut and Nuyssabin.
At peace once again, Carlos ordered small units of the Reconquista to show the flag in the Caribbean. By the Treaty of Tordesillas, which document the Pope surely regrets and which we had never used, much of the land in the Americas belonged by divine right to Spain. Yet the French had ignored this and planted trading posts all across the Caribbean, in easy distance of our colonial cities. Within a few months, all of them had been reclaimed. And once again, Carlos had hoist the Reconquista by their own petard, using them for their stated mission against their implied one. The French were furious, and le Roi Henri II was supposedly hard pressed to decide whether he was more furious at Spain, the Reconquista, or the Pope!
The trading posts themselves were a small thing, of course, hardly a footnote in our huge economy. But their symbolic value in driving yet another wedge between the Pope and his former beloved allies in France was incalculably vast, and may even have hastened the accession of a new Pope—Paulus IV in 1555.
Meanwhile, construction, exploration, and colonization continued in the face of war. While the Lowlands were ablaze, two goods manufactories were laid down in the Americas, far safer there from rebellion and invasion. Our brave conquistador Lope de Aguirre had finally reached the coast of India in 1555, discovering and helping to colonize the rich but hostile province of Madurai. Numerous colonial expeditions there disappeared without trace as they attempted to reach the interior.
And then there was the political news. In January of ’56, with the spectre of Spanish overlordship looming, the King of Savoy chose foolishly to bend his knee to Henri II of France, cementing their longstanding alliance with an oath of Vassalship. The whispers that this action set off in the European courts had barely died down when two further revelations shocked the world.
Already in his sixties, Agustin Alcon, the aging Duque de Valencia and Grandmaster of the Order of Calatrava, political leader of the Reconquista and confidante to four Popes announced his retirement from most of those offices. His son Diego succeeded him immediately as Duque, and was confirmed Grandmaster of Calatrava a few months later. The elder Alcon was not dead yet, however, and most confidently predicted that he would continue to pull the strings of the Reconquista even with his “official” portfolio gone.
Perhaps it was inspired by Alcon’s decision. Perhaps it was the shock of “Michael’s” death and the pain of waiting six years for him to return. But that September, King Carlos, the man who had for forty years carefully tended and fueled the fire of Spanish glory ignited by his illustrious grandparents abdicated the throne of Greater Spain in favor of his son Felipe, now Felipe II.
As of the last census taken before his abdication, in January of 1555, the Kingdom encompassed 148 capital cities, 65 colonies, and 4 trading posts throughout the world from the Old World to the Americas to Australia to India. When he ascended to the throne in 1516, the Kingdom consisted of “only” 68 capital cities and 22 colonies. Under his glorious stewardship, we had grown from merely a large empire to become perhaps one of the greatest, if not the single largest empire the world had ever seen.
It is perhaps greatly fitting that these two long-time rivals would choose the same moment to pass the torch to the next generation. After all, they came to power at almost the same instant, young men born to a world of possibilities undreamt of in the philosophies of the previous generation. Between them, in the push and pull of their struggles, they shaped a nation and drove it to a greater glory in God’s name and by His Grace. Now it would fall to their sons to determine whether Spain would emerge from the forge as Catholicism’s Sword or its Shield.