The "exotic" of the land of Sushens was not limited, however, to arrows from the ku tree and stone tips. Their land, as follows from brief records in the annals, was famous in the east of Asia for sables and red jasper. There also grew a lochan tree, from the bark of which, after appropriate treatment, the Sushens obtained a fibrous material suitable for spinning and subsequent preparation of threads of material for clothing. However, according to the records in the "Jin Shi", Lochan grew up in the lands of the Sushens only when the ruler of the greatest virtues ascended to the throne in China.
Despite the extreme brevity and succinctness of annalistic texts devoted to the description of the Sushens, their way of life and life is presented in vivid and vibrant paintings. Sushen villages were located in deep valleys among the mountains. Because of the cold winters and hot summers, they had to use two varieties of dwellings. When snow fell and frosts came, families occupied warm dugouts dug in the ground. The deeper the pit was dug for such a building, the more it was considered more honorable. However, only "rich houses" could afford such a thing. Their members built dugouts, descending into which they had to cross nine steps. The center was located in the middle, all the garbage dumped into it. The inhabitants of the dwelling, working or going to bed, occupied places around the hearth.
In the summer, living in stuffy, dug-out dug-out dug-outs during the winter became impossible, so families moved to buildings called "tree nests" in Jin Shi. This translation is apparently incorrect, just as the translation "live in caves", in "pits" or in hollows is incorrect (instead of "live in dugouts"). This implies, apparently, or light houses on stilts, felled from wood, or just huts. The villages of the Sushen did not surround the walls of the fortress type, because, as noted in the annals, the tribes "get along well and do not even attack each other."
The winter clothes of the Sushens were very different from the summer. Strong frosts and winds forced them to put on dresses made of canvas and hair, and to put on fur coats sewn from pork skins from above. Unprotected parts of the body, especially the face, were protected from a cold by several layers of pork fat. When summer heat came, all excess clothing was discarded, and the Sushens walked naked, hiding behind the front and back with a strip of cloth (width - about 64 cm). Therefore, obviously, the possessions of the Sushens sometimes called the country of naked. In order to fully imagine the appearance of the Sushen, one should emphasize such an important ethnographic detail: they braided their hair in braids.
Of exceptional interest are household details of the life of the Sushens. Usually they liked to sit "in a jiju position," that is, squatting with their legs folded, making them look like a foreign fan. When the dried meat was eaten, the piece obtained by each of them was placed between the feet. In the winter season, frozen meat was thawed in a somewhat unexpected way: they sat on it and warmed it with the heat of their body. The Sushens used clay vessels such as tripods, in other words, tripods, which had long since become obsolete in other regions of the Far East, as utensils for cooking food. They included a little more than 4-5 liters of water. The Sushen did not build stoves, but cooked food on open hearths. They took water not from wells, like their neighbors, but, apparently, simply from streams or rivers. Since there was no salt deposit in their country, the Sushens had to make up for its lack in the body by consuming a mash of ash from a certain tree species or fin that had been in the water for a long time. There are no exact indications of this in the sources.
No less interesting are the rather detailed wedding and funeral rites of Sushens. First of all, it should be noted that the women of the tribe enjoyed relative freedom before marriage, which is why the author of Jin Shi mentioned with dissatisfaction the depraved or loose morals of the Sushens. However, he could not fail to note the chastity of married women and how husband and wife cherish each other. The young man who decided to marry took a bird feather and inserted it into the hair of his chosen one. The girl could express her consent to become a wife by leaving a feather in her hair. Then, "according to the rules of courtesy," the man should marry her. The girl was married according to custom. If the proposal did not suit her, the matchmaking ended with the pen being returned to the unlucky groom. In the annals, the severe, ferocious and even evil character of the Sushens is noted. This unflattering characterization is caused not only by their fury in battles with enemies, but mainly by their attitude towards the elderly and the dead. In China, they treated the ancestors with reverence, and the cult of the dead was of great importance in the worldview, so disrespectful attitude to the elderly and indifference to the dead could not but hit the stranger. Indeed, Sushens especially appreciated the strength and courage in their fellow tribesmen, which were fully manifested in people who were in their prime, that is, among the young. The old people, with the harsh, full tribulations of the life of the tribe, presented a burden for why they, as recorded in the Jin Shi, were "neglected." If a person was dying, then the Sushens "did not grieve and were not tormented", "did not grieve and did not sob." However, a careful study of the text "Jin Shi" shows that such a strange indifference to the death of loved ones is not due to the insensibility and heartlessness of sushi. It turns out to cry over the deceased father or mother, wife or husband, as well as a child meant to show their weakness, "lose courage." That is why Sushens had to restrain and hide their feelings. As for men, nobody wants you to be called a "minor" or "deprived of courage." It was especially difficult for a woman: at the death of a child, sadness was, of course, unlimited, but grief tormented her, given the respect of the spouses to each other, and at the death of her husband. It should also be noted that, according to the information of the composition "Taiping Yulan" (chap. 784, section "Eastern foreigners"), she, "widowed, never married again". The funeral ceremonies of the Sushens were as follows: the deceased on the day of death was carried to a remote place where a grave was dug up. The body was placed in a sarcophagus, hammered together from logs or boards, and sank into the pit. Then, a certain number of previously slaughtered pigs were placed on top of the coffin. They were intended, as noted in Jin Shi, as food for the deceased. The rites laid down during the burial were performed “with respect”, although no mourning was carried out. Even the body of a man killed for robbery among his fellow tribesmen was not defiled, but was placed in a coffin and buried in a grave pit. Some additional and important details of the funeral rites of Sushens are contained in Taiping Yulan. This essay specifies the number of pigs that were sacrificed to the deceased. It turns out that when the rich died, up to a thousand (!) Animals were buried, and when the poor died, then up to nine. Besides, filling the grave with earth, the Sushens left outside the end of the rope, which was tied to the coffin. Then it was poured a decoction, probably obtained by cooking pork. Such a rite, apparently connected with feeding the deceased, was performed until the end of the rope began to rot. The record also notes that the rituals associated with the memory of the deceased were not performed at strict intervals.
In conclusion of the description of Sushens, two important episodes from the almost completely forgotten political history of their country should be noted. In addition to the previously described details of the relationship of Eastern foreigners with Zhou and subsequent embassies of sushi to the imperial courts in the post-Khan period of the history of China and its neighboring states in the north, it turns out (in particular, thanks to the entries in the Weizhi) that Han U-di was in vain indignant and issued angry decrees about the lack of embassies of sushi during his reign and in general during the Han era. The northernmost of the eastern foreigners were then in extremely difficult relations with Buyeo, their neighbors in the south and southwest. The influence of Buyeo in the country of Sushens went so far that they had to pay exorbitant "tribute". The oppression of neighbors by 220 became so demeaning and difficult that the Sushens - a freedom-loving and proud people - rebelled, and before 226 the influence of the Buyeo in their lands came to an end. Apparently, it was by this time that such an important event as the formation of a tribal union among the Sushens, headed by the "Great Leader", should be attributed. Consequently, in the first quarter of the third century. the decomposition (not without the influence of neighbors from the south) of the primitive communal system, on the one hand, and the consolidation of Sushen tribes, on the other, limited the power of individual leaders. Logically reasoning, only the Sushen tribes subordinated to the same will and their leaders could resist the influence of the Buyeo, and also successfully repel the subsequent subsequent attempts of the buyeons to subdue them, noted in the Jin Shi.
The second episode is related to the invasion of the Sushen land by the military leader Wang Qi, who was sent in 245 by the commander My Qiu-jiang, who, on the orders of the emperor Ming-di, persecuted sovereign Goguryeo. Wang Qi managed to get "very far" to the shores of the "Great Sea". His troops crossed the territory inhabited by the Wojuy tribes, but then, as already indicated, Wang Qi had to face the Sushen troops. Perhaps his praise about the trampling of Sushen foci really reflects the success of actions in the north, as reported in a record on a stone stele erected on a mountain pass in Jian County (Yalu River basin). However, the episodic military operation could not, of course, lead to any serious consequences, and there can be no doubt that after the departure of the expeditionary force the Sushens continued to dominate the north of the Far East. In this regard, the Khouhan Shu report on the constant predatory attacks by the Sushens on their northern neighbors in the south - Wojuy, or Zhigoulou, deserves attention. The invasions were carried out on ships in the warm season, which is why Wojuy had to hide in the depths of the gorges of the impregnable mountains with the onset of summer. The bold campaigns of the brave warriors of Sushens thrilled the settlements of neighboring tribal unions, first of all, of course, Buyeo and Wojuy. However, the retaliatory military actions did not lead to their reassurance: the Sushens sat safely in hard-to-reach mountain valleys, reflecting the attacks of their neighbors. Judging by separate vague hints, later the Sushens were on friendly terms with Goguryeo, which at that time reached the peak of its power. Perhaps the joint arrival of embassies of Goguryeo and Sushens in China reflects the dependent position of the latter, but it is difficult to say anything definite about their relationship.
Beginning in the IV century, the name "Sushen" disappeared (with the exception of the rarest cases) from the pages of dynastic chronicles and from the sections "Eastern Foreigners". The tribes that inhabited most of the territory of Manchuria, Primorye and Amur Region began to be described in the late Wei era as Yuexi, and in the time of Sui and later as Mohe. Their habitat encompassed the basin of the Nonni, Sungari, Ussuri rivers, as well as the valley of the middle and lower reaches of the river. Cupid, starting from the confluence of the Sungari. A part of the steppe territory of Manchuria was included in the western limits of Yuexi-Mohe. Bei Shi and Sui Shi mentioned lakes with brackish and hard water and salty fumes, due to which the tops, branches and bark of shrubs and trees growing on the banks of water basins were covered with a touch of salt. In Xintang shu, it was noted that salt keys were found there, and the air was hot and clear. There couldn’t be anything like this in the damp and cold lands of Manchuria, therefore, we are talking about steppe spaces located east of Inner Mongolia, where, according to Bei Shi, the Yuexi were adjacent to the Turks, and later to the Khitan, with whom they had continuous collisions. According to the Japanese historian-orientalist Wada Sei, this border zone with nomadic tribes was located somewhere near the modern Lake Chagan-nor. Precisely those places, Western Khitan the border, bypassing the territory of rival Yuexi — powerful Goguryeo, took place in 477 G. Waskom the yard of the famous Embassy of Ilici (his story follows). In the south, the Yuexi for a considerable extent coexisted with Goguryeo, whose lands were located in the north in the Limits previously occupied by the Buyeo tribes, that is, in the strip south of the modern city of Jirin. Wuji neighbors in the south, in the river basin. Tumen-ula, were northern Woju, otherwise called doumolou. Their Yuexi, according to the Bei Shi record, was "always despised." However, the rest of the possessions in the south also enjoyed the favorable attention of the strongest of the "Eastern foreigners." The scope of the southern territories of the Yuexi still included the "large, over three li in width" river. Sumo (Sungari) and the "enriched mountains" of Taibayshan, that is, Changbaishan.
According to Bei Shi and Sui Shi, leopards, tigers, bears and wolves abound in valleys and on the slopes of the sacred Heavenly Mountains, which, however, never attacked humans. Yuexi also did not touch them, and passing through those mountains, before which they trembled with fear, the Yuexi did not even dare to urinate, so as not to defile the shrines. Therefore, they always took special vessels with them on a journey.
To the north-west of the territory occupied by the Yuexi , in the basin of the Upper Amur, Shilka and Argun, Zeya and Bureya rivers, the Mongolian-speaking Shiwei tribes settled, as well as the Tungus, Dideguan and Ulokhou. In the east, the Yuexi lands were limited, like Sushens, to the waters of the "Great Sea", although the sources do not contain any specific information about the coastal tribes. As for the northeast, that is, the river basin. Lower Amur, the islands of Sakhalin and Hokkaido, the Kuril Islands, Kamchatka and Chukotka, a whole group of tribes lived here, which should be emphasized, considering the question of the resettlement of seven separate tribes of the Sui era within the Far East.
Information about the descendants of Sushen-Yulоu and Yuexi to the V century expanded so much that it was already possible to speak of mohe not as a single whole, but as a very specific group of related tribes, which, however, remained independent from each other. In the extreme south of the territory of their settlement, the lands of Limo Mohe (aka Sumo Mohe) and Baishan Mohe were located. Limo owned areas adjacent to the upper basin of the river. Sungari north of Jilin, as well as Baishan - a mountain range located southeast and adjacent to Mudanjiang. It was they who were constantly alarmed by the constant raids on the northern borders of Goguryeo and the descendants of the northern Yuexi - Doumolou, who lived in the valley of the river. Helan (Mudanjian). To the north of Limo, in the area of the modern city of Bodune, where the Nonni and Sungari rivers merge (the latter turns sharply to the northeast), Bodo mohe, otherwise called Gudo mohe, settled. Even further from them to the northeast, near modern Harbin, along the southern banks of the river. Sungari, where one of its most famous right tributaries flows - r. Alchuk, the lands of the Angegu Mohe tribe were located. To the east of the Gudo Mohe, on the banks of the lower reaches and middle reaches of the Sungari and Hurha, that is, north of all the same pre-Doumolou, Fune lived. The tribe of Haoshi mohe (or Gushi mohe) occupied the territory closer to the lower reaches of the river. Sungari, in the area of the modern city of Sanxing (or Jiamusi). The most powerful tribe Heishui mohe settled on the banks of the river. Cupid from the mouth of the river. Sungari and to the mouth of the river Ussuri.
Each of the seven Mohe tribes listed above occupied a strictly defined territory. According to the Tang Shu record, the largest of the tribes owned lands stretching for 300-400 li, and the smallest - 200 li. The population in each mohe tribe can, in part, be judged by the number of warriors they could exhibit. So, according to the Bei Shi, sumo mohe and bodo mohe formed units of 7 thousand "brave warriors", and Baishan mohe - only 3 thousand warriors. However, it remains unknown how many warriors were exhibited by the heishui mohe, who, according to the Sui Shi report, were much superior to the rest of the Mohe tribe in the strength of military units. Despite the relatively small number of warriors of each tribe, together they constituted a significant force, which was not easy to cope with. In any case, the Mohe was fearlessly and continuously disturbed by the desperate raids of the borders of such a powerful state as Goguryeo. The prowess and courage of the mohe cavalry were famous in the east of Asia. During games, hunting and festivities, they honed their skills. According to the entries in “Bei Shi” and “Sui Shi”, in 581, Emperor Wen-di made a strong impression on the dance of mohe ambassadors at a feast given at the court in their honor. The dance was such a lively and believable imitation of a battle that Wen Di, astonished and unable to hide his anxieties, told his close associates: “Between Heaven and Earth there are beings who only think of war! What could be higher than that?” The only thought calmed the shocked emperor in evaluating the warlike dance: the Mohe tribes are "very remote from the Middle State," and "only the sumo and baishan tribes are close."
Mohe tribes, according to the Xintan Shu and Tonghueyao reports, populated not only the r. Sungari and the valley of the middle Amur. From the mouth of the river Ussuri, a kind of center Heishui Mohe, further east along the river Amur began the land of Symo Mohe. Ten days of the journey from them along the same river were the possessions of the Jünli Mohe, and another ten days of sailing lived the Kusho or Jüsho mohe. Those same 10 days to the southeast - and it was possible to get to Moije mohe. The approximate marking of the path down the Amur River from the mouth of the river. Ussuri shows that Symo Mohe lived, apparently, somewhere in the area of lake Bolen and river Gorin, that is, near the modern city of Komsomolsk-on-Amur; Junli mohe - near the city of Mariinsk; Kusho mohe - at the mouth of the river Amur and on Sakhalin Island; Moije Mohe (obviously the same Ainu) - on Hokkaido Island. Apparently, Wada Say is right, who, based on the modern names of the tribes, as well as the picture of the resettlement of the peoples of the Lower Amur in the relatively recent past, as it was presented according to the research of L. Schrenk, compared the names of Shymo with the Tungus tribes of the Samairs, Junli - with the Gilemi (or Gilyaks) of the era of the Golden Empire of the Jurchen and Yuan of the Mongols, that is, with Gilyaks, and Kusho and Moiji with kui and, therefore, with Ainu. If Symo and Junli can be compared to people "dressed in fish skin" from the time of Sushen, as they were described at the turn beginning of the era in the "Shanghai Hai", the Kusho and Moije will just take the place of the mysterious "hairy people", who, according to the same source, lived on the extreme north-eastern borders of Primorye.
Thus, in the V - VII centuries. information about the peoples of the Far East was limited to facts from the life of the tribes who settled along the main river path of the region, that is, the river valley. Sungari, as well as p. Amur and further along the sea route connecting Amur with Sakhalin, Hokkaido, the Kuril Islands, Chukotka and Kamchatka. Hard-to-reach mountain and marshy areas located east of the river. The Sungari (including Primorye) remained a white spot on the geographical and ethnic map of the Far East, since none of the travelers risked entering there. The ethnicity of the tribes living along the Sungari and Amur Rivers seemed very vague for those who collected and included news about them in the chronicles. In fact, given the identical endings of mohe in the names of the tribes from the sources of the river. Sungari and to Hokkaido, you might think that they are all related. However, it is clear that if you can still talk about some kind of kinship between the Mohe Sungari and the heishui mohe (Golds or Nanai) of the Middle Amur with the Tungus-speaking Symo Mohe, then the Paleo-Asians Jünli Mohe, Jüsho Mohe and Moije Mohe (i.e. Gilyaks and Ainu) You cannot join the group of seven mohe tribes of Manchuria and Amur. They differed from each other in language and anthropological characteristics, although there is no information about this in the sources, and what has been said can be confirmed only by retrospective analogies. In this case, the word "Mohe" does not reflect the fact of ethnic kinship, but emphasizes the natural and geographical features of tribal habitats, that is, their resettlement along the valleys of large rivers, in areas abundant in water. No wonder linguists associate the word "mohe" with the Tungus-Manchurian "inhabitants of the rivers." However, there is no reason to doubt the ethnic and linguistic kinship of the Tungus-Manchu tribes, starting from the Limo Mohe upper river Sungari and ending Haoshi and Heishui mohe of its lower reaches, as well as the middle Amur.
The pictures of life and life of Yuexi Mohe, as they are presented in the sources, in many respects resemble information about Yuilou-Sushen. In particular, it is especially important to emphasize that the Yuexi-Mohe language is still characterized in Wei Shu as being "unique" among the languages of Eastern foreigners, mainly belonging to a group of ancient Korean tribes. Previously concluded that the inhabitants of the river basin. The Sungari spoke the language of the Tungus-Manchu group of peoples, confirmed by the name of the ujiji ambassador, Iliji, who visited the courtyard of the Northern Wei emperor Xiao Wen-di. Iliji, as Wada Sei rightly noted, is a Chinese transcription of the Manchu word "eltsin" - "ambassador." Consequently, Yuexi -Mohe, as before the drying of ile, spoke one of the ancient versions of the Tungus-Manchu language.
Of course, special information deserves special attention, which broadens the understanding of the indigenous inhabitants of the inland regions of the Far East. According to Wei Shi, Tan Shu, and Jiutan Shu, Yuexi and Mohe did not know how to build land houses, and on the coastal elevated places of rivers or on the side of the mountain they built semi-underground dwellings, that is, dugouts. To build them, they first dug a pit, then obliquely, with emphasis on each other, set up pillars supporting the "trees" that blocked the pit from above. At the end of construction, wooden structures were covered with earth, as a result of which the dugout looked outside like a domed grave hill, which is noted in the record "Jutan shu". The entrance to the dugout was located not at the side, but at the very top of the dome, from where a ladder with several steps led down. Now the replica of "Jin shi" about nine steps in the most convenient, large and richest houses of sushi becomes clear: then it was a question of domed dugouts with an entrance at the top. A group of such dwellings formed a village, which, according to Wei Shi, was protected by a wall shot down like a dam, that is, a kind of rampart. Life in such dwellings resembling a grave, dark, but reliable and warm, did not, of course, differ in special conveniences. Therefore, it is not by chance that Bei Shi notes that mohe are the most unclean of the eastern foreigners. The stranger was particularly struck by washing his hands and face with urine. With the onset of heat, the Mohe left their winter-smelling dwellings and, as reported in Jiutan Shu, they began a nomadic life: they went to places, especially those vacated by grass and water. "Move, looking for abundance in grass and water" - a phrase that was usually used in the annals when describing the life of nomadic tribes of Central Asia. The same somewhat unexpected formula for Mohe descriptions reveals their semi-nomadic way of life in the summer. Sushens previously obviously adhered to the same principles, since they had to leave the dugouts and move to buildings such as "swallow's nests", which should more correctly be described as a light portable plague, and not a structure on piles, as previously assumed. By winter, the Mohe again returned to their fortified villages.
The economic characteristics of the Sungarian and Central Amur mohe really suggest that they have such a branch of economy as cattle breeding, in particular, horse breeding. However, pig breeding was widely developed (as was the case with dried), which accounted for most of the meat consumed by mohe. The main industry was developed agriculture, which is characterized by the use of a plow, and a pair of horses was used as draft power. All this does not even make it possible to imagine mohe nomads. The majority of the population of Mohe lived settled. They hunted sables in the surrounding taiga and mountains, fished in rivers, plowed the land, pushing the plow forward, sow millet, wheat, rice, soy, and mallow from vegetables. Rice, among other things, was used by mohe to make vodka, for which cereal grains were chewed, and then wine was "brewed" from them. Consuming it, mohe - people of strong build, strong and courageous - never got drunk. A strong addiction and love for raising pigs also testifies to settled sedentaryness. Pig production was the main industry of livestock mohe. They liked to eat pork meat, and fur coats were sewn from the skin of pigs (as well as dried). The richest of the families, apparently representatives of the tribal nobility, owned large herds in which the number of animals reached several hundred heads. Mohe was also bred dogs, from the skins of which fur coats were sewn. Weaving, judging by the addiction of women to canvas, was also an important branch of economic activity. At the same time, horse breeding was also given great importance, since the Mohe warriors could not imagine life without a horse. Suffice it to say that, according to the records in Jiutan Shu, the deceased was put in the grave along with the intentionally killed horse, which he rode during his lifetime. As for the appearance of the mohe, in addition to the mentioned clothes from animal skins and canvas, headdresses, probably ceremonial, looked especially impressive. In the north, according to Tang Shu records, Amur mohe decorated them with feathers from pheasant tails and wild boar fangs, and in the south, Sungarian mohe thrilled enemies with leopard and tiger tails! Mohe's hair, according to Jiutan Shu, was braided into braids, and they hung down from them.
The sources also noted new and unexpected details of the wedding and funeral rites. Regarding the first one, the Bei Shee says: “During marriage, a woman puts on a canvas skirt, a man puts on a pigskin coat, and a leopard tail is stuck on her head ... On the first night of marriage, the groom comes to the bride’s house, takes the bride by the chest, and jealousy ends. If a woman fornication identifies with an outsider man and tell her husband about it, the husband kills his wife, and then, repenting, will certainly kill and said; why do they never commit adultery. "
At burials (as opposed to sushi), the coffin for the deceased was not made of boards or logs. And in general, a grave pit rummaged only if someone died in the spring or summer. The deceased was lowered to the bottom of the grave pit, they placed grave food in front of him, made sacrifices, and then covered him with earth. As mentioned earlier, his dead horse was buried with the deceased man. The mohe lacked special tools for dropping earth into the grave. At the end of the ceremony, a wooden "hut" was built over the burial place, as explained in Wei Shu, so that the rain would not wet the grave. In fact, judging by ethnographic data, the construction of the house over the buried was associated with much more complex religious representations of the mohe, which, however, remained unknown.
The funeral rite looked different if death occurred in autumn or winter. Mohe, according to Wei Shu, used corpses as bait for sable fishing. Sables stole up to the dead and often fell into traps. From here the conclusion should not follow that mohe specially used corpses as bait. Just the autumn and winter funeral rites, apparently, did not provide (for some reason) burial in the ground and was carried out outdoors. Placing snares for the sables around the dead is a side effect.
New information also applies to military equipment Mohe. Their warriors, strong, courageous, skillful and desperately brave, were famous in the Far East. Their bows and arrows, which did not know a mistake, still terrified the neighbors, whom they continuously disturbed by raids. In "Tang Shu" special skill was especially noted, with which the Mohe fought on foot. But even more famous in the battles was the cavalry of the Mohe with her art of fighting in the horse ranks. No wonder the army of Tang China in the struggle for Liaodong was led and led to success, mainly by commanders from the tribal leaders of Mohe. The length of the bow, the main weapon of war and hunting, was reduced and did not exceed one meter in comparison with the Sushen ones. The length of the arrow along with the tip was about 40 cm. However, reducing the bow did not lead to a weakening of its lethal force. The fact is that, as noted in the chronicles, mohe bows were decorated with horn plates. But they, of course, did not serve as decoration, but were intended to increase the elasticity and, consequently, the power of the weapon. Thus, the mohe owned bows of a reinforced type, and therefore reducing their size for ease of use (especially in the saddle) seems to be the most logical explanation for the design innovations. At the same time, the mohe, following the traditions of sushi, did not refuse to use the poison, which smeared the arrowheads. A description of some of the details related to the preparation of the poison has been preserved in Bei Shi. It turns out that he was cooked in a strictly defined time of the year - in the seventh and eighth month of the lunar calendar. To imagine the truly exceptional strength of the poison, it’s enough to say that, with the carelessness of those who cooked it, couples rising above the vessel could kill a person. According to Bei Shi, poison was used to process arrows that were used in hunting birds and animals.
In light of the previously noted changes in the life of the descendants of Sushens - the Mohe, one can also assume significant shifts in the social plan and in the social structure, in particular, the destruction of primitive communal collectives, a more dramatic manifestation of the property differentiation of members of the clan, and the strengthening of the role of the "aristocratic" elite of tribal associations and their leaders. However, the information in the sources concerning such a crucial problem is extremely stingy or is restored by logical conclusions. It can only be noted that the mohe had both rich and poor families. Individual tribes continued to maintain independence from each other. "Ruler", that is, the tribal leader of the mohe, like the sushi, was called the Great Mofo Mandu. The leader’s power was still transferred from father to son, which testifies to the dominance of the patriarchal clan system. The leader reigned supreme over his fellow tribesmen, and in his possession was a fairly significant number of slaves. Slavery, apparently, was of a patriarchal nature. Thus, there is a slowdown in the evolution of society (compared with its neighbors. Goguryeo and even Wojuy). The turbulent events of the political history of the Mohe of the IV-VII centuries, as it is revealed in relations with the Turks, Khitan, Goguryeo and China of the epochs of Wei, Sun and Tan, in all their splendor show how rapidly the significance of the Tungus-Manchu tribes grew in determining the fate of the peoples of the Far East. Their prominent role at crucial moments in major events largely reflected the socio-economic shifts in the mohe tribal society. The process of consolidating previously fragmented and disjointed tribes of the Sungari and Amur river basin, the beginning of which dates back to the early Middle Ages, put on the turn of the day the solution of complex problems of big politics, first of all, the upholding of national independence and independence before the threat of neighbors, mainly Sui, and then Tang Of China. The pages of the political history of the Mohe, as far as they can be restored in connection with the events in Goguryo, cause exceptional interest and deserve the closest attention.
Mohe's political line cannot be denied consistency. In the difficult atmosphere of the mutual struggle of states and tribal associations of the “Eastern foreigners,” they in relations with China became enemies, then again turned into allies, and then again into enemies (Goguryeo, Baekje, Silla, Khitan, Turks). Only the mohe for the most part did not know hesitation. They maintained allied allegiance to their neighbor in the south - Goguryeo - in his struggle with Sui and Tan. For the same reason, they then helped Baekje and Silla.
The victory of Khaojun over Goguryo did not, and could not, lead to the direct annexation of Tan to the southern regions of the Far East, since China at that time did not seem to have sufficient military and economic power to solve such a problem. It was worth starting another explosion of “shocks” and “unrest” in the Celestial Empire, in particular, intensified during the reign of Empresses Wushi and Weisha, as the results of Khaojing’s campaign to the north were nullified. On the territory occupied by the Sunmo Mohe tribes, where a large number of Goguryeo residents fled to escape from the forces of Khaojun, cities surrounded by fortified walls began to rise. In the ruins of Koguryo, the most powerful Balhae state in the Far East soon emerged - a country of high culture and enlightenment, known far beyond its borders. The founder of Balhae was the leader of the Sunmo Mohe, Tsitsik Zhongsyan, who, after the defeat of Goguryeo, immediately expanded his possessions and occupied the area of the Moushan Range. New territorial acquisitions of sunmo mohe followed in 696, when at the same time as the Khitan attacked Northern China, Qiqik Zhongxiang crossed the river with the army. Liaoshui and captured the north-eastern part of the Changboshan ridge. Tang China had no choice but to recognize the fact as a fait accompli. The grandson of Tsitsik Zhongxiang - Wuzhi Da Tuyuy - took the title of emperor. China did not recognize such an event as legal, but to do something real and intervene in the course of events in the Far East was completely powerless. For 228 years, the Bohai state flourished - a worthy heir to the culture and power of Goguryo, as well as the tribal union of the Sungarian mohe.
The fate of the northernmost of the Mohe tribes — the Heishui Mohe — that still settled along the banks of the Amur River from the mouth of the river, was different. Sungari to the mouth of the river Ussuri. Essentially, here, as in the south in the lower reaches of the Sungari near the Sungmo Mohe at the time of their allied relations with Goguryo, while reflecting the Tang aggression, a tribal alliance formed over time. In any case, all Balhae’s attempts to subjugate “prosperous and divided into 16 groups” (tribes?) Heishui mohe did not lead to anything. The Amur mohe created their own army, built palisades on their northern and southern borders, and successfully repelled attempts by Balhae detachments to invade their territory. Fighting Balhae with the northern tribes dragged on for decades. Many times, the Balhae emperors have announced the "final" pacification of the heishui mohe. However, judging by the fact that their leaders sent their embassies to their neighbors, including China, bypassing the mediation of Balhae and “not notifying his masters,” the Amur mohe retained their sovereignty to the end. One can imagine a measure of indignation and at the same time fears of the Balhae emperor U-di, when he learned about the campaign to the south of the next embassy of other neighbors of Balhae in order to attack the borders of the Far Eastern empire.
The period of elevation and special political and military activity of Heishui Mohe dates back to the X century. The territory they controlled at that time included not only the middle Amur basin, but also the upper half of the river. Sungari and probably the valley of the Ussuri and Suifuna rivers. It was then, even before the rise of the Khitan and their attack on Bohai, among the Heishui Mohe, the Nuzhen tribe began to stand out by power. So, for the first time in the sources the name "jurchen" appeared, according to which all Heishui Mohe soon began to be called "nuzhen". During the last decades of the Balhae state, the Jurchen invaded the southern territories on several occasions, and his army, not without considerable effort, repelled the attacks of its northern neighbors. In the light of such facts, there was no question of any “submission” to the heishui mohe or the Jurchen of Balhae. When the Khitan defeated Balhae in 926, the Jurchens, distant descendants of the legendary deserts of southern Manchuria, entered the front line of the struggle for the independence of the peoples of the Far East from the nomads of the Central Asian steppes. The first descriptions of their lands are contained in historical writings of the Song era, as well as in a few surviving reports of those whom fate brought to the far side. Much of what has been written about nature and its climate, which was briefly described on the first page of the essay, is familiar from the sections of the early chronicles, which reported information about Sushen, Yulou, Yuexi and Mohe.
But the most amazing thing was told about the indigenous inhabitants of the country - the Jurchen. Everything in them astonished medieval travelers to alien and distant northern lands - appearance, clothes, hairstyle, food, lifestyle, customs and social life. It was a people of great courage and nobility, extraordinary courage and endurance, freedom and militancy. Chjurzheni, as noted in the sources, are rustic, artless people, brave and ferocious, not knowing the proper price of life and death. They were brave and bold. Each time, going to war, the soldiers put on a multi-layer shell. A vanguard called the "strong army" was sent forward. 'The “flying” cavalry of the Jurchen, like a whirlwind, swept through the river valleys and descended, “as if flying”, from the mountains, terrifying the enemies. The Jurchen warriors patiently endured the hardships of camp life — hunger, thirst, and long and difficult transitions. Rivers did not constitute a barrier to them. To the surprise of the enemies, the Jurchen troops, without stopping and not building bridges and ferries, swam on horses crossed such wide rivers as the Amur and the Yellow River.
Of particular interest was the military tactics of the Jurchen. Ahead of the troops were usually twenty spearmen, the most courageous warriors, who were called "staunch". They, like horses, were covered in armor. They were followed by 50 people, protected by light shells and armed with bows and arrows. The Jurchen army was divided into units of a thousand people, which, in turn, amounted to hundreds, tens and fives. The soldiers were armed with swords, bows and arrows tied to a belt. Each of the unit commanders had their own insignia - a clapper, flag, drum, banner or golden drum. Soldiers at the saddle hung an inscription plate. For the death of a superior commander, all the lower commanders paid with their lives. The Jurchen cavalry burst into the battle formations of the enemy from the rear or flanks; showering them with clouds of arrows that were fired simultaneously. “They fought as if the spirits themselves were fighting,” their rivals on the battlefield usually said. The Jurchen, known in Goryeo, Liao and China as the people "lying and cruel", "warlike and treacherous", considered war the main occupation. The unions of the Jurchen tribes from the earliest period (as far as can be traced by written sources) conducted and defended their own national policies. Military action against neighbors or participation, together with Goryeo or Liao, in wars against one of the parties, when comparing different sources, turned out to be not simple predatory campaigns of wild "barbarians", but often only a forced measure that suppresses the aggressive pursuits of "civilized" neighbors.
In peacetime, the Jurchen lived in villages or fortresses built on high ground or in valleys that block mountain passages. Their dwellings were wooden semi-underground buildings with a door facing southeast. The cold climate of the country made us take care of the maximum warming of the home. It half went into the ground. The door of the half-dugout was insulated with grass or tow, and inside was arranged a complex, but convenient heating system from the central hearth and beds - canans, through which warm smoke and air circulated. At the entrance to the dwelling, fur clothes were discarded, and its inhabitants ate, slept, and did household chores on warm, wide beds. The Jurchen of the western (obviously, steppe) regions often changed the places of their settlements and led, in fact, a semi-nomadic way of life. Instead of a permanent dwelling (such as a half dugout), they built a tent similar to a yurt from leather. She was put in a period of bad weather and rains. They wandered on carts pulled by cows, where all property was placed. The main occupation of this small group of Jurchen tribes was not farming, but cattle breeding.
In severe colds, ordinary members of the clan dressed in woolen clothes and fur coats sewn from the most accessible and inexpensive material - from the skins of horses, cows, pigs, rams and dogs. In cold weather, if the dress or boots were at least a bit loose, then, as noted in the descriptions, the jurchen frosted their fingers and their body cracked from the cold. They also sewed robes made of fish and snake skin. Warm underwear (pants, shirts and stockings) was made from the skins of deer, musk deer and cats. The old national clothes of the jurchen are perfectly adapted for the cold during life and work in the taiga and mountains. At the same time, the clan aristocracy - tribal and clan chieftains, as well as members of their families - wore fur coats from sable, fox and squirrel fur or warm lined silk robes in winter. In addition to fur clothing, white canvas products were widely used. The dress made of white material is the favorite clothing of the Jurchen. The Jurchen women wore a long caftan robe, which, unlike the same type of clothing for men, did not sew on the collar. Earrings of gold, silver and semiprecious stones were hung by the ears. The jurchen men, unlike the Khitan, did not braid their hair in braids, but wore them loose over their shoulders, like the Turks once did. The hair was held in a special case or ring, which the rich made of gold. Strands of hair were intertwined with colored shreds of matter. Noble chjurzheni decorated them with gold and pearls.
Near the village were arable lands and gardens. The main occupation of the majority of the Jurchen tribes is agriculture and truck farming. They also raised horses, cows, sheep, pigs and dogs. In winter and early spring, hunters with a dog went into the taiga, where they deer, deer, elk, bears and fur animals. Deer hunting with the help of a birch bark horn was especially popular among the Jurchen. The animals were hunted down by the trail, and then lured by the horn, imitating the roar of the male. In the summer, especially during the period of the mass fish course, they were engaged in fishing, and in the forest they collected wild fruits, berries and roots.
The favorite food of ordinary Jurchens was a chowder of peas and boiled millet, which was used in a raw form with a seasoning of garlic and raw dog blood. At the birth holidays and on special occasions they drank their own wine. Wine was the favorite drink of the jurchen. It was used when all the guests of the owner of the house who came to him without a special invitation could no longer absorb meat or stew. Sometimes, at official receptions, wine was served before meals. To the sounds of music, guests were surrounded with wine nine times, and "fruit" - pine nuts - was served for a snack. After serving wine, rice porridge and meat dishes were placed on the table. The jurcheni was especially fond of rice broth, which the servants brought in large wooden plates. He was eaten with wooden spoons with long handles. The hostess’s meat was slightly undervalued why, in the opinion of guests from distant countries, his taste was deprived of many qualities and represented something between raw fish meat and raw saiga meat. The meat was also consumed in dried and fried form, sometimes together with vegetables.
Horse racing was considered one of the favorite and most popular sports by the Jurchen. They always attracted a large number of spectators, especially girls and women, who served the competitors by serving them wine. Here, after the competition, dances were held. To the sounds of drums and flutes, the jurchens sang songs reminiscent of partridge singing, treated themselves to wine and discussed the details of the competition, expressing approval of each other. Each of the adult Jurchen was not only a brave warrior, a zealous cultivator and a skilled hunter, but also a jack of all trades. He knew how to build a wooden semi-dugout house for himself, to sew a harness and a temporary tent-tent, to build a cart or a cart on two wheels.
In the new year, the Jurchen worshiped the sun and sacrificed to the "great sky." However, their main religion is shamanism. The shaman was the second after the leader figure in the tribe. In the case of an illness, he acted as a doctor who drove out evil spirits from a sick person and sacrificed a pig or a dog in order to speed up recovery. If the hopes for recovery completely disappeared, then the patient was taken in a cart to one of the mountain valleys farthest from the village and thrown there. Such a patient, who was believed not to leave, despite the shamans' spells, evil spirits, turned into a creature dangerous to his fellow tribesmen, so they tried to get rid of him by all means. The relatives mourned the deceased, then accompanying the burial with “tearful and bloody wires”: the participants in the funeral procession made cuts on the forehead with a knife, and blood from the wounds flowed across the face, mixing with tears. Particularly solemnly buried were the tribal leaders and members of rich and influential families. When buried, they were not limited to simple burial in a grave pit without a coffin. They sacrificed to their beloved servants and maidservants, as well as saddled horses. Both were burned, and the remains were placed in the grave. In addition, for the deceased and his afterlife, the Jurchen sacrificed pigs and dogs, which were also burned. In addition to food, vessels containing drinking were placed in the grave. This whole ceremonial was called "cooking porridge for the deceased."
Solemn and complex ceremonies were accompanied by the wedding of the Jurchen. Wealthy families sent relatives to wed the bride. They were accompanied by a convoy of wagons loaded with drinks and a variety of dishes, and dozens of horses intended for a gift to the bride's parents. In the bride's house, a feast soon began, at which the groom's relatives served. They delivered wine thrice poured into gold, clay or wooden vessels three times, then treated to lard, and at the end they drank tea or milk. After the feast, the participants exchanged gifts. The groom gave the bride's father the opportunity to choose the best of the horses listed for himself, and in return for each horse he took, he gave clothes to his future son-in-law. If both parties were satisfied, then the groom worked in the bride’s house for three years, performing a diverse and hard work. After three years, he took the bride away, in the dowry of which the father singled out slaves and cattle. In the poor strata of Jurchen society, the described rite, of course, was greatly simplified. Moreover, among the people it was not the groom who was looking for the bride, but the bride was looking for the groom. Parents of the poor girl sent her to walk along the roads, singing a song in which she praised the charms of a woman and family life. Thus, she was not hinting that she was looking for a friend. Hearing, if he intends to marry, he led the girl to himself and at the end of a simple marriage ceremony he took him to his parents' house so that they would be aware of the decision made.
By the time of the collision with the Khitan in the X - XI centuries. Jurchen society was a classic example of a primitive communal system. Each tribe occupied a strictly defined territory and was not dependent on neighboring related tribes. Only during times of danger or for especially important military events did they join in an alliance to repel or prevent the actions of the enemy. The Jurchen people elected tribal or tribal leaders at general meetings, but by that time the elections had already turned into a formal act, a relic of the old times, since the power of the leaders by the X-XI centuries. became hereditary. She passed from an older brother to a younger one, and after the death of the last of the brothers, to the sons of an older brother. The leaders were called Bojile ("Bojin" - from the Manchu "Bailey") or Jedushi. They stood at the head of the clans, which numbered from a thousand to several thousand people. The leaders in the early period of the Jurchen history still lacked an organized and centralized apparatus of oppression and robbery of free community members, members of the clan. So, in the sources it is noted that they did not pay in favor of the patrimonial elite of "certain taxes". This does not mean, however, that members of the clan did not at all put at its disposal the fruits of their labor. Just the size of taxes was regulated: they were collected as much as needed.
The survivals of the tribal system and the order of military democracy were especially pronounced during military meetings, when the Jurchen solved important issues of war and peace, alliance with neighbors, and developed military operations and campaigns. The rule was strictly followed that any member of the clan could express an opinion on the issues under discussion without any fear. Such meetings were a kind of popular assembly of equal male warriors. Their leaders and commanders of the tribal union asked for advice, and in response they listened to a wide variety of opinions. Even some time after the formation of the empire, this order remained unshakable. When the Jurchen solved the issue of any important matter, the meeting participants went out into the field, arranged the treats laid out in such cases, outlined a circle with coal and, sitting down, began to express opinions. The first to speak were not the bosses, but the "lower ones." The sovereign listened to "projects" and chose the one that he liked more than others. Interestingly, the one who nominated him was usually appointed as the executor of the selected project. After the meeting, the circle was destroyed so that no one was supposed to hear a human voice, and the enemy did not know about the decision made, and information about it did not go beyond the circle, there was talk. In the analysis of opinions, it was taken into account who submitted it, so that fathers, children, or brothers, "by private affection," do not cover each other. Relations between tribes and individual members of the clan were regulated by the unwritten, but strict laws of the clan system. Blood feud is the first law regulating the relationship between the offended and the offender among the jurchen. It is with these laws and the events associated with it that the history of Wanyan, the ruling family of the Golden Empire, began, as we shall see.
There were lively trade relations between the Jurchen tribes, since in the XI century some of them specialized in the production of certain types of goods. Weapons — swords, arrows, shells, and shields — were in great demand, and not everyone could produce them. Among the Jurchen, the Jiagu tribe was famous - the blacksmiths who readily sold all this. Trade relations were carried out through the direct exchange of one product for another, since the Jurchen appeared later. They lacked such centralized institutions as inns. Therefore, travelers to the country of the Jurchen had to contact the house of the "master" each time, which after long bickering allowed them to spend the night.
The Jurchen were divided into several tribal groups, known under different names. The Khitans, singing a victorious march to the east, faced with the Jurchen Jamps, singled out primarily three large groups, irrespective of their tribal names, but depending on the degree of submission to the Liao Empire. The Khitan emperor Ambagian immediately appreciated the formidable danger that the new opponents posed for Liao. Having defeated Balhae , he took special precautions at the borders with the Jurchen. It is characteristic that Ambagian did not dare to immediately include new lands in his empire, but in 926 created a special buffer state, Dundango, to control the Balhae and Jurchen. His center was first located in Liaoyang, and then he was transferred to Dongjin. It is difficult to establish the boundaries of the new bridgehead for the future warrior in the east, but from the sources it is clear that at least the Jurchen tribes living on the river. Yalu, initially retained complete independence from Goryeo and Liao. Ambagian, believing that the Jurchen, in spite of the measures taken, will begin to produce "riots" on its borders, enticed and resettled several thousand of the most notable and powerful families south of the modern city of Liaoyang and northeast of Xianzhou County. Thus, he divided the forces of the Jurchen and deprived them of the opportunity to unite. These were the Jurzheni who are known in history as the "submissive (shu) nuzhen of the five provinces," or hesukuan. They were dependent on the Khitan and were included in Shimiyuan County. They included 6 tribes. Although the "obedient nuzhen" did not pay tribute to the Khitan, jedushi was appointed to control them (apparently purely formally). In addition, "obedient nuzhen" during the hostilities put up troops for Liao, and a servant to the court of the Khitan emperor. The "Principality" of them was called "Educated" nuzhen).
The second group of Jurchen lived north-east of the Muklen, on lands up to the river. Sungari. The Khitans attributed them to Xianzhou County and the War Horse Ministry (Binmas). The degree of dependence of the second group of Jurchen on Liao is much smaller than that of the "obedient Jurchen." They were not directly part of the Liao Empire, but only "attributed" to one of the districts. But the main thing was that the Khitan could not completely break off the political and economic ties of this group of Jurchen with the main territory of their settlement. Liao’s military command officially allowed it to maintain contact with the bulk of their country. The Khitani made a lot of efforts so that iron, primarily weapons, did not penetrate into the territory "attributed by the Jurchen", as they were panicky afraid of their strengthening. In the country of "ascribed to the Jurchen", tips carved from bone were widely used. The Jurchens of the second group of tribes were not considered either humble or savage. They were also called "yellow-headed", as well as Hoib and Dilin. Khoib, as it seemed to the Khitan, the hair on his temples was yellow, and his eyes were yellow with green pupils. That is why such Jurchens were called "yellow-headed nuzhen."
The third group of Jurchen tribes is the most numerous. They lived "in their native lands" northeast of the Sungari and Nonni rivers. According to written sources, their number exceeded 2.1 million people. According to sources, they are known as "wild nuzhen." Their tribes completely did not obey Liao, as evidenced by at least the fact that they chose tribal leaders themselves. The "wild" Jurchen settled in the Changbaishan Mountains, along the rivers Yalujiang, Khuntunjiang, Alchuk, Lalinhe, Suifun and Amur. Their princedom was called "Wild" nyuzhzhi. In addition, another group of tribes stood out, which was called "nuzhzhi of the East Sea." They populated the coastal regions of the Sea of Japan from the borders of Korea and almost to the middle Amur. "Wild nuzhen" and "nuzhen of the East Sea" (Donghai) just represent those tribal groups of Jurchen who settled in the territory of Russian Primorye, Amur Region and the north of Manchuria.
Each of the groups listed above was divided into tribes. Sources retained the name of some of them. In total, the Jurchen had 72 tribes. Uta and Heshile tribes occupied the northern regions near lake Khanka. Heshile were part of the Ugo tribes that owned the lands of the upper reaches of the river. Sungari and, probably, the entire space between the rivers Ussuri and Sungari. The main part of the middle course of the river Suifun was occupied by the Wazhun tribes. The Zhide tribe settled next to them. The lower course of the river Suifun and the surrounding areas belonged to the Ulugun and Hango tribes. River basin Ussuri was inhabited by the Udigai (or Uche), Hashile and Wanyan tribes (Elan generation). The lower part of the river Ussuri, as well as the middle course of the river Amur belonged to the tribes of the Teli (Zhidianli). In the lower reaches of the Amur, the Jilimi tribes (Gilyak) lived. The mountain and taiga regions of Primorye were populated by "Yegen". Here the inhabitants are apparently Negidal, Oroks, Orochi, Ude, Ulchi. North of the river Amur, along its main channels and in the northern regions of Primorye, was inhabited by a powerful tribal association of Manga (river residents). Like the Gilyaks, they obviously had nothing to do with the Jurchen tribes. The closest neighbors of the Suifun tribes in the south of Primorye are the tribes of the Five rivers (Ushui) or Helan. In the area of the confluence of the Tumen and Huntong (Hunchunhe) rivers, as well as along the course of the Hunchun, Sanchun, Changchun (Gayahe) rivers and along the coast to the river. Suifun settled Ugulan tribes. Their northern neighbors were considered the Uyan and Pucha tribes, which occupied the upper river Chinchun and the area of the Matsilin (Laobelin) ridges, Penniolin and, in part, Changbai Mountain. On the river Xinxian (Buertahe) inhabited the Heshile tribe. To the south of the Heshile and Ugulun tribes along the rivers of the Helan (Hailanhe), Tumen and Ayeke were located the territory of the Wendihen tribe. Further south, an area bordering Korea, was inhabited by two tribes - Pusan and Iligulin. As we will see, the above tribes of Helani and Southern Primorye are closely interconnected by common historical events and destinies.
To the north and north-west of the Penniolin and Changbaishan ranges, the Jurchen tribes of Central Manchuria settled. North of the Qinglin ridge (Changguantsailin), at the headwaters and along the river. Huligaijian (Huerhehe) lived the Ulinda tribes. North of the Hulunishn Mountains (Lalinshan), along the river. Kholun were the tribes of Jiagu and Zhuhu. North of them along the river. Lailu (Lailinhe) was settled by the Usaczha tribe. On the river Alchuk (Anchuhu) and east of it lived the Wanyan tribes. In the interfluve of Mulen (Mulunhe) and Pulumai (Buyamikhe), the tribe Polumu lived. In the river basin Nonni was the land of the Yuexi and Dile tribes. The lower part of the river. The Sungari, as well as, apparently, the entire space between Huntongjiang and Elimenshui occupied by the Wandulushan (Wandashan) ridge, was inhabited by Ugo tribes.
In 926 - 934 years. the sources first appeared the name of the Jurzhen tribes in connection with specific political events. This information (unfortunately, extremely brief) is associated with the attack of the Jurchen tribes in the Dengzhou district. But they are interesting in that they help to reveal the relationship of the Jurchen with the Bohai state. It turns out that the attack on Dengzhou was eliminated by the Balhae, who repeatedly repelled the attacks of the Jurchen, with difficulty driving them away. From this we can conclude that the northeastern lands of the Far East (in particular, Primorye) were not part of the Bohai state, and if to some extent they obeyed it, then only nominally.
The end of the X century. - The period of the radical revolution in the fate of the Jurchen tribes. The aggression of the Khitan in the east put them on the front line of the struggle for independence, face to face with a strong and treacherous enemy. It was now not about helping neighbors repel the attack of the enemy troops, but on their own forces to defend the independence of their country. The enemy has never stood so close to the borders of the land, long since inhabited by the Jurchen and their predecessors, the Mohe tribes. The political situation and the balance of power remained critical and extremely unfavorable for the Jurchen. The state of Korea, the heir to the dynasties that it always supported in repelling the ongoing attempts at interference and aggression by neighbors (especially China), instead of supporting the Jurchen in their struggle against Liao, decided to strike from the rear and capture its old allies, taking advantage of the Khitan’s pressure on the tribes living on the river. Yalu. The short-sighted rulers of Korea, blinded by greatness, overestimated their strength, did not understand what a terrible threat to their country was represented by hordes of Khitan.
The warring parties - the Khitan, the Koreans and the Jurchen - stubbornly accused each other of violating treaties and borders. The Jurchen ambassadors to Song talked about the fact that Koreans constantly provoke Khitan to attack the Jurchen borders. And the ambassadors of Goryeo, in turn, said that the Jurchen were greedy and vile people, and they should not be trusted. Jurzheni, who inhabited the valley of the river. Yalu, caught between two fires. In the west, they had more frequent skirmishes with Khitan, at the same time in the east beyond the river. Yalu Koreans were preparing for a war aimed at tearing away the Jurchen lands. The so-called "wait-and-see attitude" and "caution" with respect to the Khitan of the Korean van, Songjong turned out to be actually a short-sighted policy of a short-sighted strategist, as it was combined with the tactics of "crowding out and subjugating" his neighbors the Jurchen, potential allies in the impending war with Liao. In the early 80's. X century Seongjon, crowding out the Jurchen, expanded its borders in the northwest to the river basin. Yalu. Using the attack of the Khitan on the Jurchen in 983, he orders the construction of a number of fortresses already on the bank of the river. Yalujiang, in the lands of the Jurchen. However, they, abandoned by all allies, found the strength to repel the Khitan attack, and force the Koreans to stop building fortresses on the river. Yalu!
In 985, the Khitan attack on the Jurchen was again repeated. This time they managed to capture temporarily part of the territory along the middle course of the river. Yalu and in the river basin Tongjiang. The mouth of the river. Yalu also fell into the hands of the Khitan, and the Jurchen were in a particularly difficult situation. In 989 and 991 the Khitan again attacked the Jurchen, and they finally managed to gain a foothold on the banks of the Yalu River. They built the fortresses of Weikou, Zhenhua and Laiyuan here and began to prepare for the invasion of Goryeo. It began two years later (in 993), when a huge 800,000-strong army under the leadership of General Xiao Syun-ning crossed the river. Yalu and, capturing the fortress behind the fortress, built by Koreans in the lands of the Jurchen, quickly moved to the south of the country. After the defeat of the Korean army in Ponsan, peace talks began. It is enough to familiarize yourself with the speech of the commander Soha to understand at what price the Koreans wanted to establish peaceful relations with the Khitan. The ambassador said that the land along the river. Yalu enter the possession of Goryeo, that the Jurchen are atrocious and block the way for the Korsets, who are more difficult to pass here than cross the sea. And if Goryeo still has no ties with the Khitan state, then the jurchen (!) Are to blame. Sohi proposed to expel the Jurchen and regain possession, as if lost Goryeo. He intended to build a fortress here to provide communications. Having established friendly relations with the Khitan state, Sohi suggested that the Khitan first take away from the Jurchen the lands they had seized, and then agreed to recognize Liao as overlord of Goryeo.
This speech, which was given out by feudal Korean historiography as an example of diplomatic art, is actually a vivid example that reveals the essence of the policy of Songjong’s court - to get out of a predicament at someone else’s expense. What kind of victory is this if the lands that Sohi unexpectedly considered their own for some reason were still given to the Khitan and, in addition, Goryeo independence of Goryeo turned out to be the Jurchen lands of the northeast, which Sochi captured in 994 - 995. Here, the Koreans built 6 fortresses to protect against possible attacks by the Jurchen, as relations with them remained extremely tense.
All these events led to a change in the Jurchen tactics. To wage war on two fronts, they clearly did not have enough strength. Then they decided to use the troops of the powerful Liao Empire against the state of Goryeo, which turned into the main enemy. While Liao was satisfied mainly with a formal recognition of citizenship, the Koreans pursued a pronounced aggressive policy of total exclusion of the Jurchen from areas that did not belong to Goryeo. The constant skirmishes on the new border, victorious for the Jurchen, forced the Korean court to give strict instructions to the military to refrain from provocations.
The extent to which Goryeo was now striving to establish peaceful relations with the Jurchen is evidenced by subsequent events that broke out in 1010. Taking advantage of the confusion at the royal court, where General Kancho and military commanders Ho Ko-chin and Yuzhidi, who were part of the troops in the north, ruled on their own initiative, without asking the permission of the capital, attacked one of the Jurchen tribes. Their successes were too modest, nevertheless, the Jurchen, not wanting to heat the situation, sent a peaceful embassy with gifts tribe. The brave military, who had truly lost their mind from their exaltation, attacked and killed the embassy members. King Mokjong immediately demoted the generals and executed them. The Jurchen people reported the incident to the Khitan emperor, and his 400,000th army again invaded Goryeo. The formal cause of the war, apart from the Jurchen complaint, was the assassination of King Mokjong by General Kancho. But it is curious that the Khitan now demanded the return of the Jurchen lands with six cities located north of the river. Cheonghongan! A reminder of the Koreans that it was the Khitan who allowed the capture of the Jurchen lands and ousted their tribes from here, the court of Emperor Liao dismissively left unanswered.
The demand for the return of the Jurchen lands of the Khitan was repeated in 1012, 1013, 1015, 1018, 1019. They even captured them for a short time. In the attack of 1012, together with the Khitan, the Jurchen took part. They invaded the river. Yalu and made a genuine devastation of the border areas. The same thing happened in 1013, but Korean General Kim San Yi pushed the Allies back. Apparently convinced of the Khitan’s indecision, the Jurchen in the subsequent attacks no longer participated. After 1019, the Khitan also refused to attack Goryeo, and diplomatic relations were established between the warring parties, and regular exchanges of embassies began. All warring parties avoided the war, despite the fact that friendly relations were sometimes broken. To consolidate the successes and repel possible attacks in the future, the Koreans built in 1033-1044. "Long walls", which, connecting 14 fortresses, stretched more than 500 km: from the mouth of the river. Yalu in the west and to the coast of the sea near the Torepo fortress in the east. The Jurcheni seemed to be convinced that they could not be able to regain their lost positions with fragmented forces, so they stopped the attacks for a while. In 1036, the Jurchen Embassy arrived in Korea with rich gifts. They promised not to attack border areas anymore. There were lively trade links between both sides. The Jurchen began to send furs, horses, arrowheads and spears to Korea, and in return received cattle, fabrics, silver and iron utensils.
However, the fact that the main territorial problems remained unresolved and painful is evidenced by events that occurred 10 years later. In 1047, the Jurchen attacked the Great Wall and border fortresses again. But the forces of the rivals were unequal, and the Jurchen were defeated. The Koreans, pursuing them, invaded the border areas and completely destroyed the enemy settlements. After that, any relationship between Kore and the Jurchen was interrupted for more than half a century. But the lull was misleading: meanwhile, radical changes and shifts were taking place among the Jurchen tribes, which after a relatively short period put them in the ranks of the main political forces that determined the course of historical events in East and Central Asia for a century.
The events described above are fundamentally important because they relate to the resettlement of a number of Jurchen tribes from the area of constant clashes and struggles in the river basin. Yalu to the calmer central areas of Manchuria and the northeastern coastal areas. A particularly prominent role in the subsequent history of the Jurchen was played by the Hanpu and Baoholi tribe, who were considered the ancestors of the future ruling house of the Golden Empire. Their resettlement apparently occurred either somewhere between 983–993, during a particularly fierce struggle between the Jurchen and the Koreans, or, more likely, in the 1920s. X century., During the first clashes of the Jurchen tribes with Liao and the formation of the buffer state of Dundango. The ancestors of the Golden Empire belonged to the same group of "strong families" of the Jurchen, whom Ambagan "lured" and, settling in the south of Laoyang, called "submissive." But, as it turned out, not everyone was "submissive" and obeyed the order of Ambagan.
Hanpu and Baoholi, who belonged to the Shi family, took their tribes to the northwest and northeast. Among the "obedient" six tribes, only their elder brother Agunai with his tribe remained. It is no coincidence that in the famous district of “submissive” Hesuguan Aguda, the founder of the Golden Empire, the Jurchen, found 100 years later the descendant of Agunai, Khushimin, who joined him in the fight against Liao and recalled the distant times when the three brothers went their separate ways! In this regard, the crucial issue of the nationality of the three brothers is being resolved. Are “aliens” their tribes who find themselves in the center of Manchuria and Primorye? No, because Hanpu and Baoholi are not representatives of the Korean, but the Jurchen tribes. It is also improbable that during the period of tense relations between the Jurchen and Koreans, some of the tribes of the latter would dare to "resettle" in the central regions occupied by their enemies. He would be immediately destroyed. The Hanpu and Baoholi are undoubtedly the Jurchen, refugees from the territory, which for many years has become an apple of discord between the Khitan, the Jurchen and the Koreans. Better than anyone among the Wild Nyuzhi tribes, they represented a terrible danger that in the near future threatened the Jurchen people from Liao and Kore. Unity and unity is what could save them. Therefore, it is not accidental that the difficult and painful process of uniting the Jurchen tribes was led by the exiles from Yalu and their descendants from the Wanyan clan.
Thus, somewhere around 926, the time of the creation of Dundango and the capture by the Khitan of six Jurchen tribes, Hanpu and Baoholi moved to new places. The first of them reached the rivers Pukhan and Bukhori and located in the lands adjacent to the Wanyan tribe. Geographically, this place is most beneficial for protection from Koreans and Khitan: it is protected by impenetrable mountains from Koryo and Liaodong. Baoholi went to even more remote and safe places. He settled in the source basin of Ussuri, 500 km from Suifun, in the valley of the river. Yelan (Ussuri), that is, in the territory of Primorye. Strategically, the location of the Baoholi tribe in the central regions of Primorye turned out to be advantageous and eventually became a decisive factor in the upcoming struggle for the unification of the eastern coastal tribes and the repulsion of the Koryo aggression.
New immigrants were met unfriendly. During the negotiations between Hanpu and the leaders of the Wanyan tribe, when relations between aliens and natives of the river were regulated Frightened, his people killed one of the Wanyang people. Peace talks were interrupted, and violent clashes broke out between the tribes. New killings have further heated and confused the situation. After some time, however, the Wanyan tribe, for the sake of ending the hostility, called on Hanpu to become related and unite both tribes. Hanpu agreed and, in order to avoid blood feud during the killings, suggested that the leader of the Wanyan negotiate a reprimand for property and destroy the direct killer, the culprit of strife. The leader of the Wanyan tribe accepted this condition, and Hanpu, as usual exchanged bulls with him, married their sixty-year-old woman, having received her arable land and property as a dowry. The new association took the name Wanyan, since the maternal lineage of the descendants of Hanpu was counted. Since then, the members of the Wanyan house have been divided into two groups: closer to the ruling house (descendants of the ancestors of Hanpu) and more distant (descendants of Baoholi and Agunai).
Thus, Primorye became an area that was inhabited by tribes related to the ruling genus Wanyan. Their ancestor, by analogy with Hanpu, can be considered Baoholi, Hanpu's brother. Their tribe began to be called "Wanyan", but, unlike the Hanpu tribe, it was attributed to the "Elan generation" (by the name of the place of their resettlement). Nothing is known from the early history of the Yelan people. The subsequent mention is related to the struggle of the leaders of the Vanyan tribe for the unification of the Jurchen. In this struggle, Yelan at crucial moments played the role of a faithful and powerful ally of the Wanyans. It is possible that the support of Elani and the advantageous position of the tribe in the struggle for the unification of the tribes is one of the main factors determining the leading role of the Wanyan, and not some other tribe, in the process of consolidation of the Jurchen.
The son of Bahai Suike left the old places of the Wanyan tribe and moved "closer to the sea" to land along the river. Alchuk (a tributary of the Sungari River). Obviously, the movement of the Jurchen, common with “nomadic life and uncertainty in places,” when they searched for land “abundant in grass and water” in summer, caused Liao to pressure and the Koreans to wage war against the Jurchen against Liao in 983–993. Valley of the river Alchuk has become a permanent habitat for Suike and his tribe. Here, over time, not temporary half-dugouts appeared, but capital land houses. Lowlands began to be developed under arable land.
The son of Bahai Suike left the old places of the Wanyan tribe and moved "closer to the sea" to land along the river. Alchuk (a tributary of the Sungari River). Obviously, the movement of the Jurchen, common with “nomadic life and uncertainty in places,” when they searched for land “abundant in grass and water” in summer, caused Liao to pressure and the Koreans to wage war against the Jurchen against Liao in 983–993. Valley of the river Alchuk has become a permanent habitat for Suike and his tribe. Here, over time, not temporary half-dugouts appeared, but capital land houses. Lowlands began to be developed under arable land.
With the coming to power of Shilu, the son of Suike, a new stage in the history of the Jurchen tribes began. His name is usually associated with the beginning of the struggle to create a new "barbaric" state of the northern peoples. The need for the creation of a single tribal union by the Jurchen was dictated by the difficult political situation of that time: Liao and Koryo had just reconciled at the expense of the interests of the Jurchen. The inevitability of the union was also caused by the rapid disintegration and decomposition of the Jurchen tribal system, which was the result of ongoing wars and pressure from neighbors, strengthening the role and power of tribal leaders. In the context of continuous attempts by Liao and Koryo to exert pressure on the Jurchen tribes by directly seizing their territory in Manchuria and Primorye, political independence could be maintained only by uniting hitherto disparate tribal forces and creating a powerful tribal union subordinated to a single leadership not formally, but actually. In such moments of history, which are crucial for the destinies of peoples, outstanding personalities are put forward in the arena of political struggle, capable of not only correctly assessing the situation and outlining the main goal, but also finding enough courage and courage to break down the old orders and management methods illuminated by centuries-old traditions.
Shilu, the man of direct and decisive nature, began the inevitable historical process of consolidation by the Jurchen. First of all, he managed to regulate relations with Liao. It is characteristic that it was in 1010-1019. Liao demanded that Goryeo return the old Jurchen lands in the river basin. Yalu, and the Jurchen cavalry carried out devastating raids on the new border areas captured by the Koreans. Shilu, however, understood that under the separatism of numerous tribal leaders it would not be possible to win the war. The subsequent peaceful relations with Korea and the absence of the Jurchen among the Khitan troops in 1015, 1018-1019. apparently connected with complex internal problems among the Jurchen tribes that arose with new events Shilu. He began by saying that the first of the tribal chiefs of the Wanyan tried to "gradually" introduce "laws and orders", first among relatives, and then among the rest of the nuzhi. Sources do not disclose what was specifically meant by "laws and regulations." It is clear, however, that Shilu, for managing the tribes, first of all, obviously, limited the power, freedom and independence of the leaders of the remaining Jurchen tribes, forcing them to observe the interests of the tribal union as a whole.
Such a violation of the old traditions of the tribal system usually causes a fierce struggle. The point here is not only in ordinary centrifugal forces, when each tribe seeks to maintain independence, but, perhaps, to a large extent, in the period of rapid decomposition of the tribal system, there are always a number of applicants for the main role of the unifier of the tribes. "Laws and orders" Shilu caused outrage in his inner circle. He was not even supported by his father’s tribe, and the Suike brothers tried to kill him. Their rage reached the limit and, "treacherously grabbing" Shila, they intended to bury him alive in the ground. He was saved by his father’s younger brother, Selihu, who addressed the conspirators with an exhortation, and then, with archery shots, dispersed Shila's enemies. The struggle, apparently, ended with the Wanyan recognizing Shila as the leader of the tribal union.
The Khitans, who had previously indifferently observed events in the north, were "alarmed." Most of all the Khitan commanders were "worried", obviously, that Shilu did not want to stop at the stage of formally proclaiming himself the head of the Jurchen tribes. He wanted to subjugate by war those who did not obey his orders. As one would expect, the first (more declarative than the present) tribal association was not strong. Some time after the proclamation of Shilu Taisha, a series of revolts broke out against him, among which the most powerful was the appearance of the "eastern tribes". Despite the brevity of information about Shilu, the story of how the tribes of Primorye and its neighboring territories (Baishan, Qinglin), according to ancient custom, did not want to recognize laws and orders was recorded in the Jin Shi. The old tribal elite of the "eastern tribes" clearly did not want to lose their rights. The chronicle did not preserve the details of Shilu’s struggle with the "rebelled Inguan tribes." It is only known that to pacify them he made a long and difficult campaign to the east, during which he also went to the territory of Primorye ("visited Subin and Yelan").
Shila managed to defeat the rebellious. The main reason for the defeat of the "eastern tribes" was their disunity. After Shilu came to the east, part of the tribes remained loyal to him. He "encouraged" them, and "resisted" ruthlessly smashed. However, the campaign to the east hardly gave the expected results, despite the allegedly brilliant military actions of Shilu and his victory. The return of Shila from the military campaign did not constitute a triumphal march of the winner. On the contrary, it resembled the stampede of the victim defeated commander. The Shil warriors had to make their way to their native places, reflecting the attacks of the "robbers", that is, the "insubordinate", as if "conquered" tribes. When the weary army of Shilu reached the Guli steppe, he became seriously ill. At night, the "robbers" again attacked the "village hut" in which Shilu stayed, and forced him, despite the darkness and illness, to leave the haven and run away. Near Bilajinun Shilu died, but the enemies did not want to leave alone dead. They attacked the tribe and even managed to capture the coffin with Shila, who returned only as a result of the subsequent pursuit of them and the battle. Then Pukhu, the leader of the Jiagu tribe, who “almost caught up” with those who accompanied the leader’s coffin, began the persecution of the remnants of the troops. Only the deception of the witnesses to the retreat, who told Pooh that "if you catch up, you can’t catch up," saved the soldiers from Shame. Pooh stopped the chase. Only then did the fellow tribesmen succeed in interrupting the body of Shilu.
All these facts indicate that Shilu’s policy of rapidly administering “laws and orders” clearly failed, despite Jin Shi’s assertion of “subordinating the entire population.” After all, “laws and orders”, according to the same source, “began to be applied gradually”! Thus, the open attack on the tribal leaders failed. It is remarkable that the main opposition to the Shilu line was made by the leaders of the eastern tribes (including the coastal ones) who lived in Elani and along the river. Suifun. They became the basis in the struggle against the leaders of the Wanyang clan, which, not without reason, were considered usurpers of their rights. This position of the leaders of the coastal tribes, apparently, is also explained by the fact that they were less threatened by Liao, and the Koreans, having fenced off with a wall, were busy at that time with internal affairs related to strengthening the position of the dynasty and protecting the borders from the Khitan. The main reason, however, was that the eastern coastal and mountainous regions of the Far East were too far away from the areas of the most intense military, political and economic life of the Jurchen. New “decomposing” tribal system trends - a catalyst for the pace of natural historical development of the tribes of the north - reached the remote places of the northeast last. Primorye and the neighboring regions of Manchuria and Korea turned into the main "conservative" corner of the old traditions of the tribal nobility of the Jurchen. After death, Shilu began a long and patient siege.
Another, much more flexible policy towards freedom-loving eastern tribes was taken by the son of Shilu - Ugunai (1021-1074). To this he was forced by difficult circumstances. The young, not yet strengthened union of the Jurchen tribes continued to tear apart internal contradictions. The rebellion of one tribe followed the rebellion of another. However, gradually Ugunai subjugated all the tribes lost to Shila. First of all, he drew attention to the rearmament of the army. Her weakness is the main reason for the defeat of Shilu. “By all means and high price,” Ugunai and his brothers purchased from the merchants “neighboring principalities” in exchange for household goods, iron, armor, helmets, and after that the preparation of arrows and bows began. The re-armed, armored Ugunai army "became strong," according to Jin Shi.
To achieve its goals, Ugunai acted not only with the help of the army, but also launched a cunning diplomatic game. The Ulinda tribe, stubbornly not subordinate to it (the Hailan River), led by the talented leader Shisyan, strengthened in an impregnable mountainous region. Direct military attacks did not lead to anything. Then Ugunai complained about the rebellious Shixian to the Liao emperor. During spring hunting, he detained Shisyan, and at the head of the tribe he appointed the well-deserved Ugunai Shisyan Pochzhukan.
The strengthening of the Wanyan tribe led to the fact that the Jurchen tribes captured by the Khitan began to run across to the side of the "wild nuzhzhi". They sought protection from the harassment of Liao. The Khitan tried to force them back, but they did not want to return again. So, the tribes of tele and uhe, whom the Khitans intended to "resettle", came to submit to Ugunay. Liao commanders Ligna and Halu approached the borders, intending to invade the territory of Ugunai to return the fugitives. Wagonai in negotiations with Linyu and Halu frightened them with unrest that might have occurred among the tribes if the Khitan troops invaded deep into the territory of the tribal union. In fact, he was more concerned about the opportunity to find out the Khitan’s roads “through mountains and rivers” and attack the tribe he led. Therefore, Ugunai volunteered to hand over the defectors to the Khitan, to which the latter immediately agreed.
The second time Ugunai rendered Liao service, when Baimyn, the leader of one of the ugo-pune tribes, rebelled and blocked the Falcon Road. Ugunai advised the Khitan Ambassador Tungai, who arrived with a decree, to act with cunning, because otherwise Baimyn might occupy the mountain passages with troops. Having friendly relations with Baimyn, Ugunai obtained hostages from his children and wife, and then handed them over to the Khitan emperor. Daojun on this occasion arranged a feast to which Wugong was invited. He was presented with gifts, granted the title and proclaimed leader of all the wild tribes and tribes. Taozong, appropriating a new title to Wugunai, of course, simply fixed the true state of affairs already existing at that time in the Jurchen tribal union. Otherwise, the title of zedushi remained an empty phrase. But the emperor’s policy was to pretend that it was not the efforts of Wugong that led him to exaltation, but the highest mercy of Dao Tzu. From this point of view, the emperor’s attempt to hand the seal to Wugun here should be considered. But Ugunai perfectly understood the meaning of such “mercy”: to accept a seal meant to recognize vassal dependence! Therefore, he diplomatically refused her. The emperor, however, was persistent and after a while sent a special ambassador with the task of handing the seal. Ugunai again had to resort to tricks: at the tribal council, the leaders decided to tell the ambassador that if his mission ends with such an act, then Ugunay will be killed. The ambassador with the seal came back and transferred the threats to the emperor. The naive diplomatic game, clear, it seems, from the very beginning of each of the parties, ended, however, with the victory of Ugunai.
The compiler of the official history of the Jurchen, summing up the leaders' rule before the formation of the empire, it was not without reason that Ugunai made a special merit that he did not accept the seal from Liao, as a result of which he did not fall into Liao citizenship. The documents did not even record a formal vassality that allowed the future Liao emperor to intervene in the internal affairs of the Jurchen tribes. Only a person strong enough and independent could afford not to accept an insidious “gift”. So, the relations of Daojing and Wugong are, in essence, the relations of two sovereign sovereigns, although the first tried to play a patron from himself, and the second, in cases favorable to him, benefited from "patronage", strengthening his tribal union even more. Each of the “services” of Ugun Liao was beneficial to him primarily, since it included new allies in the orbit of the tribal association. The disobedience of the Liao tribes is a sign of withdrawal from submission to Wugunai. The Khitans, without suspecting it, were building up the strength of their future adversary by exerting too much effort for formal acts of recognition of their dominance in Manchuria. It should be borne in mind that Ugunai, of course, was well aware of the danger posed by the "protection" of the Khitan. Therefore, taking favors, he still built forty kilometers from the river. Sungari fortress, just opposite Binzhou - Khitan stronghold aimed at the Jurchen. Cast away, if he did not want to ruin the work begun by his father, involuntarily limited the struggle to one front. Therefore, he directed the main efforts [69] to, without raising Liao's suspicions and subtly using them in his own interests, to pacify the ugo tribes subordinate to him. The last of these clashes occurred two years before the death of Ugunay, in 1072, when the nun tribe rebelled and again interrupted the message on the Falcon Road. Ugunay, wearing double armor, made an army against the leader Seepujin and completely defeated him. Returning, he was suddenly ambushed. He had to day and night repel the attacks, until, finally, he managed to break through the units of See and return to his native lands.
As for the policy regarding the eastern tribes, Ugunai, apparently, was limited to formal expressions of their humility. Jin Shi reports that tribal leaders came to him from Helani. Ugunai wrote down the date, their last name and first name and immediately sent to return to their homeland. Probably, the procedure for declaring the humility of the eastern tribes and its consequences for Shilu was different, because the chronicler, approving the policy of Ugunai, wrote that people therefore believed in him and easily obeyed. Thanks to a delicate and flexible policy, Ugunay managed to "gradually subjugate" the eastern tribes (Yehui, Ugulun, Tunmin) without bloodshed. "Everyone obeyed his orders," the Jin Shi noted. But especially important events for the fate of the eastern tribes, as well as the tribal association of the Jurchen in general, occurred as a result of contact between the Vanyan tribes of Central Manchuria and the Vanyan Elani tribe, that is, Primorye.
In Elani, during the reign of Ugunai, the Vanyan of the Elan generation was ruled by Zhilihai, the fourth grandson of Baoholi. Since Hanpu for a long time, these "distant relatives" of the Wanyan leaders did not maintain ties with the main Wanyan family, who lived on the river. Alchuk. Contact was first restored, probably after a trip to Shilu in Primorye. But the relations became especially close under Ugunai. Interestingly, it was during his reign that Zhilihai sent his ambassador Miaosun to r. Alchuk with the desire to establish relations with a sister state. Wugunai met Miaosun with great respect. He remained at his court for one year, and Wugunai fed and watered him all this time. After a year, Miaosun returned to Yelan. The established contacts have not been interrupted since then. Ugunai took great care of Primorye. When there was a famine in Elani, he sent a batch of horses and bulls to help Zhilihai. Having restored almost forgotten family ties with the Vanyan tribes of Primorye, Ugunai acquired in the east a reliable ally in the struggle for the unification of the Jurchen.
The timeliness of Ugunai’s measures appeared in Goryeo after being replaced by nineteen-year-old Helibo (1074-1092). Under the young leader of the Jurchen tribes, the union experienced especially great difficulties. The period of the reign of Helibo was a continuous chain of battles with the leaders of the tribes, striving for independence or hegemony in the union, at the same time it was time to unite related and neighboring tribes of the Vanyan and significantly strengthen the unity of the union. The fate of the unity of the Jurchen tribal union hung more than once in the balance. At the very beginning of Helibo’s reign, Ugunai’s stepbrother Bahai, becoming the head of a large number of tribes (including the ruling clan), was the first to begin the struggle for domination of the “wild nyuzhi” tribal union. Halibo’s conciliatory position did not reach the goal, and he had to enter into open war with formidable opposition.
On the side of Bahei, Uchun, Huannan, Sanda, Buhei, Sagu, Beinai and other leaders came forward. The forces were clearly not equal, which did not stop, however, Halibo’s determination to march with the troops. He divided his troops into two parts. One of them, led by Polashu, marched against Huannan, Sand and Uchun, and Helibo himself went to the settlements of the Huannan and Sand tribes. The first clash of Polash with the rebels was unsuccessful - his troops were defeated. Continuous rains and ice forced Wuqun to leave the battlefield. However, Polash lost the battle again in the next clash with Hannan and Sanda. But, fortunately, Helibo succeeded in planning an attack on the defenseless settlements of Huannan and Sand: he burned their homes, killed about a hundred people (including the old leader Zhubao) and, returning, connected with the remnants of the Polashu detachments. Helibo's talented, well-designed operation did not reach the goal. He had to “express grief” before Polash about the defeat of the troops and ask for peace from Huannan and Sand.
However, Halibo did not accept their conditions, and the opponents again, having gathered many tribes, began to squeeze his army. Halibo took decisive action. In the name of saving the leadership of the tribal association, he ventured to send Polasha to Liao to ask for help. None of his predecessors, jealously guarding independence, resorted to such extreme measures, but never before had direct descendants of the ruling family been in such a desperate situation as Halibo. Moreover, before a decisive battle near the river. Fearing defeat, he ordered his brother Inge not to participate in the battle, and in the event of his death, to ride in Liao to Polash and transfer permission to accept the seal and letter of the emperor, that is, formally enter into citizenship. It follows that Halibo’s position remained really difficult.
In a battle near the waters of the river. Podotu Helibo used his favorite tactic - a strike from the rear. It was inflicted by Uncle Helibo - Tsibushi. Among the opponents were supporters of Helibo from the tribe of the beam, who, on his advice, only quarreled with him “for the sake of appearance”. By the time of the battle, it also became known that the opposition leader, Balhae, had died, and the new tribal alliance was left without a leader. All this taken together, as well as the desperate courage in the battle of Halibo and his soldiers brought him victory. The troops of Hunnan and Sanda, defeated to pieces, pursued the Wanyans from Abuvan to the Beilai Plain. They captured rich trophies - herds of horses and cows, military armor, weapons and equipment. The defeat turned out to be so significant that, as noted in Tsng Shi, it became clear - "the forces of a broken army cannot be restored even in the course of a century!" Hunnan and Sanda "obeyed" Helibo.
However, the struggle did not end there. Soon, the tribes of Beinaya, Uchun and Vomouhan came out against Halibo. He sent troops against them, led by Sale, Tsibushi and Polasha, who defeated the new coalition. Uchun had died by that time, Beinaya had been captured and sent to Liao, and the Vomuhan fortress had been stormed and defeated. Vomouhan himself managed to escape. The tribal performances led by the leaders Lapey and Machan were also unsuccessful. Lapei Halibo captured and sent to Liao.
Helibo’s reign was characterized by new shades of relationship with the Khitan. True, the successful fight against opponents allowed Halibo not to fall under direct citizenship to Liao, since sources did not save reports that he or his successors had accepted the seal or letter of the Khitan emperor. Nevertheless, in order to maintain peace with a full empire, Halibo each time represented the captured "robbers" in Liao, as if emphasizing that his actions were authorized by the emperor. After each of the victories, Helibo himself or his personal ambassadors reported to the commander of the Khitan border districts. The procedure of reports, reports and requests was humiliating, but it had to be endured for the great purpose of uniting the tribes, which was pursued by the leaders of the Wanyan.
It is characteristic that Halibo is the first to have the idea of imperial dignity. In this regard, the Halibo’s close associates considered the 9 enemies killed by him at the battle of Podot to be a good omen. In the meantime, as noted in Jin Shi, the witty and savvy Polash, who perfectly understood Dailiao and his thoughts, he had to kneel down and negotiate with the Khitan officials. He held the post of “ambassador,” and better than him, who knew the language perfectly and was able to communicate with Liao officials without translators, no one was able to solve relations with a powerful neighbor so cleverly and with great benefit to Wanyan.
In the successful outcome of the struggle of Halibo with the supporters of Baha'i, the circumstance that he was supported by the tribes of Primorye played an important role. Halibo personally visited the Elan tribes and visited Shitumyn, the son of Zhilihai, apparently, even before his assumption of the post of head of the tribal union. Halibo fell ill in Primorye, and Shitumyn showed touching concern for a relative. He did not leave him day and night, and after recovery, Halibo showered him with favors. A strong friendship was established between them. When Halibo became the head of the Jurchen tribes, in the person of Shitumyn, he acquired a loyal ally. It is not without reason that the Jin Shi notes: "The neighboring tribes did not rejoice." It is unlikely that Halibo would be able to defend the unity of the union if, simultaneously with the struggle with the supporters of Baha'i, he had to pacify the discontented eastern tribes. A difficult mission took on Shitumyn. The dissatisfied leaders of the coastal tribes, united, attacked Shitumyn, in the person of whom they saw a direct conductor of the policy of centralization and destruction of the independence of the tribes that they hated. A fierce struggle broke out in the territory of Primorye.
On both sides, large (at that time) forces participated in the war. Hostile Shitumyun tribes led by Waliben. Shitumyn divided his army into two parts. His younger brother Asymen, at the head of two hundred soldiers, went south, and Shitumyn, with the main forces of 5,000, attacked the army of Waliben and defeated it, despite the desperate courage and dedication of the “rebels”. Valiben escaped from the battlefield. However, Shitumyn caught up with his enemy and shot a Waliben horse with a shot from a bow. In response, Valiben severely wounded Shitumyn in the stomach. Shitumyn, having taken an arrow out of his stomach, continued to fight with great bitterness. The outcome of the struggle was decided by Asymen's detachment. Brother Shitumyn (without a horse) with seven brave men burst into the thick of the fighting and killed Valiben. After the battle, all the rebellious tribes "calmed down and submitted." Halibo praised the help of Shitumyn and Asymen. Their support facilitated his victory in the most difficult and critical struggle in the entire history of the battle of the Jurchen tribal alliance with the supporters of Bahei.
The defeat by Shitumyn of the rebel forces was so devastating that during the three-year reign of Polash (1092-1094) the tribes of Primorye were hardly mentioned. However, the calm was deceiving and disturbing. Under Polash, two short and fierce skirmishes occurred. Uyasu and Aguda, on the orders of the emperor, attacked Shanwanip, the residence of Machan, who did not agree to appear before Polash and refused to return the defectors. The old enemy of the house of Wanyang Machan was executed, and his head was sent to Liao.
The second military expedition, which was also led by Aguda, took place in the river basin. Shuaihe against the leader of Bahei, who led the Nimangu tribe, and Bolikaya. A detachment of Aguda captured the village of Molikhaitzun and killed Baha'i. The executions of the rebellious did their job, for in the Jin Shi it is written: "From this time on, robbers all calmed down." The Khitan emperor, noting the military successes of the leaders of the "wild nyuzhen", awarded the rank of thousandth (jianwen) Inge, Aguda, Tsibushi and Huandu.
In the first years after the accession to the throne of Inge (1094-1103), the eastern coastal tribes again entered the arena of tribal struggle by the Jurchen. The center of the struggle against the towering nanyan has moved to Primorye. Calmness and peace apparently continued until the eastern tribes enjoyed freedom, and the power of the leaders was infringed. At first, Inge even defended the rights of the tribes living along Suifun. In the first year of his reign, “riots” occurred on Suifun caused by the Wazhun tribe. His leader, Haigean, is rumored to have been cruel to his relatives. He attacked the leader of Wadahan, as well as tribes along the river. Tumen, including the leader of Eholi. After some time, Haigean invaded the territory of the tribes belonging to the leader of Nagenne. The goals that Haigean set when starting the fight against the related tribes of Helani and the hashile tribes were, of course, not in a simple "robbery of families", as the case in Jin Shi is presented. Haigean probably hoped to subjugate and unite the “kindred tribes” of Suifun and Helani into one. While he limited his actions to southern tribes, Inge did not attach special importance to events. However, after Haigean invaded the territory of the hashile tribe, Inge sent the warriors of the leader of the "main hashile tribe" Nagenne (r. Elimenteshi) to "go there and restore order." Perhaps he did so at the request of part of the Suifun tribes. But Nagenne immediately after his arrival in Suifun exceeded his authority. He independently began to recruit people into soldiers, which caused resistance and a new explosion of indignation.
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