Civis Romanus Sum (An EU-Rome Vae Victis AAR)

Bullfilter · Jun 21, 2020

Chapter LXXXI: A Grand Rivalry
(1 January 543/211 BC to 18 July 544/210 BC)

Foreword. In this episode, we will see both the next phase of the Great Eastern War – principally against Pontus – and other matters around the Republic. Macedon had been taken out of the war in a separate peace the year before, in March of 542, that ceded three Greek provinces to Rome. A white peace with the Seleucid Rebels had been concluded at the same time.

Despite an initial defeat, Roman Commander-in-Chief in the East, Aulus Claudius Caudex, had eventually completely crushed the two main Pontic armies in Illyria-Graecia and now sought to see off the last stragglers and subdue the Pontic provinces this side of the Propontis.

With Macedon and the Rebels now out of the war, the remnants of the Pontic fleet in the Mediterranean bottled up in the neutral Macedonian port of Epirus, and Egyptian fleets roaming the eastern Mediterranean, the war at sea would now be little more than an occasional sideshow.

In Hispania, Gallia and northern Italia the threat came mainly from barbarian invasions and the occasional rebellion. The large slave revolt in Africa had been defeated at considerable cost at the Battle of Theveste in November 542.

And in bureaucratic developments, Davidius Brentatius Officialis had been sent off as ambassador to Parthia, replaced as Principal Private Secretary to the Consul by the young grandson of Ursus, Bernardius Lanatus Deferens.

We will first review developments in Rome and the west, before finishing with the events of the ‘main game’: the Great Eastern War.

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1. Roma and the West

January-April 543

Throughout January, the Consul M.V. Maximus was still in the early days of his long march back west across Africa with Legio VII to deal with the small barbarian uprising in Mauretania. The latest pirate fleet was found and destroyed in Mare Gallicum on 12 February, capturing one and sinking the other four.

By 21 March, two possible new colonisation opportunities had arisen. In Aquitania, Cadurci was available – but the barbarian strength there (five) was too great: Legio III (Hiram Magoid, 12 cohorts) was tasked to incite and destroy them. In Hispania, Saguntum [in OTL the flash point for the 2nd Punic War at around this time] had an even greater barbarian presence (14) - too large it was felt for Legio X (nine cohorts, stationed in the new colony of Carpetani) to deal with as it stood. A cohort of regular principes was put in training in Oretani.

The former Consul Publius Valerius Falto (Religious faction) died on 5 April at the age of 71. A modest funeral was held.

A lucrative new trade deal was done with the Egyptians on 15 April for the recently acquired Argolis.

A day later, Humphronius – with a demure Bernardius in tow – received an affirmative response to a letter he had sent to the Consul (still travelling across western Africa with his legion).

“Ah, look here, Bernardius,” said the great bureaucrat, flourishing the response and beaming. “We shall be embarking on the greatest building program in the history of Rome! Trade especially will flourish.”

“Almost 450 talents of contracts to be let, I see, Humphronius Obscurus,” said a wide-eyed Bernardius. “The appreciation of the recipients must have been behind their funding of your new mansion on the Palatine Hill, I suppose.” Oh, silly lad!

“Nonsense, Bernardius, a complete coincidence,” said a simultaneously cross and defensive Humphronius. “Simply recognition of a long career of public service. Switching the subject completely, I have a dinner party tonight with a few construction magnates and leading traders. The Greek wine and ocelot spleens should be particularly good, I hear.”

“A simple gesture of appreciation for long service, Humphronius?” said a chastened Bernardius.

“Precisely, Bernardius.”

By the end of April Legio III was in Cardurci, doing their best to taunt and provoke the local barbarians into rising (and suffering 5% attrition per month in doing so).

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May-August 543

The year before, Legio IV had been sent off to the Eastern War and Legio III was now in Cardurci, so there were no troops stationed anywhere near northern Italia, when a small barbarian force – 6,000 Caduscii – was sighted in Marcomanni on 3 May, heading for Raetia.

There was no immediate Roman reaction: they hoped the stockade in Raetia could hold out for many weeks or months, giving them time to arrange a response, as (we shall see below) action in Illyria in the Great War was still a distraction. But by 31 May, a new legion – Legio XI – was formed in Illyria (more details in Section 2 below) and, under S.S. Paterculus [Martial 8], began marching to northern Italia to deal with these irritating interlopers.

New core provinces were declared on 2 June in the old African conquests of Ikosim, Hippo Regius, Taladusii and Massyli. Which must of course “be defended until the last drop of peasant blood”, Humphronius observed.

The Caduscii arrived in Raetia on 7 June and began a siege – they did not have the strength to risk an assault.

On 12 July, important news was welcomed from Carpetani: the new colony was now protected by a stockade. Given there was an immediate barbarian threat, it was important it be protected properly if Legio X was to eventually march east to try to pacify Saguntum. The new principes cohort had just finished training in Oretani and now a cohort of auxiliary archers was put into training in Lusitani.

On 5 August, Consul Maximus finally reached Mauretania with Legio VII (15 cohorts), to exact vengeance on the 2,000 barbarians who had damaged his popularity with their uprising. He won in just three days, losing only 31 men, killing all the barbarians and seizing 3.11 gold and 2,000 slaves in loot.

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September-December 543

The poor run of omens continued as the uncooperative chickens dashed off after release without pecking at the grain piled in front of their cages.

At the end of October, Legio XI arrived in Raetia for its first battle. Despite outnumbering the Caduscii by more than two-to-one, their commander Dardan Vendid proved not only of equal ability to Paterculus, but luckier too. The Roman victory only came after over two weeks of tough fighting and heavy casualties.

As the fighting went on in Raetia, the Orgonomesci tribe finally rose in Cardurci, with 4,000 warriors attacking Magoid’s Legio III (11,123 men). The barbarians were horribly over-matched [Rome (6) 7.5 v 1 Barbarian die roll] and slaughtered to a man in three days, Magoid only losing 18 legionaries and taking 4,000 new slaves. The Roman colonists were soon on their way.

In early December another pirate fleet appeared in Syrtis Minor: Classis II (D.C. Scipio, 22 ships) was sent from its base in the Baleares to deal with them. They would be destroyed in Mare Africanum on 1 February the following year .

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January-July 544

Perhaps resentful that his province had not been included in the great building splurge, the local Governor of Massaesyli (S.F. Gurges) built one there with local funds on 17 January. Three days later, the Caduscii turned up in Gallia Cisalpina – Paterculus began the march across from Raetia to eject them.

Over in Hispania, Legio X (up to 11,000 men in strength with recent reinforcements) left Carpetani (now protected by a 2,000 man garrison in its stockade) for Saguntum to do some barbarian-baiting.

In early March, Cadurci became Rome’s latest colony and of course construction of a new stockade was soon begun.

Paterculus had his revenge for the earlier tough fight in Raetia on 14 March, striking the Caduscii hard in Gallia Cisalpina [Rome 7 v 1 Barbarian], wiping out all 3,272 of them in three days, taking 1.5 gold and 4,000 slaves for the loss of 67 men.

11 April saw the completion of most of the building program, with six fora, one stockade (in the new colony of Maezaei – see Section 2) and a temple in various provinces. By 12 May, a range of new domestic and foreign trade routes were created from all the extra trade opportunities the new fora permitted. Humphronius moved into his new mansion on the Palatine the same day. A pure coincidence, of course.

A new pirate menace arose in the northern Adriatic on 14 April. A.P. Albinus set out with 13 ships of Classis III from nearby Tarentum to destroy them, which was accomplished in Illyricos Sinus without fuss by 18 May.

Two days later, Legio X was in Saguntum, insulting the manliness and fighting spirit of the local tribal chieftains, among other provocations. As a bonus, they found enough local supply to avoid the usual attrition of encamping in barbarian lands.

Legio XI had remained in Gallia Cisalpina as the re-established protection for northern Italia. And on 8 June, scouts reported a warband of 22,000 Hermunduri barbarians taking the well-trodden path from Marcomanni to Raetia, where they would arrive on 28 June.

The Senate agreed Paterculus would need some reinforcements to help deal with an invasion of this size, authorising the recruitment of three new cohorts in northern Italia – all auxiliaries (manpower still being under pressure from the Great Eastern War). Two cohorts of principes and one of archers began training, at a total cost of almost 40 gold talents.

The barbarians assaulted Raetia’s stockade as soon as they arrived: it took until 6 July for them to be beaten back, with almost half the garrison lost, but at the cost of a good number of attackers and all of their morale. Legio XI should now have enough time to gather their reinforcements and attack before Raetia fell. Though care would need to be taken.

The Luggones duly rose against their Roman oppressors in Saguntum on 3 July with 14,000 warriors (8,000 militia, 3,000 cavalry and 2,000 archers) against the 11,000 better-equipped (and led, it transpired) Roman soldiers of Legio X (7,000 principes, 1,000 horse archers, an elephant regiment and 2,000 archers). It took 11 days for M.C. Scipio [Martial 7] to defeat Megaravicos Ambonid [Martial 3], [Rome (3) 5 v 0 and (5) 7 v 5 Barbarian]. Rome lost 615 men, but the Luggones retreated to Sedetani with 5,566 fewer warriors than they had started with.

This was a heartening victory, but far to the east, another great battle was being fought. Its result may well decide the outcome of the Great Eastern War.

As at 8 July 544, In the lead-up to the next Consular election, the Religious faction still dominated the numbers in the Senate, but offered none of the three leading candidates. It was a fine balance between Civic, Military and Mercantile hopefuls.

Manpower was beginning to recover a little - but the current battles were likely to put a dent in that. Military strength was reasonable, though Rome may eventually need to build its navy further if it was to achieve parity with Egypt - the leading naval power in the world.

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2. Graecia and Pontus

January-April 543

The first event of note for the new year in the East was a peace offer from Pontus. Despite their now poor position, they dared ask for a white peace. The Senate was opposed by a small margin. The Consul was far more dismissive. Pontus would be ground into the dust!

The same day, it was noted that in the chaos of the Seleucid civil war, one of their provinces had managed to break free, presumably from a local rebellion left unchecked (and perhaps from the Rebels themselves – with fine irony). They were technologically primitive, however.

On 17 January, G.F. Licinus finally led Legio IV (16,341 men) into battle – against the large Calucones warband infesting Moesi, where they had expensively failed in a previous assault. It was over in six days, 99 Romans falling while 2,021 of the 16,341 barbarians were killed.

By early February 543, Roman manpower stood at 58,014, with 21,918 replacements needed for the army. As troops moved and sieges continued, news came on 12 March that Colchis had managed to take back Phasis, one of their old provinces that also bordered eastern Pontus, from the Seleucids. Impressed by this, Rome sought a military access agreement with Colchis, but it was rejected. A pity.

Legio I (23,600 men in 32 cohorts) began marching on Maezaei on 21 March, timed to arrive there a little after the colony was founded on 16 April. This would also place Caudex next to an army of Pontic holdouts camped in barbarian Scordisci, to its north-east.

Naturally, a stockade was begun as soon as the new colony settled. And Breuci could now also be settled – an opportunity Rome was quick to seize, as sieges continued throughout Pontic-held Thrace

At the same time, Classis I had finished its repairs in Marmarica and was sent up to the Propontis, where it would be available for a range of possible uses.

Meanwhile, the Calucones had come back for a return bout in Moesi. Between 9 and 12 April, Licinus’ 18,474-man Legio IV managed to wipe out the entire barbarian warband of 13,940 warriors for 580 Roman troops killed in a fierce but brief battle [Rome (7) 9 v 5 Barbarian]. Licinus took 24.69 gold and 19,000 slaves from the defeated tribe.

Legio IV (17,900 men), its work done in Moesi, was sent to Thracia four days later. Licinus’ mission would be to take the war against Pontus into Asia Minor, while smaller detachments maintained their sieges throughout Thrace [Note: Here, as before, I use ‘Thrace’ to describe the whole region, and ‘Thracia’ the specific province].

On 21 April, Legio V arrived in Crobobizi to begin a siege there and Legio I arrived in the newly colonised Maezaei. Caudex immediately began marching on Scordisci, determined to remove any Pontic threat lurking behind Roman lines while they simultaneously took the war to the Pontic heartland.

Just a day later, Triballi fell to Huneric Geroldid, who marched his (small) Legio II towards Tomis via Crobobizi.

Four days after he set out, Caudex rethought his approach: he effectively split his ‘super-legion’ in half, expecting no problems in defeating the Pontic remnants in Scordisci with over 14,300 troops. He wanted to minimise the effects of attrition, put a cut-off in place and simultaneously protect the impending Roman colonisation of Breuci. Legio XI was created, with another well-credentialled new leader from the cursus honorum to command it.

On 26 April Roman troops in Thracia observed a battle in the Propontis, where (very conveniently) 24 Egyptian triremes took on 12 Pontic ships. Nice of them to clear the way!

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May-July 543

It took until 23 May for Legio XI to arrive in Breuci, where their numbers were enough to be sustained by the countryside. In Scordisci, the Pontic army was trying to escape north to Eravisci as Caudex bore down on them. They would not be quick enough: Caudex [Martial 9] (15,172 men) caught the Pontic 3rd Stratos under Pausanias Zagreid [Martial 7] on 27 May. The Pontic army escaped as soon as it could, after losing 789 of its 4,338 men; Caudex – his judgement of the task vindicated – lost just 216.

With the victory in Scordisci on 31 May, Legio I set off in pursuit of P. Zafreid to Eravisci, while Paterculus was sent over to face the barbarian threat that had emerged earlier that month in Raetia (as described in Section 1).

On 2 June Rhoxolani finished its siege of Piephigi: which was all right, but not their subsequent advance on Tomis, which they were due to reach just two days before Legio II was due to get there. Geroldid continued in the hoped something might delay them.

Thracia fell to Vitulus (Legio VI) on 6 June: with Pontus not pressing forward, it was decided to risk a sortie over the Propontis (now patrolled by Classis I) into Bithynia.

Unfortunately, the Rhoxolani did arrive first in Tomis – and then initiated an assault that dragged the Romans into the fighting as soon as they arrived on 23 June! As a further irritation, the assault dragged into July and proved a failure. Not too many Roman troops were killed, but the morale of Legio II was ruined by this fiasco.

More fruitfully, Caudex ran down P. Zagreid’s 3rd Stratos in Eravisci on 28 June, winning another four-day victory, losing 406 of his almost 15,000 men, while killing 1,743 of the 3,149 Pontic defenders. Attacking over a river had made the battle a little more expensive than it might have been.

After the battle finished on 2 July, Zagreid fled even further north into the barbarian lands of Cotini. Caudex called off the pursuit, considering the Pontic army a spent force and not wanting to sustain even more attrition than he was at the moment. He headed south-east, back to nearby Roman Autariatae.

A herald, coming from Pontus under ‘diplomatic immunity’, announced on 12 July that they had made peace with Colchis. It would have no effect on Roman plans.

That same day, the dispirited Legio II managed to extract itself from the siege of Tomis and began marching south: it would be left to Rhoxolani.

A single Pontic regiment was encountered in Bithynia when Legio VI arrived on 31 July: they were all put to the sword for the loss of 23 of Vitulus’ 9,400 legionaries by 2 August, when he set up his siege camp. Legio IV (21 cohorts) was in Thracia by then and due to arrive in Bithynia on 24 September.

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August-December 543

Breuci was added to Rome’s burgeoning Illyrian holdings on 15 August, with the obligatory stockade construction starting as soon as the colonists were settled.

And another recruit slaughter occurred in Bithynia on 25 August, one thousand trainees despatched for the loss of 22 men from Legio VI.

It was noticed on 27 August that Macedon had managed to assemble an army of 18 regiments (strength unknown) to challenge the 13 regiments of rebels still besieging Epirus. This time, the Macedonians would win and avert the shame of having one of their remaining provinces fall to the rebel rabble.

The key city of Suci fell to Rome on 29 August after a full year of siege: Legio VIII was now free to join the other Roman units marching to Bithynia.

By early September, Roman reserve manpower was down to 49,589, with 13,399 replacements needed, giving a buffer of around 36,000 men. Though the large battles of the earlier part of the war seemed to be behind them, the effects of fighting smaller engagements against Pontus and various barbarian tribes, plus the ever-present drain of attrition, kept the pressure on.

Licinus arrived in Bithynia with Legio IV (around 17,600 men by then, and suffering 5% attrition) on 25 September and headed straight for Paphlagonia, where only three Pontic regiments had gathered. It would take until 31 October to reach it and set begin a siege, by which time all the Pontic units had headed further east. But its 2,000 man garrison would surely take many months to reduce.

November passed, and by 26 December Rhoxolani had succeeded in taking Tomis, while Legio VIII made it to Bithynia, marching then to Paphlagonia, where they would relieve Legio IV of siege duties, allowing Licinus to continue into the Pontic heartland.

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January-March 544

On 5 January, Classis I took a reduced (to avoid seaborne attrition) Legio VIII on board: they would head to Crete and attempt a naval landing, which they hoped would be unopposed.

Their wish was granted: when they arrived offshore on 24 January, Gurges’ small force began landing with no opposition. He was setting up siege works by 1 February.

Another small detachment (3,000 men under M.C. Dentatus – not a populist) was embarked from Argolis on 8 February. Their target was Rhodes, which Rome had already verified was unoccupied. They were besieging the Pontic island’s fortress by 27 February.

Back in Illyria, Caudex had been on guard duty in Breuci, his 16 cohorts now recovered to full strength after a long rest. A report on 14 February of a small barbarian force (7,000 Insubres warriors) arriving in the Dacian province of Apuli was enough to have Legio I on the march: Moesi would be spared another ravaging this time, Caudex swore!

Also on 14 February, a small Roman naval detachment (four ships, no commander) that had been left in the Propontis was attacked by eight Pontic vessels under Orestes Pytheid. They escaped by 20 February, damaged but losing no ships to capture or sinking. Pytheid would soon get a nasty surprise: an Egyptian fleet of 97 ships was by then approaching from the south and due to arrive in the Propontis eight days later! But as cover, Classis IV (12 ships, T.A. Cotta) was despatched from its base in Achaea on 17 February to Mare Aegeum to provide a stronger presence while Classis I was off supporting the operations on Crete and Rhodes.

A Seleucid emissary with instructions to negotiate a white peace was received by Rome on 17 February.

Consul Maximus had no intention of burning political capital with a reluctant Senate by agreeing. Rome may still want to prosecute the war with the weakened and distracted Seleucids later, so the option was kept open.

Two days later, Licinus had reports from spies in Pontus that the old enemy was beginning to assemble a credible force to the east in Amisus – commanded by the formidable Sophronius Zagreid. This would bear watching.

Late the next month, Crobobizi finally fell to Rome after another long siege. This completed the occupation (by Rome and Rhoxolani) of all Pontic holdings in Thrace – and freed up more troops to head to Asia Minor.

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April-June 544

Caudex attacked the Insubres in Apuli on 12 April. It seems they had unwisely tried to assault the Dacians’ walls and their morale remained low when they were surprised by Rome’s premier general, leading a full-strength veteran 16-cohort legion. But there was a nasty surprise awaiting Caudex: the barbarian leader Orgetorix Vodenosid was a military prodigy of equal skill [Martial 9]. And he got the jump on Caudex for the first five days of the battle [Rome 0 v 7 Barbarian], before Caudex recovered somewhat [Rome 2 v 3 Barbarian]. Caudex won on 20 May, but had lost 504 men doing it, with the Insubres losing 673 of their 6,034 warriors before retreating north. Caudex was certainly reminded he was but mortal that day!

After a considerable break since any truly serious combat against Pontus, by early May things began to start brewing in Asia Minor. Sophonius Zagreid had concentrated 17 regiments in a new army (10th Stratos) in Pontus itself. For some reason he was marching them to Galatia and was due there in a week. Ignoring this, with his relief now in place to look after the siege of Paphlagonia, Licinus marched directly for Pontus with over 17,600 men.

“Let him traipse aimlessly around the Anatolian plateau if he wants to,” noted Licinus wryly to his key officers. “We have more troops on the way and if he wants to abandon his capital to grant me the glory of sacking it, so be it!”

But while Licinus was unwavering in his march on Pontus, Zagreid seemed to be undecided, stopping and restarting his advance on Galatia in following days. By 5 June, Legio VI had finished a 10-month siege of Bithynia and set off for Paphlagonia “just in case I’m needed”, Vitulus said to his adjutant with mock self-deprecation.

In Illyria, a small barbarian band (1,000 light infantry and 1,000 cavalry) had snuck into Autariatae on 8 June. But their progress had been tracked: helpfully, the Massilian 1st Stratos was marching across from Maezaei to Breuci and seemed to be heading to smash them. Caudex assessed the well-led Insubres to be the bigger threat and awaited their return in Apuli.

In Asia Minor, Zagreid had finally arrived in Galatia on 17 June – and promptly marched straight back to Pontus again, where he was due on 1 July, just a week before Licinus would arrive. A pity, as it would mean Zagreid would still be able to arrange his defence on a river crossing. Licinus ploughed on undeterred.

“When in doubt about the enemy’s motives, I find it best to simply ignore them,” he ventured.

The next siege success came on 30 June with the fall of Crete to Gurges.

In the first week of July, things suddenly got busy from Hispania, to Illyria over to Pontus itself.

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July 544

Back in Saguntum, as we saw in Section 1, M.C Scipio’s Legio X fought 14,000 Luggones tribesmen between 3-14 July.

Then on 7 July, the warlike Insubres returned to make the traditional forlorn follow-up attack on Caudex’s Legio I in Apuli. This time Caudex was better prepared and the battle was over the next day [Rome 5 v 4 Barbarian]. He lost 185 of his 15,704 men, slaughtering the defiant Insubres, taking 0.73 gold and 5,000 slaves as compensation for his trouble.

But the big showdown for this phase of the war started in Pontus on 8 July 544. Licinus had taken replacements during the march and now fielded a balanced force of just over 18,000 men. Waiting for him was the famed Sophronius Zagreid with 17,000 fresh troops, in a strong defensive position behind a river. In addition, it was revealed that Pontus had another 11 regiments in neighbouring Trapezus, with seven of them heading for Pontus. The first 6,000 troops were due to arrive on 30 July. Legio V in Paphlagonia was only a small besieging force and would be of no help. Legio VI was only just about to reach Paphlagonia in two days’ time: Vitulus could only hope to arrive in Pontus to either help celebrate with Licinus or avenge him if he was defeated. Licinus would have to win the battle himself, with the troops he had.

Of interest, a large Rebel army was then in Armenia, heading further east. The further the Romans pushed, the more likely it was they might run into (Loyalist) Seleucid opposition – perhaps threatening their now very long supply lines. In fact, as the battle began in Pontus, a 20-regiment Seleucid army was seen in Rebel-held Lydia, south of Bithynia, assaulting the Rebel fortifications.

Legio VI (recovered to around 12,500 men by now) duly made it into Paphlagonia on 10 July and kept heading east, but would not reach Pontus until 16 September. In Illyria, as hoped for, the Massilians were now in Breuci and homing in on the barbarians in Autariatae.

All eyes now focused on Pontus. Licinus hadn’t marched this far “to sit on my arse and watch Zagreid’s men bathe and fish at their leisure”, he remarked before giving the order for his legion to advance. For once, he had the advantage in cavalry (just over 2,000 to none for Zagreid), and horse-archers (around 2,000 to 1,000). He had about 2,000 more heavy infantry than his opponent, whose only advantage was in archers (about 3,000 Roman to 5,000 Pontic).

The opening exchange was tight as the Roman maniples struggled across the river under a withering Pontic rain of arrows. Combined with Zagreid’s slight tactical edge, the Romans started to take unsustainable casualties [around 175 Pontic vs 540 Roman each combat round]. By 12 July Pontus had the numerical advantage, (16,040 men vs 15,381 for the Romans). If Licinus could not turn things around quickly, he knew he would be defeated and would have to try to salvage whatever remained on his legion through an ignominious and inglorious retreat. But he took these losses for another day and sought to reverse the trend with a renewed assault, which he would lead personally.

But turn the tables he did on 13 July: despite their good start, Pontic morale was still sinking more quickly than the Romans’ [the advantage here of the morale boost from having a Military faction Consul may have proven crucial – it was certainly helpful]. By 14 July the numbers were roughly even again and the Romans pushed forward with sudden enthusiasm. The battle would not last into a third [five-day by the game] phase. The Romans claimed the field on 18 July, despite having lost 700 more men in the battle than Pontus. But Licinus was exuberant, claiming one of the decisive battles of the entire war so far, deep in enemy territory, against a strong and well-situated force commanded by the enemy’s best general. And they were further from Rome than any Roman army had ever ventured.

Zagreid retreated east to join the rest of his forces (another 11 fresh regiments) now halted in Trapezus. The siege of the Pontic capital began, as Licinus waited for his colleague Vitulus to join him with welcomed reinforcements – that may indeed be sorely needed!

As this glorious victory was being celebrated, Caudex received warning that one of the ill-advised Senatorial appointments – a barely-civilised Germanic upstart called Theodoric Geroldid [possibly the brother of more famous Huneric Geroldid - I'll have to check in due course] – may be contemplating rebellion in Achaea.

“Send orders to Gurges in Crete,” he instructed his adjutant. “He is to take ship back to Greece where he is to try to relieve Geroldid of his troops. If he cannot be persuaded to do so peacefully, we’ll ship across more men and force him to do so at sword point.”

At that time, Pontus proposed their first serious peace offer through an ambassador to Roma, where Consul Maximus had returned to administer (or so Humphronius liked to let him believe) the Republic as Chief Magistrate.

“This proposal is a little ‘light on’ Consul, but is close to the best we could extract as things currently stand,” advised Humphronius. “The Senate is unanimously in favour of accepting it. It is a veritable hotbed of pacifist agitation – even your own Military faction supports making peace.”

“So they all have cold feet?” was Maximus’ rhetorical question in response.

Humphronius nodded.

Unwisely, Bernardius piped up, making the kind of quip that was a trademark of his family. “So, it is a hotbed of cold feet, Consul?”

This simply earned him the mandatory fishy stare from both Maximus and Humphronius. Bernardius’ hesitant smile disappeared suddenly under this dual assault. He contemplated the rich fresco illustrating the floor of the Consul’s tablinum.

“Thank you, Bernardius!” said a scolding Humphronius. Turning back to Maximus: “Your decision, Consul.”

Maximus paused for thought.

“Bah!” exclaimed Maximus. “We have them backed into a corner. The answer is no. We will take Pontus itself and every remaining Pontic province we can reach. They will truly regret crossing us. I will advise the Senate this afternoon and then deliver the message personally to their ambassador.”

“Yes, Consul.”

Of interest, the surrender map shows the extent of all current enemy holdings. I have highlighted Pontus in purple, and the Seleucid Loyalists in red. They have been contained by the rebellion to the south-eastern corner.

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Finis

Bullfilter · Jul 14, 2020

Chapter LXXXII: Bellum et Pax
(18 July 544/210 BC to 31 July 546/208 BC)

I hope this Google translated word construction for ‘War and Peace’ is correct: if not, Latin scholars please let me know and I will adjust it. Edit:thanks to @GulMacet and @HistoryDude for suggesting and explaining the more applicable ‘Bellum et Pax‘ rather than Belli et Pacis.

Foreword. The last chapter ended with Consul Mamercus Valerius Maximus deriding a Pontic peace proposal that would have seen two provinces in Thrace ceded to Rome. With Zagreid defeated in Pontus itself, more Roman legions marching east, and a number of sieges approaching conclusion or about to start, the Consul wanted to extract as much territory from Mithridates as possible. And with only a couple of weeks until the next Consular election, he didn’t want to be the one accused of selling Rome short at the end of the long and bloody Great Eastern War, that had begun back in late February 540 AUC.

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Part I – Politics and Religion

With the Great Eastern War now in its fifth year, the Roman army was considerably smaller than it had been at the start, after heavy casualties and the consolidation of many cohorts in the last few years – in large part to minimise the effects of attrition and ensure surviving cohorts could be reinforced from the dwindling manpower reserve.

On 18 July 544 AUC, the Roman army fielded 147 cohorts (both regular and auxiliary), with another two in training, against a maximum notional ‘troop support limit’ of 225 cohorts. This represented a net loss (after any new additions during that time) of about 60 cohorts in four and years and four months throughout the Republic. Manpower reserves were at net total (available men less replacements needed) of 35,000. In terms of total troops fielded, there were around 185,000 men in the field, training or reserve, with 14,600 replacements required.

The current fleet strength stood at 79 ships, but there was now relatively little naval combat taking place in the East.

Aside from the main war front, the risk of revolts was greatest in the four most recently acquired provinces – three in Greece (taken from Macedon in a separate settlement) and one (Lemovices) in Gaul. The rest were either under occupation in the current war, or scattered around Gaul, Hispania and Illyria – and funnily enough in Roma itself [the proles must have been restless – I only noticed this as I started writing this up].

This was the general situation as the elections of 546 AUC took place. The Military faction, despite its now small numbers in the Senate, managed to get their candidate up in time of war. Religious Senate strength remained pre-eminent, while the dreaded Populists now formed the second largest bloc. The new Consul Drusus Cornelius Scipio would – barring accident or misadventure – govern the Republic for the next two years.

As usual, Humphronius was patronisingly dismissive of their new political master.

“He has many redeeming qualities Bernardius,” the senior civil servant observed. “Alas, he is not a capable administrator and will no doubt get in the way of good government. But it could be a lot worse.”

Scipio soon arrived for his brief as incoming Consul.

“Ah, Humphronius Obscurus, I hope we will have a fruitful partnership over the next two years.”

“Yes, Consul, may the Gods make it so.”

Of course, exactly what would constitute a ‘fruitful partnership’ was likely a very different thing in each man’s mind. In Rome, it was ever thus.

Over the next two years, the Gods too had a typically ambivalent view of fruitful partnerships with the leaders and people of the Republic.

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Part II – The East

July-December 544

On 18 July, the siege of Rhodes was almost finished [100%], that of Paphlagonia about half-way through [50%] and Pontus barely begun [0%]. T.F. Gurges was en route from the recently successful siege of Crete to Greece, getting in position to confront the disloyal Theodoric Geroldid, who commanded 6,000 troops in Achaea and posed a revolt risk.

By mid-September, the sieges were progressing well [Paphlagonia now also 100%, Pontus 38%], and Legio II (the loyal Huneric Geroldid, 7,000 men) was in Bithynia and moving further east. Then on 16 September, Legio VI (Q.M. Vitulus) arrived in Pontus but – with attrition now too high there (decimation - ie 10%) – was moved onto Trapezus, to put it under siege, leaving Legio IV to besiege the Pontic capital.

That same day, Gurges arrived in Achaea, but T. Geroldid remained too disloyal to agree to the transfer of any cohorts to his colleague. Numbers would instead be built, so Geroldid (a not very competent Senate appointee) could be confronted immediately if he chose to resist the relief of his command.

Over in the east, Zagreid finished his retreat to Trapezus (well ahead of Vitulus’ arrival there) on 28 September and began heading south to Armenia with his 21 regiments (of unknown strength). More good news followed for Rome on 7 October, with the fall of Paphlagonia to Q.F. Flaccus’ Legio V after a 343 day siege. Flaccus was ordered north-east to Amisus with his five under-strength cohorts (3,70 men) to put it under siege as well. Then just ten days later, Rhodes fell after a 229 day siege.

The Roman plan continued methodically, with Flaccus arriving in Amisus on 31 October and wiping out a 1,000 man regiment there in four days for the loss of only eight men, after which he prepared his siege lines. In Rhodes, M.C. Dentatus’ 3,000 man detachment was embarked from Rhodes and ferried back to Greece, where he would reinforce Gurges and allow the disobedient T. Geroldid to be confronted. Then a day later, Legio VI arrived in Trapezus, finding Zagreid gone and just a 1,000 man Pontic regiment encamped. They were wiped out for no loss the day Vitulus arrived, allowing the siege to commence straight away.

A little surprisingly, Rhoxolani allowed Pontus to escape with a white peace agreement on 18 November, even though they had been occupying three Pontic provinces. But this left more for Rome to potentially occupy, so Legio II was ordered back to Tomis to see if they could put that in the bag as well.

Back in Illyria, Caudex had been waiting for the last of a series of barbarian attacks from the Treviri, who arrived in Autariatae on 25 November, where they met their doom. They lost their last 1,142 men for no Roman loss the day they arrived, surrendering 0.87 gold and 2,000 slaves. Legio I then started marching towards Peiphigi in northern Thrace, the last Pontic province ‘up for grabs’. All remained according to the ‘grand plan’ to end the war favourably.

But in early December, the situation in Asia began to heat up. Zagreid was spotted with his 2nd Stratos (strength and morale unknown) in Armenia, making for Pontus. Attrition had reduced Legio IV to a little less than half its paper strength (21 cohorts, 10,354 men). Vitulus was ordered to break the siege of Trapezus (where no progress had yet been made) and head back to Pontus, though they would be due to arrive about four weeks after Zagreid. With the siege of Pontus well-progressed, the Romans did not want to let it go without a fight.

Of interest, the Seleucids and the Rebels were at that time fighting a large battle nearby in Meskhiti, with around 30 regiments committed on either side. Five days later, the small Legio V was also ordered to march from Amisus to Pontus, where they should arrive with a day of Legio VI.

As the latest clash in the East approached, Gurges was sent into T. Geroldid’s camp to arrest the recalcitrant legate. As it happened, Geroldid did not resist and was marched off to prison. All the troops present were merged into Gurges Legio VIII. There was a little grumbling among influential Romans of the ‘tyranny of the state’. After all Geroldid had not actually revolted at this stage (he was technically just refusing to relinquish his command), but this would wear off in time.

Consul Scipio deemed it appropriate to conduct a loyalty assessment of his most accomplished commander at this point.

“Very prudent, Consul,” murmured an approving Humphronius when Scipio let him know what was afoot. High praise indeed!

“He deserves a triumph after all his good work in this war, even if his loyalty is not in immediate doubt, Humphronius. Please Make the arrangements.”

“Yes, Consul.”

At this crucial time, Parthia made the fateful decision to strike the Seleucids while their backs were turned, dealing with their long civil war. Q.A. Papus (a scion of the famous Roman family) was sent to see if the relationship could be improved through the reciprocal granting by Parthia of military access for Roman troops. A symbolic gesture to be sure, but one deemed worth making. Alas, when he got there, the resident plenipotentiary Davidius Brentatius Officialis insisted on ‘helping’ the mission. Which evidently turned a ‘likely’ proposition into a refusal.

Just a day later, the 2nd Battle of Pontus erupted. Not only had Zagreid recovered a good proportion of his strength by then, if not all his army’s morale, but he completely outsmarted G.F. Licinus in the opening attack. It was an abject disaster. The Romans retreated as soon as they could, but lost a staggering 4,300 men in just four days, Pontus losing only 180 men in cutting them down, as a scythe through ripened wheat.

Licinus placed himself in danger in the rear guard to assist his troops’ escape [Brave trait gained from the bravery event], but the steady Roman momentum of the past many months had been suddenly overturned. Though the Romans weren’t quite ready to give up on Pontus yet. Legio VI still approached from the east, with Legio V converging from the west. However, the failure of Licinus to delay Zagreid, cause appreciable casualties or degrade the morale of his troops was a serious setback to the plan for a revenge strike.

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January-December 545

To make matters worse, H. Geroldid’s Legio II was attacked in Bithynia on 20 January 545 AUC as it made its was north to Thrace by a similarly sized Pontic force approaching from Phrygia. The opening exchanges were fierce though even. The following day, Vitulus (Legio VI) attacked Zagreid in Pontus, with Legio V arriving the day after on 22 January. The result was only somewhat less disastrous than the previous battle, with Vitulus significantly outnumbered, attacking over a river, and his tactics no match for Zagreid, who was clearly ‘back in form’. This battle too was called off as soon as it could be, with another 3,100 legionaries lost, though at least they had put up more of a fight than their colleagues had the month before.

The day the battle ended, a truce was called. The Roman peace proposal was put and accepted the following day, bringing the whole Great Eastern War to an end (it was binding on the Seleucids as well, who remained in their civil 3war and at odds with Colchis, Rhoxolani and now Parthia). The battle in Bithynia finished with no result.

A month short of five years and costing hundreds of thousands of lives in total, Rome secured three crucial provinces in southern Thrace, including Thracia itself. It may have cost a good many more Roman lives, but the extension of the war had allowed that third province to be added, Rome choosing to cut off Macedon and the rest of Pontic Thrace to the north from Asia itself. The whole war had seen six provinces taken from Macedon and Pontus in Greece and Thrace, Macedon broken as a first rank power and scores of Pontic regiments completely destroyed along the way, even if Rome became over-extended at the end.

The three bedraggled legions fleeing from Pontus were now suffering bad attrition [10% per month] on top of the grievous losses they had taken (around 15,000 men left from approximately 40 cohorts). More would die on the march back to Thracia.

The following day, the Senate declared the previous mission (the always highly improbable taking of Kirkuk) to have failed. As the incumbent Consul, Scipio’s Military faction wore the political cost of this failure. Once again, the Senate’s eyes turned to Macedonia, which should prove a far more practical and attractive proposition in due course (with 15 years allowed for it). But there were still a few years left on the treaty with Macedon to run, and it would likely take longer than that before Roman manpower had rebuilt to an acceptable level.

Of course, the addition of newly conquered provinces meant more risk of revolt, though adequate garrisons remained nearby. And there were vast gaps in the ranks or returning cohorts.

As units began returning to Roman territory from Asia, in June a program of further cohort rationalisation continued. But now, it was decided that no regular cohorts would be merged: instead, there was a deliberate program of disbanding auxiliary cohorts, to decrease long term maintenance costs in an expected period of peace. And, despite the drain on already lowered reserve manpower levels, all new cohorts to be raised subsequently for the foreseeable future would be regular Roman legionaries. New auxiliary troops would only be raised again in the future if another surge was required, similar to the lead-up to the recent Great Eastern War. In June alone, 6,500 auxiliary troops were dismissed (they had to be paid off as well, costing around 18 gold).

With discontent running high in the new Greek provinces, a revolt broke out in Paeonia on 2 August 545. The 5,000 rebels were defeated and dispersed for the loss of 183 soldiers from Legio II, who were by then on garrison duty there. Nine days later, barbarian stragglers arrived in Liburni (fleeing from an earlier defeat by the Massilians as they passed through Histri). Legio IV (back up to around 10,200 men in 16 cohorts under Licinus) was sent from Dardania to intercept them before they did any appreciable damage.

Yet another revolt broke out in Paeonia on 3 November 545, this time taking a week and 361 Roman casualties for Geroldid and Legio II to despatch the 5,000 rebels. By 18 December, recruiting began again in Illyria, with two principes (heavy infantry) and one equites (cavalry) regular cohorts put into training. This gradual build-up would continue in the coming months, to replace lost auxiliary troops and eventually replenish the five eastern legions to between 16-20 or more cohorts each.

On 24 December, Licinus took out his frustrations on the Veneti tribe in Liburni, taking three days to wipe out all 3,516 of their warriors, pocketing 0.49 gold and 4,000 slaves, for the loss of 492 of his by then 14,500 troops. [The Veneti leader had 9 martial skill and got a 7 v 5 die roll, so it cost more than it might.]

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January-July 546

Things remained quiet in the East over the coming months, until news came through in March 546 that the Seleucid rebellion had finally collapsed after a six year civil war. At that point, Parthia had taken a province back off the Seleucids, but the Greeks would now be able to give their undivided attention to the Parthian threat. Of the (still extant) Eastern Pact, Macedon remained rich and stable but short of men; Pontus was broke and only barely stable, but had a large manpower reserve; and the Seleucids lacked stability, but had reasonable financial and manpower reserves – and an enormous research capacity.

From March through to the end of July 546, another four cohorts (three principes and one equites) were raised in Illyria and Greece, with reserve manpower hovering just under 30,000.

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Part III – The West

As the war first meandered on in the east until the end of 544, before hotting up again in December, barbarians and revolting locals kept the Western legions busy. One campaign was against the Hermunduri tribe, a large group of barbarians (with 19,600 warriors at that time under Catualda Andicid, [Martial 6]) who had invaded Raetia in mid-544 AUC. Legio XI (S.S. Paterculus, [Martial 8]) had been sent with 16 cohorts (at around 14,000 strength to start with) to evict them. He would fight five battles against them between April 544 and August 545: one in Raetia and the rest in Gallia Cisalpina before they were wiped out. Rome lost a total of 5,647 men in killing 17,519 barbarians, taking 1.51 in gold and 18,000 slaves.

Overlapping with this campaign, the Senones tribe rebelled in Gallia Cisalpina, requiring Legio XI to deal with them in between battle against the Hermunduri between January and April 545. In two battles in Gallia Cisalpina, 3,920 rebels were killed for the loss of 508 legionaries, with 4,000 slaves taken when these barbarian rebels were finally defeated.

Over in Gaul, malcontents rebelled in Lemovices in December 544, put down by Legio III (H. Magoid, 12 cohorts) in a rather bloody two-week battle, 1,646 Romans died killing 1,703 of 5,000 lightly armed rebels [Roman (2)1 (-1 for a river) v 7 Rebel initial die roll].

In Hispania, Legio X (M.C. Scipio, 10,368 men) fought a successful campaign against the Luggones tribe (15,434 warriors) in five battle in from September 544 through to April 545. In the fighting, Scipio lost only 448 men in killing 15,234 of the barbarians, taking 14,000 slaves into captivity after their final defeat. In between battles, colonists were sent into Saguntum on 23 November 544, establishing a new Roman settlement on 24 March 545. Naturally, construction of a stockade was begun immediately.

In April 545, diplomatic overtures were made to the two tributary tribes of northern Gaul (the Atrebates and Parisii) and the independent Aulerci, requesting military access. Partly for practical reasons, but also because such arrangements promoted better relations. Only the Parisii responded favourable, sending the relationship into positive terms and speeding up its improvement.

In Hispania, with Saguntum now settled and Legio X back in Carpetani, Scipio had orders to build his legion from 11 to 13 cohorts through local recruiting (a cohort each of regular principes and horse archers began training on 29 August 545). As soon as the new troops were trained and integrated, he was to strike north to defeat and annex the small independent kingdom of the Cantabri.

A revolt in Cadurci by the rebellious Orgonomesci tribe broke out on 12 September 545, but Legio III was in garrison there at the time. Magoid snuffed out the uprising in a single day, putting all 2,000 rebelling barbarians to the sword, taking 0.34 gold and sending 2,000 camp followers into slavery, for the loss of five soldiers.

To the north of Italia, Rome had its covetous eyes on two potential new provinces: on 12 September (the day the rebels were put down in Cadurci) colonists were sent to Vindelicia to bring it into the Republic. At the same time, Paterculus was put on notice to be ready to attack the Helvetii, directly north of Gallia Cisalpina (where Legio XI was currently recovering in garrison quarters after the recent barbarian campaigns) and west of Vindelicia.

The declaration of war came against the Helvetii on 29 September. The envoy, A. Magoid (considered by the Establishment to be an expendable Populist troublemaker) delivered the declaration. Unfortunately for him, the reply came back to Roma in carved box: the poor man's head!

“Tut, tut, an outrage!” said a clearly not outraged Consul Scipio.

“Yes, Consul,” mumbled a rather shocked Bernardius, who had just delivered the report of the execution (not the head itself, of course) to the Consul.

In the battle for Helvetii, the local commander put up a very strong fight, losing just 274 of 2,000 Helvetii warriors to 661 of Paterculus' 14,000 men. But they were forced to retreat and Paterculus began his siege on 13 January. The same day, word came that the colony in Vindelicia had been established and a stockade begun.

In Hispania, M.C. Scipio had his reinforcements ready: war was declared on the Cantabri on 22 January 546 and Legio X marched north to Vaccaei.

A single Cantabrian regiment was attacked and destroyed in Vaccaei for no loss on 14 March, with Scipio beginning his siege. The Cantabri responded by sending an army of four regiments through unsettled barbarian country to the east of Vaccaei, no doubt hoping to avoid a direct battle with the superior Roman legion and do some raiding in Rome’s undefended southern Hispanian provinces.

Once the Helvetii finished their retreat to Lingones on 15 March, they made for Roman Sequani rather than their heavily occupied homeland. Paterculus broke off a detachment of five cohorts to deal with them, while the rest of Legio XI stayed to conduct the siege of Helvetii. But before the Helvetii could get out of Lingones, on 3 April they stirred up a barbarian uprising 10,000 Tarbelli tribesmen. When this happened, Paterculus had no idea how the fateful Tarbelli invasion would finally become. The Helvetii were soon defeated and headed north to Remi, while the Tarbelli made straight for Helvetii. And Paterculus recalled the detachment to re-form Legio XI in full, as Sequani was no longer under direct threat.

As Paterculus waited for the Tarbelli to arrive in Helvetii, Vaccaei fell to Scipio on 2 May. The same day, the main Cantabrian army (five regiments) was moving to the east through Arevaci; they stirred up the Lusones tribe (two regiments) and the two sides started fighting. At that point, with the barbarian and revolt threat diminishing in Africa, Legio VII was split up in Mauretania. M.V. Maximus kept 11 cohorts, while a re-formed Legio V was allocated four cohorts under the venerable Q.F. Flaccus, who started marching up towards Oretani, across the Pillars of Hercules.

At the same time, in Vaccaei Legio X split off four cohorts, who would head south to eventually join up with Flaccus to secure the Hispanian holdings against any Cantabrian or barbarian attacks. Scipio kept nine cohorts to complete the conquest of Cantabri.

Earlier, Legio III had started across from Cadurci in southern Gaul to help with the invasion of Cantabri, but was turned around in (barbarian) Aquitani when the troops were sent up from Mauretania. But before they could return to Cadurci, they stirred up yet another new barbarian tribe: the Vadiniensi, who fielded 9,000 men and attacked Legio III in Aquitani on 1 June 546. Magoid defeated them by 14 June, losing 334 men while killing 3,407 barbarians. But the Vadiniensi would be back, so Legio III would have to stay encamped in southern Gaul for some months yet.

At exactly the same time (1-14 June), Paterculus [Martial 8] was fighting the Tarbelli in Helvetii. It turned out that the chief of the Tarbelli warband, Drappes Marganid, was something of a military prodigy [Martial 9], meaning they would be a difficult foe to defeat without absorbing comparatively heavy casualties. But the 9,400 warriors Marganid brought to Helvetii were indeed defeated, the Romans losing 755 soldiers in killing 2,165 Tarbelli warriors.

Given the two battles going on simultaneously and previous large scale barbarian invasions of Gaul and northern Italia, two more regular cohorts began training in Gaul on 1 June – one of principes, another of archers. In Hispania, Scipio’s cut-down Legio X arrived in Cantabri, slaughtered a single regiment guarding it for the loss of five legionaries, and began a siege. Then in Africa, the former Consul M.V. Maximus shuffled off his mortal coil on 14 June, leaving Legio VII without a legate. The only available general was basically an incompetent, disloyal, incapacitated Populist. So the post was left open, in the forlorn hope the Senate might appoint someone good to command it.

As July drew to a close, the Vadiniensi attacked Legio III in Cadurci: and they had picked up another 8,000 troops while marching through Volcae, after their retreat there. Magoid defeated them again on 29 July, the same day the Helvetii remnant army turned up in Sequani. But the Helvetii had to be left for now, as the Tarbelli had retreated to Vindelicia – where the Roman colony had been recently established but the new stockade was still being built. Paterculus therefore took most of Legio XI to chase the Tarbelli, bringing about 9,300 men with him, leaving around 2,600 in three cohorts to continue the siege of Helvetii.

Only one pirate fleet had emerged over the two-year period, destroyed in Mare Gallicum on 4 March 545.

So stood the situation in the West, as the elections of 546 came due.

Campaigns in the West: 18 July 544 to 31 July 546.

[Note: This map summarises the campaigns of 544-46 AUC described above, rather than individual battles. Green boxes denote completed campaigns and sieges won by Rome; orange are continuing wars or campaigns and purple new colonies. Numbers next to battle icons denote how many were fought in that location in that campaign. A red border around a barbarian incon means it was a local barbarian rebellion rather than an invasion, or a rising by nationalist malcontents.]

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Part IV – Provincial Developments and Manpower

In Illyria, a previously commissioned stockade was completed in the new border province of Breuci in August 544. Raetia converted to the Roman state religion in September 544 – a sign the Roman patrimony was becoming more homogeneous. Cadurci’s stockade was completed in February 545 – a timely addition begun around a year before. And the following month, two long-running irrigation projects were finished in Bononia and Campania. The next good news to come from Hispania was that Carpetani had been absorbed: both religiously and culturally, becoming a fully fledged Roman province.

The Governor of Mauretania then funded a temple building in Rusadir in September 545, while Saguntum’s stockade was completed in March 546. In mid-May 546, the Romanisation of Hispania continued, with the full absorption of Contestani, whereupon a temple was begun (given the absorption included a conversion to the Roman state religion). And with Roman religious power waning again, further temple builds were begun in Raetia, Belli and Carpetani (each costing 51.75 gold each and taking about a year to complete).

In November 545, Roman reserve manpower stood at 35,999 and 126,211 troops were serving in the legions: so a net troop strength of 162,210 with monthly recruit accrual of 1,077 per month. By July 546, manpower was at 28,921, with 138,489 troops in the legions – a net strength of 167,410. So about 5,000 more troops than two years before – new recruitment against casualties in the last months of the Eastern War and in barbarian campaigns, revolts and conquests, mainly in the West.

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Finis

Bullfilter · Jul 29, 2020

Chapter LXXXIII: The Consulship of Titus Fabius Gurges
(31 July 546/208 BC to 2 August 548/206 BC)

Foreword. Rome was finally at peace, finishing the bloody but largely successful Great Eastern War. But peace was a relative term: it did not prevent barbarian invasions or rebellions. And the expansionists in Rome managed to launch two wars of annexation in the West, against Helvetii and Cantabri. Both appeared to be drawing to a successful end.

As the new Consul began his term, Legio XI had encountered and defeated the Tarbelli tribe in Helvetii, but the defeated barbarians were now heading to the very recently colony of Vindelicia. Legio III had fought the first few engagements of the Vadiniensi campaign in southern Gaul (Aquitani and Cadurci) and were waiting for their inevitable return.

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Part I – The Consular Election of 546

Titus Fabius Gurges was elected Consul on 31 July 546 – bringing the Civic Faction back into power. Which seemed logical in a time of comparative peace and rebuilding. His father Quintus Fabius had been elected Consul for the Civics just over 44 years before and had gone on to have a prominent and colourful career. This Gurges was also an experienced and formidable general as well as being a formidable administrator – with a mixed bag of personal traits.

“We’d best be careful around our new master, Bernardius,” said Humphronius into his young colleagues ear as they approached the new Consul’s tablinum for the incoming chief magistrate’s brief. “He is energetic, competent, proud, suspicious and aggressive, among other things.”

“Energetic and competent – that’s good isn’t it, Humphronius Obscurus?” gushed a naively enthusiastic Bernardius Lanatus Reverens.

“Oh, my dear young fellow, you really do have much to learn. Follow me, say nothing unless asked. Watch and learn.”

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Part II – The East

With the eastern legions now on garrison duty, any fighting was expected to be in the newly acquired Greek and Thracian provinces taken from Macedon and Pontus in the war, or from barbarian incursions from the north.

So it proved in February 547, after seven months of peace and quiet in the east or the Republic. Paeonia rose in revolt on 3 February, but they were wiped out to a man by H. Geroldid’s Legio II for the loss of only 53 Romans, with 2,000 slaves taken.

A message came from Parthia on 16 March 547, the permanent Roman ambassador there Davidius Brentatius Officialis confirming the reunited Seleucids had savagely put down Parthia’s poorly timed attempt to get some of their previous lands back. They were now reduced to their capital province and forced into tributary status.

The next revolt was more serious, with 14,000 revolting malcontents rebelling in the Argolis on 1 November 547. As that time, Consul Gurges had returned to command Legio VIII stationed next door in Achaea, but he had only seven cohorts under command. Reinforcements would be needed from the homeland before he could tackle them safely. Fortunately, four cohorts had already been trained in Italia and were converging on Samnium for shipment to him anyway as part of the continuing rebuilding of the eastern army’s strength after the heavy losses of the recent war.

As troops were being marshalled to deal with that threat, 6,000 Iapodes barbarians rose in the border province of Maezaei on 11 December. A.C. Caudex himself, betting bored with garrison duty in Taulanti, was the nearest and responded with the 16,000 troops of Legio I ‘Syracusae’.

Gurges received his 4,000 new troops on 13 January 548, but decided 11,000 men were a little too few for a comfortable victory against the rebels in Argolis, so with the city holding out well [now at 18% siege progress], he decided to wait for another round of troops (already trained or about to complete it in Italia) to arrive before setting off.

Caudex had no such issues, engaging the Iapodes in Maezaei on 4 March 548 and defeating them by the 10th, losing 420 of his men and killing 2,903 of the 6,000 tribesmen.

Two weeks later, another four cohorts were taking ship in Samnium bound for Legio VIII in Achaea, while the siege in Argolis was starting to bite [38%]. On 6 May the new troops had joined Legio VIII, bringing it to 15,000: Gurges marched on Argolis [siege 75%] that day, now a little worried about its safety.

To the north, Caudex had chased the Iapodes to Breuci, where he slaughtered the remaining 2,977 tribesmen on 15 May 548 for the loss of just 148 legionaries, taking 0.75 in gold and 6,000 slaves as booty.

Gurges arrived in Argolis on 30 May, starting a somewhat low-key and prolonged battle that was not won until 16 June. He had lost 1,026 of his own men, killed 5,055 of the rebels and dispersed the rest. Given its restiveness, Legio VIII would now remain in Argolis as its new garrison duty.

The East remained quiet for the next few weeks leading up to the new Consular elections of 31 July 548. By then, the rebuilding and reorganisation of the five legions of the Eastern Army was well under way. Steady recruitment of regular troops over the last two years had seen Legio II and VI grow in particular: they had the main border duties against Macedon and Pontus in particular. More reinforcements were on their way. Legio I was returning from its short campaign against the Iapodes, while Legio IV, which had been called over to fight (more on that in Section III below) in the northern Alps was on its way back.

By then, Macedon’s main army stationed in Epirus had rebuilt to be 30 regiments strong. In Bythinia, the dangerous General Zagreid had command of the Pontic 2nd Stratos, with 27 regiments. And the risk of revolt in the new provinces remained high, while the rest of the Greek and Illyrian provinces were peaceful, though barbarian threats remained.

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Part III – The West

The heaviest action during Gurges’ term came in the West, most from barbarian invasions but also a some local or barbarian rebellions in border provinces. Hispania saw the completion of the war of annexation against the Cantabri and the persistent invasion by the Vadiniensi of southern Gaul. But most dangerous action happened on the border with Germany, in the vicinity of the Alps, especially with the Tarbelli. And the Roman siege of Helvetii continued.

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Hispania and Southern Gaul

The siege of Cantabri finished on 25 September 546 AUC and with it the war. The two provinces were annexed into the Republic, with Rome’s reputation further damaged [up to 4.4 ‘badboy’ following the previous annexation of Helvetii, see below] but not dangerously so. The next objective would be to try to settle Vettones, to link with the provinces already held on the western coast and thereby shut off a possible Egyptian colonisation from Turduli. Hispania would remain quiet for the rest of the Consular term.

While Legio III (H. Magoid, 13 cohorts) waited in Cadurci for the return of the Vadiniensi (who had earlier been defeated in Aquitani and Cardurci), a new cohort (destined for Helvetii) that had just finished training in Ruteni was ambushed by some raiding barbarian remnants. The small force of 833 Lusones warriors beat the leaderless cohort from 2-11 October 546, killing 221 Romans while losing only 42 themselves.

Magoid marched to avenge them from neighbouring Cardurci, which he would do in a single day on 25 October, killing all 791 of them for no loss and taking 2,000 slaves into captivity. He waited there, as that was where the Vadiniensi had decided to attack next. They arrive on 9 November and were soundly thrashed after a fierce four day battle.

The barbarians returned on 28 January 547 only to be defeated again (227 Roman and 2,969 barbarian casualties). But the Vadiniensi were not yet eliminated, meaning Magoid could not easily divert to assist Legio XI, who by that time had their hands full with rebels and barbarians in and around Helvetii (more below).

The final reckoning with the Vadiniensi came in Ruteni on 24 April 547, around eleven months since the first battle of the campaign triggered when Legio III was passing back from Hispania through Aquitani. The last 2,271 warriors were wiped out for 245 Roman casualties, with another 9,000 slaves taken. Since the campaign had started, 1,880 Romans had lost their lives, with 18,580 barbarians dying in combat. They had started with 9,000 but had other bands of 10,000 and then 2,000 join them along the way.

Magoid would have a far shorter campaign in Ruteni from July-September 547, wiping out a rising of 6,000 Autrigoni barbarians in two battles, losing 402 legionaries and taking 6,000 slaves. Magoid’s command of Legio III had been exemplary, earning him much popularity along the way.

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Helvetii and the Tarbelli Invasion: July-October 546

After being beaten in Helvetii by S.S. Paterculus (Legio XI) the Tarbelli had retreated towards Vindelicia, whose garrison was not yet fully established and the stockade incomplete. With his attention split by maintaining the siege of Helvetii, Paterculus left a smaller force to keep it going while taking over 9,000 troops to chase the enemy.

Alas, Roman risk-management was exposed when the Tarbelli picked up 10,000 reinforcements during their march to Vindelicia, where they promptly launched an assault, which succeeded after six days on 24 August 546. The nascent colony was destroyed – another frontier disaster in a region prone to them.

Instead of pulling back, on 2 September Paterculus struck boldly with 9,411 men against a Tarbelli horde now numbering almost 18,000. But the Tarbelli chief Drappes Marganid was a formidable leader [9 Martial] and Paterculus found himself attacking over a river. Marganid got the jump on the outnumbered Romans, whose initially superior morale was soon badly weakened. Paterculus was only marginally able to improve the position on 11 September.

Two days after this battle began, Helvetii had fallen after a long siege, with the tribe capitulating two days later, which at least ended the Helvetii siege of Sequani, which they had slipped into earlier.

But this was of no assistance to Paterculus, though he was able to improve his tactical dispositions by 13 September. This proved to be too little, too late, however. The legate bravely commanded the rearguard at the remains of his legion escaped, but he was captured by the Tarbelli as this second disaster of Vindelicia ended.

Other than reports of him being forced under the yoke in shame, the barbarians made no move to ransom him and did not respond to Roman approaches. It was thought they might have to be fully defeated for Paterculus to be freed.

With Legio XI now badly reduced and leaderless and a large barbarian tribe loose and heading towards northern Italia, Rome scrambled to address the situation. Legio IV (G.F. Licinus, 16 cohorts) was at that time on garrison duty in Maezaei. He was ordered to march over to Raetia, where the Tarbelli were now headed. A new cohort of principes began training in Vocontii on 15 September and another in Etruria a week later.

At this time, insult was heaped in injury when the barely-secured Helvetii erupted in a revolt on 2 October. The Roman detachment that had been left there had only 2,585 troops and no legate. The 3,000 locals made mincemeat of them: by 15 October the Roman cohorts had been defeated, losing 1,264 men to only 142 rebels in a shameful capitulation. The same day, the Tarbelli arrived in Raetia and began besieging it (electing not to assault) and Legio III were simultaneously fighting the Vadiniensi in Ruteni.

With no ability to appoint a new commander for Legio XI, as it was in rout in now barbarian territory with the sacking of Vindelicia, that hapless outfit straggled into Helvetii on 21 October only to find it occupied by the rebels. After five days of hopeless fighting as they tried to attack over a river, the acting commander ordered the retreat on 26 October when it became clear victory was not possible, despite the Romans having outnumbered the rebels. It was yet another humiliation, with the Romans losing men at the rate of 10-1 against a bunch of poorly armed local yokels.

So ended the first phase of the Tarbelli invasion, with Rome struggling to contain a suddenly abysmal situation.

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Helvetii and the Tarbelli Invasion: November 546 – March 547

At the beginning of November 546, the Tarbelli were besieging Raetia; rebels were investing Helvetii; the remnant components of Legio XI were retreating to Sequani; and the Helvetii tribe (now bound by a five-year treaty with Rome) had managed to conquer and resettle in Lingones. Into this mix, the tributary Parisii were fighting (and badly outnumbered by) a Salluvii warband who had just risen in Remi.

On 11 November, M.C. Dentatus loaded up four cohorts from Contestani in Hispania, to be ferried over to Liguria and eventually reinforce the devastated Legio XI. On 7 December, the redoubtable (and apparently quite 'mad') old general Q.F. Flaccus [age 72, Martial 7] was transferred from Legio V to take over Legio XI, which had just arrived in Sequani. His new legion had 14 cohorts but only 5,406 soldiers: there was significant rebuilding to do before the legion would be ready for combat again. Legio IV was in unsettled Histri (and thus suffering some attrition in transit) and approaching Raetia. In the south, Legio III was still engaged with the Vadiniensi, who would attack twice more in 547 before being destroyed at Ruteni in late in April.

Early in January 547, with Legio IV approaching, the Tarbelli had assaulted the stockade of Raetia, but had fallen well short. By 7 January, their morale was virtually non-existent and the Raetian garrison still had 1,300 men [siege 13% progress]. This proved costly for the Tarbelli when Licinus attacked on 14 January, with 15,264 fresh troops against 12,980 Tarbelli. Marganid had an initial tactical advantage [Rome 1 v (2)2.5 Barbarian die roll], But Licinus countered strongly [Rome 7 v (2)2.5 Barbarian]. The Tarbelli fled on 21 January, losing 1,537 men compared to 344 from Legio IV.

Over in Gaul, Flaccus had gained both new cohorts and some replacements in the depleted cohorts of Legio XI. By 14 February he decided he had enough men to now relieve Helvetii, where the siege was starting to take hold. The Salluvii were besieging the Parisii and the Tarbelli were on their way back to attack Raetia, where Licinus waited for them.

In Raetia, the wily Drappes Marganid, though still outnumbered, had managed to completely outmanoeuvre Licinus in the opening rounds of the rematch in Raetia which began on 8 March [Rome 0 v (6)6.5 Barbarian], while the morale of his troops had partially recovered. But again, Licinus managed to recover [Rome 5 v (2)2.5 Barbarian] on 13 March and by the 18th had won again, though this time at greater cost: 1,807 of Legio IV’s 15,904 troops were lost, while the Tarbelli had 3,078 of their 11,023 warriors killed.

Helvetii had been looking shaky by 5 March [siege progress 88%] with Legio XI not due to arrive until the end of the month. But the Roman garrison had managed to hold out until the arrival of Flaccus on 31 March, when Legio XI avenged its two previous defeats to them by killing all 3,000 rebels in just four days, for the loss of just 196 troops.

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The Tarbelli and Salluvii Invasions, Pax Restored: April 547 – July 548

The Tarbelli proved to be more resilient than expected, with yet another see-sawing battle breaking out in Raetia on 5 May 547. Repeating a familiar pattern Marganid yet again got the jump on his opponent in the opening exchanges and Licinus responded. This time, Marganid made a last desperate attempt to win before finally retreating on 12 May after another tough battle. Their invasion may be on its last legs, but was not yet over.

The next act in Raetia came in July 547, when this time Licinus got the initial jump but then Marganid came back strongly, dragging the battle out from 4-19 July, costing the live of another 718 Romans around 2,000 Tarbelli – half their remaining warband. But still they would not surrender. Then all this activity must have stirred up the local Leuci tribe, 2,000 of whom rose in rebellion in Raetia on 1 August, while the Tarbelli were still routing back to Vindelicia. The almost full-strength Legio IV wiped them all out in six days, for the loss of only 13 legionaries, taking 2,000 camp followers into slavery.

The final victory against the Tarbelli was sealed between 5-8 September, their final 1,915 warriors wiped out for the loss of just 24 Romans. A search of their camp afterwards failed to turn up any sign of poor Paterculus, though 7.41 in gold and 10,000 slaves were taken. This dangerous episode was now over.

Back in Gaul, the Salluvii had seized Parisii and by 13 August were heading south to plunder Roman Carnutes. Flaccus headed off with Legio XI from Helvetii to deal with them. The Salluvii arrived in Carnutes (which had no stockade and thus only a 1,000 local garrison) on 15 September, but had neither the numbers nor morale for an assault, so a siege was set.

Battle was joined on 8 December 547, with Flaccus making quick and efficient work of the invading Salluvii, who were soundly defeated. They never returned – the Parisii must have dealt with the remnants when they retreated north.

There would be no more revolts of barbarian invasions along this part of the frontier until the next Consular election in July 548. Consul Gurges decided to re-launch the colonisation attempt in Vindelicia on 23 January 548, which would be re-founded on 23 May.

“Very courageous, Consul!” was Humphronius’ acerbic comment on this.

“Oh, do stop being such an overly-cautious stick-in-the-mud, Humphronius,” the Consul replied, knowing exactly what his adviser was implying.

“Yes, Consul,” came the diffident and unconvinced reply. Gurges was asking the impossible!

In mid-May 548, Legio IV was ordered back to the east, with now recovered Legio XI in Helvetii and making for Vindelicia by then, to ensure it would be adequately guarded until it was fully established. It was in Vindelicia that Flaccus, after a life of military service all over the Republic and beyond, died quietly on 13 July 548. The key command was taken up by another of the new commanders recently graduated from the cursus honorem, T.J. Bubulcus.

As the new Consul began his new term, the West was once again peaceful. Legio XI was being further grown given the turbulent history of the area, while the pacification of most of Africa meant Legio IX in Thapsus may be withdrawn, perhaps to the East.

§§§§§§§

The West had proven a busy theatre of operations over the two years of Gurges’ Consular term. Cantabri and Helvetii had been defeated and annexed, Vindelicia lost and regained and one of Rome’s brightest generals captured by the barbarians.

Campaigns in the West: August 546 to July 548.

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Part IV – Other Issues

Piracy

Five pirate fleets were destroyed over the two-year period, with 20 pirate galleys sunk and two captured and pressed into Roman service.

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Settlement and Construction

On 22 December 546, Gallia Cisalpina was fully absorbed and a new temple commenced. Oretani in Hispania was also absorbed, on 25 February 547. Cadurci in Gaul was the next to be fully incorporated and a new temple started there on 24 March 547, with Syracusae’s religion changing to Roman the same day.

Consul Gurges was very happy to see four new temples completed on 10 May 547 in Raetia, Carpetani, Contestani and Belli. This was part of a concerted effort to boost Roman religious power and thus make the success of omens more likely.

Vocontii was the next to be absorbed and become a full province on 8 September 547, while the new temple in Gallia Cisalpina was finished ten days later and that in Cadurci on 18 December. The governor of Sequani built a new temple with local funds on 8 June 548. Finally, Maezaei was fully absorbed on 26 June 548 and yet another new temple was started.

Gurges felt he was handing over a peaceful and well-run Republic as he finished his term on 31 July.

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Manpower and Recruiting

When Gurges had taken over in July 546, the manpower reserve was at 28,921, with 138,489 troops in the legions. As described above, new cohorts in this period were all ‘regulars’, meaning manpower reserves were run down from both casualties and new recruiting over this latest two-year period.

In September 546 the monthly recruiting gain was 1,100. This gradually increased over the next few years as all those new provinces were absorbed, meaning with Roman culture their freemen became liable for military service. By 1 August 548, reserve manpower was 9,838 but army strength had risen to over 168,000 with one more cohort in training (which would make army strength 170 almost full strength cohorts).

This represented net growth in total manpower of about 11,500 men over the two year period after casualties from battle and attrition were factored in. Monthly recruiting had risen (from provincial absorption and population growth) appreciably, up to 1,270. The theoretical troop support limit had increased to 254 – still a very distant goal, especially if mercenary recruiting was not resumed at some future point in the lead-up to another major war, given manpower reserves were now so low.

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Politics, Religion and Other Events

An omen was due in September 546, but with Roman religious power having slumped [to 9.7 from earlier highs of around 12, for reasons not entirely clear to me] had made calling one particularly risky [49.7%]. Gurges therefore delayed it, even though this fed into Populist propaganda. Religious power had declined slightly a year later, but with the Populists growing in influence, a new omen was risked on something 'harmless' – as it happened, successfully.

By late June 548, religious power had recovered somewhat, presumably as a result of the new temple building spree [up to 10.4, which translates into a +10.4% chance for omen success].

More good news came in January 548, when the Aedile S.V. Laevinus came up with a proposal that would advance the important area of construction research significantly, for a 30 gold talent investment. Gurges willingly gave him the funds.

2 May 548 brought news that the Gallic provinces of Lemovices, Carnutes and Aedui had all become ‘core’ territory of the Roman patrimony. At this time, in the lead-up to the next election, the Populists had staged a major comeback in the Senate, now second only to the Religious faction and more than twice as strong as the next largest faction.

The Military faction had shrunk to a mere handful of Senators. But recent victories meant that G.F. Licinus had edged ahead in the Consular stakes, with Laevinus (his popularity significantly buffed by his research breakthrough) of the Mercantiles just behind, followed by G.C. Centho, there simply on the power of his Religious factional support.

When election day came, there were no great surprises with the greatly popular Licinus winning, despite his small factional base: he clearly attracted significant cross-party appeal.

After Humphronius and Bernardius gave him his initial brief, Licinus informed them he had already decided on his first policy initiative.

“Oh, ah, excellent, Consul,” said Humphronius, with a sickly smile and perspiration starting to bead on his forehead. This could mean trouble.

“I am going to send the first major law change in the Republic in the modern era to the Senate,” said Licinus with a beaming grin. Humphronius’s face went whiter than a freshly bleached toga. “Here is my Lex Civitias Deses which will be tabled and voted on this very day!”

This illustration shows the statistics of a sample principes cohort – the 5th Agrianes – as a post-reform example.

“But this will destabilise the whole Republic, Consul,” said Humphronius, desperately clutching at straws given the determined look on Licinus’ face.

“Bah! It will strengthen discipline in the legions and ensure our base of freemen able to serve in the army is expanded gradually over time. We can wear the disruption to stability – they are nothing but superstitious fools. Get it done, Humphronius. Now!”

“Yes, Consul,” said Humphronius resignedly as he slumped out of the tablinum.

Licinus turned to Bernardius, who had remained, watching wide-eyed as his disconsolate mentor wandered off.

“Bernardius, I believe you have that report I asked for about the fate of my comrade Paterculus. Is there any chance he can be found and ransomed?”

“I’m afraid not, Consul,” said his Principle Private Secretary, handing the Consul a scroll.

Note: nor did he appear on the character list – he’s gone. A great pity – he was only 43.

“So, his whereabouts remain unknown and his family considers him dead to them?”

“Sadly yes, Consul.”

§§§§§§§

A gold coin from Republican Rome, c. 210-11 BC. Mars on one side, the Republican eagle on the other. I believe this is a gold stater, struck around the time of the OTL Second Punic War.

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Finis

Bullfilter · Aug 12, 2020

Chapter LXXXIV: Peace is Boring
(2 August 548/206 BC to 30 July 552/202 BC)

Foreword. This update covers two full Consulships, with an unaccustomed period of peace casting a soporific torpor over the usually bloodthirsty glory-seekers that constitute the ruling classes of Rome. How will they endure it? Will they endure it?

With the Tarbelli tribe finally defeated after the disaster of Vindelicia, the Republic finds itself at peace, with no barbarian invasions or rebellions in progress. The new Consul Gaius Fabius Licinus, a veteran and gifted commander and member of the Military faction, has just enacted the Lex Civitas Deses. It will gradually improve military recruiting by lowering the progression of freemen to citizens and also significantly improves discipline among the principes (heavy infantry). At the cost of a drop in national stability and research speed (which is generated via the citizens).

§§§§§§§

Part I – Pax

August – December 548

“So, Humphronius, what would it cost to boost stability back to its previous levels?” asked the Consul on 2 August 548 AUC (206 BC), as he smiled smugly after seeing his new military-friendly law approved by the Senate. “Some good old bread and circuses for the masses?”

“Well, Consul, the answer to that question might be described as being on the up-side of a not inconsiderable sum that may, to be completely clear, cause the keepers of the Aerarium to look askance at the proposer of such a measure who may, or may not, be so bold as to suggest it to them,” said Humphronius, with the air of explaining something simple, to a simpleton.

“That is no answer, Obscurus, it’s a bunch of opaque Hellenistic waffle,” Humphronius looked rather surprised and hurt, his own smug smile gone. “That young chap Cato would probably strike you for uttering it his presence. Verbally, if not physically. Give it to me straight.”

Marcus Porcius Cato (234 – 149 BC), also known as Cato the Censor (Latin: Cato Censorius), the Elder (Major) and the Wise (Sapiens).

Per Wikipedia: Cato was a Roman soldier, senator and historian known for his conservatism and opposition to Hellenisation. He was the first to write history in Latin. He followed the cursus honorum: successively military tribune (214 BC), quaestor (204 BC), aedile (199 BC), praetor (198 BC), consul (195 BC) together with great friend Lucius Valerius Flaccus, and censor (184 BC). As praetor, he expelled usurers from Sardinia. As censor, he tried to save Rome's ancestral customs and combat "degenerate" Hellenistic influences.

“Yes, Consul,” said Humphronius with frosty formality and then glancing at a scroll he was carrying. “The proper ritual would cost 947 and a half talents of gold. The Aerarium currently holds 689.”

“Er, I see,” said Licinus, who was now the one looking somewhat disconcerted and a little embarrassed. “That will be all, Humphronius.”

“Yes, Consul.” The civil servant walked from the tablinum, back stiff with offended dignity, his head (and dudgeon) high.

§§§§§§§

The national mood was not improved when the next omen was invoked on the ante diem quintum Idus (the 5th day before the Ides) of September 548.

Licinus was also very interested in sponsoring young men with military potential on the cursus honorum. There were some excellent prospects now in their early 20s, approaching the key age of 25, when they could be appointed Pontifex Maximus, the quickest path [in this game, anyway] to being appointed Censor and thus eligible for military command.

That month, the first of two convoys of four cohorts each set sail from the formerly restive but now long-quiet Thapsus for Argolis, to join Legio VIII. Legio IX in Thapsus would eventually be reduced from 16 to eight cohorts in the coming months.

In October 548, Macedonia remained allied with Pontus and the Seleucids, with a vast treasury (1,240 gold) and high stability [+3] but no manpower reserve. Everything they generated was being used to create new regiments straight away, it seemed. It was no surprise they had a national mission of ‘build up a manpower reserve’! The Senate continued to agitate for an invasion to enforce the ‘core claim’ on Macedonia, though was still allowing a decade or more to complete it.

On 1 December 548, a revolt broke out in Maedi (Thrace). The 6,000 rebels were wiped out by H. Geroldid’s Legio II by 6 January, after they marched across from nearby Paeonia. Only 123 Romans were lost.

§§§§§§§

January – December 549

Legio IV, still commanded by Consul Licinus, took a detour on their return from the Tarbelli campaign in the West to wipe out 2,000 rebels who had been besieging Apuli, in the lands of Rome's Dacian tributary. In five days to 31 January 549 all were killed for the loss of 39 legionaries. Licinus continued to his new station bordering the Pontic provinces of northern Thrace.

The year progressed in remarkably peaceful fashion, the main activities being a consistent military building and infrastructure development (more details below). And so it came to ante diem quartum Nonas (the 4th day before the Nones) of October 549, when yet again the chickens proved fickle and uncooperative.

The end of October brought news that the truces with Pontus and the Seleucids would soon be ending, marking five years since the end of the Great Eastern War.

In the West, Rome’s Parisii tributary declared war on the Aulerci – a development Rome was happy with. The buffer they provided was useful and the diplomatic relationship was now quite positive.

“Ah, Consul,” interrupted Bernardius one cold November morning, as he attended Licinus in his command tent in Thrace. “There is good news and bad news.”

“Oh, just give me both scrolls at once, would you?”

“Yes, Consul.”

Old Geroldid had finally died after years of active and loyal military service to the Republic. Sad as it was, this was more than balanced by news that was almost literally worth a 1,000 talents of gold: a bumper harvest had raised the Republic’s stability [back to +3] without him having to lift a finger – or spend a denarius!

As Legio II was a key frontline command in Paeonia, Geroldid needed to be replaced, the even older Aulus Postumius Albinus [also Martial 8, like Geroldid] was transferred from his command of Classis III and made legate of Legio II.

§§§§§§§

January – December 550

The first news of interest in 550 AUC came in February: and this really interested the Romans, who sensed an opportunity.

Rome had no great desire to rescue Colchis, but if the Pact members all joined in, it could place a large proportion of their forces far away from Macedon and Bithynia. And indeed, by 21 February the large (30-plus regiments) of Zagreid’s Pontic stratos in Bithynia was spotted heading east.

News of a different sort came a few days later: a temple fire had provided an opportunity to use state funds to renovate the temple. This could turn a potential problem into a great benefit, for ‘only’ 40 gold talents. With a bulging treasury, the outlay was soon approved.

In late March 550, the Aulerci were fighting the Parisii in Parisii. Each side had just three regiments: but the Parisii would eventually win the battle.

Meanwhile, a keen eye was kept on Macedon. And on 15 May spies reported that a Macedonian army of 18 regiments had just embarked on a fleet of 18 ships and was sailing towards the south of Sparta, presumably to take part in the Eastern Pact war on Colchis (which they and the Seleucids had since joined). This was starting to look promising.

In early July 550, Licinus’ term was coming to an end. But he was able to promote the first of the new young men along the cursus honorum: Gnaeus Cornelius Scipio [Martial 8] had turned 25 and was made Pontifex Maximus, replacing Arviargus Vodenosid [Martial 7] who was made a Censor, freeing up another new man [whose name is temporarily lost to history, but is a Martial 8 leader] for future military command.

The Consular Election of 550 AUC brought the Mercantile faction to power. The Aedile, Sextus Valerius Laevinus, was successful. A fine administrator but not a great military mind, he was a good choice from Humphronius’ perspective.

“A reputation as a cautious, generous, proud, crafty and suspicious man, eh,” he remarked to Bernardius. “I think we can work with him, even though we’ll need to be on our toes.”

“Oh yes, I suppose you are almost like peas in a pod, Humphronius Obscurus,” he gushed, without fully thinking his remarks through.

“Bernardius, would you like to be posted to Thrace permanently? No? Then be quiet and go away!” Being correct was no defence for the younger official, who too often said out loud what might have been more prudently kept to himself.

Another old commander died on 17 August 550 – Appius Aurelius Cotta, aged 68, commanding the reduced Legio IX in Thapsus. The post was left open to see if the Senate would appoint anyone halfway acceptable to it.

There was finally some good news on the omen front. Special Gallic poultry had been brought in to try something different, in addition to the temple renovation which had increased the chances of a good omen [to 60.6%]. On the Nones of October, they pecked appropriately, allowing Roman research to make up some of the ground lost in the last two years.

A revolt by the barbarian Taurisci broke out in Breuci, on the Danube border in Illyria, on 21 October 550. The Proconsul Licinus – considered a specialist in such things – was sent from Triballi with Legio IV back the way he had come from the West, to deal with the 7,000 angry tribesmen now investing the fort there. On the same day, a herald sent from the Parisii announced they had won their war for Aulerci, which had been absorbed into their realm. Laevinus had Bernardius draft a message of congratulations.

§§§§§§§

January – August 551

The year 551 continued quietly until 1 April, when Licinus fell upon the camp of the Taurisci in Breuci. He quickly relieved the siege, slaughtering all the warriors for no losses at all in a single day, taking 0.4 gold talents in booty and selling 7,000 tribes-people into slavery. He came, he saw, he conquered! And then headed back east again to Thrace.

The three Eastern Pact partners were winning their ‘9th War of Pontic Aggression’ against Colchis and their Rhoxolani allies, with substantial progress [45% warscore] made by 2 June 551.

“Time is running out if we want to use their distraction to our own ends in Macedonia,” mused Consul Laevinus aloud to Humphronius as he pondered this latest report. “How is our recruiting and unit building program going? We’ve been steadily increasing our recruiting rate and hiring auxiliaries for a few years of peace now. Please send me a report.”

“Yes, Consul.” The report he provided is summarised below.

§§§§§§§

Manpower and Recruiting - August 548 to August 551

On 1 August 548, reserve manpower had been only 9,838 with 170 almost full strength cohorts in the field or training (around 170, 000 men under arms). In the rest of 548 (mainly in October) a recruiting spree saw five cohorts of principes and two of archers put into training. All were auxiliaries and in the East (as all army recruiting would be in this three-year period).

Throughout 549, another seven cohorts of principes and two of archers began training, while four new triremes were laid down. In 550, the army increase was finished off with another four cohorts of principes and two more of archers, with another four triremes ordered. There was no new army recruiting in 551 up to the end of July, but two more ships were started.

This meant a total of 22 new cohorts had been raised in three years of real peace to further fill out the eastern legions, together with the eight cohorts shipped over from Africa to Greece. Ten new galleys had bolstered the Roman Navy to a total strength now of over 100 vessels.

Manpower – both the total reserve and the recruiting rate – had increased over the same period. The monthly induction had risen with both the Lex Civitas Deses and also whenever new provinces were absorbed and adopted Roman culture. In February 550 the reserve was 32,230 with 1,332 new recruits per month. By October of the same year it was 42,909 (witha theoretical maximum of 162,000) and 1,354 per month, growing a little after the absorption of Vindelicia as a full province (more on that below). As at 1 September 551, the reserve had grown to 57,797.

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Infrastructure and Research - August 548 to August 551

Over the same three-year period, the usual gradual improvements had come along, though there was no intense building program: it was more haphazard in nature.

In Vindelicia, the previously ordered new stockade was finished in February 549, after which everyone breathed a little easier. As noted above, the province became fully Roman in religion and culture in September 550, at which time a new temple was commissioned.

Maezaei’s new temple was completed in March 549 and a new stockade begun in Carnutes in November 549 (as extra insurance against barbarian incursions that might again make it past the Parisii buffer) and finished a year later.

The Governor of Raetia complained about a lack of trade in November 550 and used local funds to immediately complete a new forum there, with the same happening in Saguntum (Hispania) in January 551. Though unfortunately, despite a few attempts, no new foreign trade routes could be found.

In January 551, the Gallic province of Lemovices converted to the Roman state religion – welcome news, especially as the province already had a functioning temple (all new projects costing around 50 gold around this period, some – like irrigation - taking longer to finish than others).

Then on 2 July 551, a once in a generation event occurred in civic technology research. It would take over 24 years to reach the next such milestone.

Cato will no doubt rail against the possible adoption of ‘classical Greek philosophy’. But Humphronius would warmly welcome the institution of ‘underhand diplomacy’.

§§§§§§§

Part II – Casus Belli

The Eastern Question – September 551

“Peace is boring, Humphronius,” lamented Consul Laevinus after having finished reading through the latest manpower reports. “The war in Colchis continues, but they look to be on their last legs. The Pact will soon be finished and their troops returning. What can you tell me of the diplomatic situation?”

“The Fetial priests have provided an annotated map to summarise the current status of the five key powers. Thank you Bernardius, just place on the table here.”

“As has been the case for years now, Macedon is stable and flush with money, but have no manpower reserves, putting everything they have into raising new regiments,” Humphronius continued. “And fortunately for us, apparently not willing or able to hire vast amounts of mercenary troops.”

Laevinus nodded; Humphronius continued.

“Pontus remains unstable, virtually bankrupt, but with plenty of manpower in reserve. The Seleucids are in a similar state, though a little better off than Pontus. All three remain allied with each other and at war with Colchis and Rhoxolani.”

“And our Egyptian allies?”

“As well disposed as they can possibly be at this stage. The relationship has never been stronger. They have vast manpower reserves and a small but reasonable treasury. And as far as the Republic is concerned, we retain a valid casus belli against Macedon.”

“And our legions are all back in place now, with Legio IV back in Triballi, while the navy is concentrated in Argolis.”

“Yes, Consul.”

“So Humphronius, if I was to submit a declaration of war against Macedon to the Senate, would it pass?”

“Yes, Consul, but only just. It would cost you some political capital to get it approval.”

“Well, then do it! And then get the Senate to approve calls to arms to both Egypt and our old friends Massilia, for good measure.”

“A very courageous course of action, Consul, given manpower is only partly restored and we can’t be sure the Senate will approve those calls to arms after you are forced to push the war vote through. Or that, if called, our allies will respond.”

“Bah! Enough of this lily-livered dithering. It is time for me to seek glory. Ah, for the Republic you understand, not me personally. Perish the thought!”

“Yes, Consul,” replied Humphronius with a sceptically raised eyebrow. So the answer to the ‘Eastern Question’ would be war. Again. Typical, he thought as he left the tablinum.

And while the declaration was pushed through, the Senate [rather stupidly and obstinately ] absolutely refused to sanction any calls to arms being sent! Laevinus’ popularity was a bit too low, and it turned out his own faction leader was a rival, so the increased votes he would have expected from his own factional colleagues were not forthcoming. And even so, they may not have been enough anyway. Rome would be facing the entire Pact (presuming Pontus and the Seleucids honoured their commitments to Macedon) alone for the time being.

This did not affect short term plans too badly though, as Thracia should be able to be held by the strong Legio VI (now 31,000 men strong) behind the Propontis if necessary, while many of the Pact’s forces were still presumably off in Colchis and there was no Zagreid in Bithynia. Legio IV was split in two, Licinus [Martial 8] keeping 8,000 men and Laevinus [Martial 3] taking the other 8,000 under his personal command. They would have the routine task of sieging down the unguarded provinces of Pontic Thrace, starting with Suci and Crobobzi. This fulifilled Laevinus ambition to become a legate, making him a little more confident in his command [+1 Martial, to 4]. This new outfit was designated as Legio XII.

The cursus honorum was not ignored either. Titus Aemilius Barbula [Martial 9] was the next young man made Pontifex Maximus on 9 September. G.C. Scipio [Martial 8] was promoted to Censor and another man in turn made available in the ‘command pool’.

§§§§§§§

The Land War – September to December 551

As neither Pontus nor the Seleucids declared war immediately, the 4th, 6th and 12th Legions on the Pontic border remained on standby. Legio VIII in Argolis was also split in two, with the perennial ‘ferryman’ M.C. Dentatus [Martial 5] given a revived Legio V (10 cohorts) and marching for Thessaly. Gurges held the other 15 cohorts in Argolis to keep an eye on the Seleucid garrison of eight regiments sitting in Sparta. The 1st (still A.C. Caudex, [Martial 9]) and 2nd (old A.P. Albinus, [Martial 8]) Legions had the main job of marching into Epirus and Macedonia respectively, to confront the main Macedonian army, commanded by their ruler, Archon Ptolemy Ptolemy.

The first battle was an easy skirmish on Legio II’s arrival in Macedonia on 2 October 551, with the siege beginning straight away.

[See map note 1 in the campaign map further below. If viewing on a PC, you may wish to put the map – which has dates, numbers and casualties for all the battles and skirmishes - up in one window and follow the progress via the text.]

The same day, Pontus and the Seleucids declared war. Gurges marched with Legio VIII on Sparta, but the Seleucid 2nd Stratos headed north to Roman Achaea, which they would reach nine days before the Romans would catch them. Gurges decided to proceed, guessing Achaea should be a tough nut to crack.

In Thrace, the 4th and 12th marched north as planned, while it was decided to send Legio VI across the Propontis to Bithynia, in the hope it might be taken before Pontus could bring its main army back.

Rather than staying in Epirus to confront Caudex’s Legio I, Ptolemy had marched to Macedonia to confront Albinus. Both sides started the battle on 5 October [map note 2] with 26,000 men each. The main differences were that Ptolemy had four light infantry regiments, but (due no doubt to their superior military technology and Rome’s Consul not being a strong military man) their morale was considerably stronger. The discipline of each side’s mainstay heavy infantry was similar: and seeing this, Laevinus was glad Licinus had passed the Lex Civitas Deses [which increased heavy infantry disciple by 20%].

Albinus was also the superior leader, though Ptolemy got the better of the opening round, then pressed hard after that with a devastating charge that saw Roman morale plummet and casualties mount at a horrendous rate. Things were already difficult by 11 October and would now get worse over the next five days.

During the battle, word came that Pontus had made a separate peace with Colchis: they clearly wanted to get back to deal with the Romans as quickly as possible.

Back in Macedonia, old Albinus, crusty naval veteran of the First Eastern War, showed steely determination as the men of Legio II fought for their lives and – even more importantly – their honour. On 15 October, back against the metaphorical wall, he signalled the counter-charge. Even though Roman morale was still fragile by 18 October, it was now the Macedonians who were dying in droves. On 19 October, clearly fearing the destruction of his army – the only sizeable force Macedon currently in the country – Ptolemy withdrew.

The casualties were dreadful on both sides; the death toll ended up being greater on the Macedonian side, but Roman morale was almost shot, as they resumed the siege and suffered attrition to boot. However, a close run and important battle had been won.

On 22 October, Dentatus and Legio V arrived in Thessaly, driving off three regiments in a two-day skirmish and setting up their siege lines [map note 3].

Just two days later, Colchis made their peace with the Seleucids: they had been devastated, losing half their remaining territory as the war concluded.

Dentatus won another short skirmish in Thessaly – which would prove one of the focal points during the first months of the campaign – in early November [map note 4] and maintained the siege. This was followed by a bigger battle just a few days later, when Ptolemy brought a significantly larger force against Dentatus’ Legio V on 14 November [map note 5]. But the ‘journeyman’ legate, outnumbered as he was, saw off the half-hearted attack in just five days. Caudex, who had been chasing Ptolemy from Epirus with Legio I, was not even needed in the end.

Caudex was in Thessaly five days after this victory and, with attrition set to continue and a large combined force at hand, the Romans made the rare (for them) decision to assault a full-strength garrison of a stockaded city. The assault ground on from 24 November to 2 December – but ended agonisingly short of victory when Roman morale failed at the last gasp.

Caudex hoped this would not prove fatal.

§§§§§§§

The Land War – January to July 552

There was better news from Achaea, where – after making no progress yet in Sparta and scaring off a small but progressing Macedonian siege of Argolis, Gurges had launched an attack on the Seleucids on 9 January 555 AUC [map note 6], defeating them and breaking the siege, even while the Macedonians started theirs over again in Argolis.

In Thessaly, even though the siege had made little headway [0% progress], the city’s tiny remaining garrison of just 59 men surrendered on 10 January [map note 7]. The assault had not been completely fruitless after all. This would be the only enemy province actually seized by the end of July 552.

The very next day, the plucky (or foolhardy) Ptolemy made an attempt to retake Thessaly, attacking the 1st and 5th Legions’ 32,000 men on 11 January with around 20,000 troops [map note 8]. Despite poor starting morale, Rome’s superior numbers and a brilliant opening gambit by Caudex [Rome (7)8.5 v 1 Macedon die roll] turned this into one of the most one-sided bloodbaths against a major power Rome had won in decades. Just 170 legionaries were lost but over half of Ptolemy’s army was destroyed in five days of butchery. It would prove the turning point of the early campaign.

Then early the next month, news came from Gurges in Sparta: his Legio VIII had cornered and destroyed the Seleucid army in a single day [map note 9].

Meanwhile, two attempts by Legio VI to cross into Bithynia had been disrupted by small enemy fleets in the Propontis. At the cost of some additional seaborne attrition, the Roman Navy had been called in to clear the waterway and ferry them across instead, with Q.M. Vitulus [Martial 8] finally beginning his siege on 5 February. But five crucial months had been lost in getting there: it remained to be seen if this would prove significant.

The next major battle took place in Epirus between 9 and 13 March 552 [map note 10], where Caudex’s Legio I had chased the enemy down. He made short work of Ptolemy’s Macedonian army with yet another devastating opening gambit, despite attacking over a river [Rome (7)7.5 v 2 Macedon].

Caudex kept up the chase, pursuing Ptolemy to Thessaly, which was unoccupied with Legio V was now besieging Aetolia, where Dentatus won another skirmish, this time against Macedonian recruits on 18 March [map note 11]. Caudex found Ptolemy once more in Thessaly on 18 April, this time winning a closer fight [Rome (5)6.5 v 6 Macedon] against the now badly outnumbered Macedonian Archon [map note 12].

Meanwhile, more auxiliaries had been recruited in recent months (more detail later) and had begun to assemble in Paeonia, where one of the recent ex-Censors was given command of the newly raised Legio XIII. It started marching on 22 March with four cohorts and more on the way from the Illyrian hinterland. All were ordered to rendezvous in Epirus.

“Don’t be silly, nothing unlucky about that number,” said a confident new Legate, Servius Caecilius Metellus [Martial 8] to a dubious looking auxiliary centurion.

But Metellus was delayed in Paeonia for a few days by a small local barbarian uprising in early May, just before he was to leave the province. He lost just 22 men wiping out 1,000 Autariatae tribesmen, sending 1,000 camp followers into slavery.

Unfortunately, this short delay meant a couple of the reinforcement cohorts arrived in Epirus a few days before Metellus – leading to 2,000 auxiliary principes being wiped out by Ptolemy’s army (now less than 4,000 men) which arrived and ambushed them on 16 June [map note 13], before Metellus could arrive to rescue them. He marched on, due to arrive on 21 June and administer some Roman justice on the Archon.

Metellus opened strongly, slightly outnumbering the now small Macedonian remnant. But Ptolemy fought back on 26 June [not captured in a screenshot] and by 1 July was in the ascendant, with Roman morale (somewhat inexplicably) failing badly, even after having inflicted relatively massive casualties on the enemy while losing few of the auxiliary troops. Legio XIII, much to Metellus’ surprise and consternation, broke and ran on 2 July [map note 14]. The last two battles of the period had been Rome’s first defeats in the campaign so far.

“Just a bit of bad luck,” Metellus remarked to the same centurion he had spoken to back up in Paeonia, as they trudged north back to Taulanti. All he received in reply was an ‘I told you so’ expression.

On 20 July, ominous news was reported: Zagreid was in Paphlagonia, marching on Bithynia with an army of 34 regiments, due to arrive on 24 August. Attrition had seen Legio VI whittled down to 25,100 men from their establishment strength of 31,000, and the siege only partly complete [38% progress]. They could either stand and fight, or try to evade battle – which could only be done in time through a naval evacuation.

By 30 July a small Pontic fleet blocked the Propontis, but a large Roman fleet in Mare Aegium could be quickly be sent to eject the Pontic ships and perhaps ferry Legio VI back to Thracia. But this decision would be left to the new Consul, with the election due that day.

Across the front, six Roman sieges were in progress, three of them near completion. Legio XI was in Liburni, coming and despatching barbarian rebels along the way (more below). Legio XIII was almost back in Taulanti after their surprise defeat in Epirus, while Legio I was nearing Argolis, where it was flushing out the small Macedonian force besieging it (and explained why they had not been sent to Epirus). And of course, the returning Zagreid was still bearing down on Bithynia.

The Second Eastern War: summary of battles in the Macedonian Campaign, October 551 to July 552.

§§§§§§§

The Naval War – September 551 to July 552

The naval part of the war started well, with the massed Roman fleet in Argolis, around 100 ships in three fleets under the lead command of T.A. Cotta [Martial 8], sortieing out from Argolis as war was declared. G.S. Blaesus was too disloyal to be voluntarily removed from command of Classis I, which would also make it impossible to detach ships for repairs or to merge with other fleets.

They ambushed and destroyed a fleet of ten Macedonian triremes in Mare Mrytoum before they could escape, sinking nine and capturing one by 17 September 551 [map note 1].

After the Roman fleets fanned out, on 2 October, Classis II under D.C. Scipio found and sank a small Pontic flotilla in Mare Icarium [map note 2]. Over in Mare Hadriaticum, Classis I (G.S. Blaesus) inconclusively skirmished with a smaller Macedonian fleet on 18 October [map note 3], but then caught up and decisively defeated them in Sinus Tarentinus between 28 October and 1 November [map note 4].

Then on 1 November, a large Seleucid fleet was spotted heading towards Mare Myrtoum, where the three Roman fleets were ordered to concentrate and give battle.

After some jockeying around and a change of direction by the Seleucids, the largest naval battle of this first phase of the war began on 24 November in Mare Icarium [map note 5], where 69 ships from Classis II and IV, led by the senior admiral T.A. Cotta, engaged 44 Seleucid triremes (some had peeled away in the interim). The fighting was tactically even at first, then on 6 December Classis I joined the fight with another 27 ships. The engagement finished on 17 December, with Rome victorious and the surviving Seleucids heading to port in Lydia for repairs.

After this, a small detachment of six ships under the mediocre D.S. Caepio arrived in the Propontis to secure the crossing of Legio VI which, as noted earlier, had had a previous crossing to Bithynia interrupted by passing enemy ships.

But on 11 January 552, a twelve ship fleet under Pontic Admiral Orestes Pytheid attacked Caepio [map note 6], who fled as soon as he was able to and before he lost any ships. This also sent Legio VI back to its starting point in Thracia - again.

Cotta responded by leading Classis II and IV to sweep the Pontic fleet back out of the Propontis on 25 January [map note 7]. They then ferried Legio VI across to Bithynia directly. Sadly, instead of repairing in Thracia, Caepio’s small flotilla had headed for Argolis, but was ambushed along the way by that large Seleucid fleet at port in Lydia (an elementary mistake) and wiped out [map note 8].

The Second Eastern War: summary of battles in the Naval Campaign, September 551 to July 552. The numbers are fleet strength then (captured and sunk).

§§§§§§§

Manpower, Recruiting, Infrastructure and Research - September 551 to July 552

The new temple in Vindelicia was finished on 6 September 551, just before war was declared. Then local governors in Carnutes (6 October) and Taulanti (17 December) commissioned new temple on their own initiative, the only cost being a little loyalty.

Tracking the manpower reserve was crucial in this hopefully more limited war, as the risk had been taken to leap in from a starting point of only 57,797 as at 1 September 551. After the initial battles and attrition, by 21 November the reserve had increased to 59,381, but there were now 10,281 vacancies in the legions. The monthly recruiting rate had risen to 1,377.

By 2 March 552, the reserve was at 57,170, but now with 18,430 vacancies, with a monthly accrual rate of 1,400. As Laevinus' term as Consul ended on 30 July 552, it was 53,092 in reserve, with 15,195 vacancies (about 2,500 were trickling through as replacements each month) and the accrual rate steady at 1,400. For now, this was sustainable.

Unit raising had resumed when the war commenced and the Senate allowed neither Egypt or Massilia to be asked to join in. Up to the end of July, eight more cohorts of auxiliary principes and one of archers were set in training, two of which were destroyed in the ambush in Epirus. By this time, the costs of mercenaries had inflated again: principes were 18.4 gold each to hire, 9.2 for archers. Regulars were 2 and 1 gold each respectively. But with manpower at a premium and money plentiful, only auxiliaries were hired. Two more triremes were laid down and one enemy ship captured, while six had Roman vessels had been sunk.

And in June 552, a most welcome advance in military technology was made that should lead to some useful combat improvements in due course.

§§§§§§§

Piracy - August 448 to July 552

In the four years of the Consular terms of Licinus and Laevinus, five pirate fleets were sunk: 23 were sunk and two captured and pressed into Roman service.

§§§§§§§

Other Events - September 551 to July 552

Despite the best chance of success in years, the next omen failed on the ante diem quartum decimum Kalendas (the 14th day before the Kalends) of October 551. There was a call for the now under-performing Gallic chickens to be turned into ‘chicken a la rex’ and eaten for dinner that evening.

On 17 March 552, as the war raged in Macedon, a barbarian revolt had broken out in Liburni. Bubulcus took a cut-down Legio XI east to deal with them, leaving seven cohorts behind in Helvetii that would be joined by and incorporated into Legio III ‘Nova’, under the experienced legate Hiram Magoid,. With Gaul and the German border so quiet in recent years, it was hoped one large legion would be sufficient for most emergencies. Magoid was in place by 11 June, with 20 cohorts under command.

After taking some attrition on the way through Histrii, Legio XI arrived in Liburni on 25 July 552 and wiped out the whole barbarian force of 6,000 Pentri in one battle by 28 July, losing 295 of his 13,930 legionaries doing it; 0.58 gold and 6,000 slaves were taken. Bubulcus kept marching east: he may be needed to help stem the attacks of returning Pontic and Seleucid armies in coming weeks and months.

The next election was duly held on 30 July – marking over 20 years now of Consuls serving their full two-year terms. The winner was another Mercantile candidate, but this one – Manius Cornelius Scipio – was actually a strong military officer, which would help the morale of the troops at the front. His personal (and sometimes contradictory) traits might make him a bit of a handful for the civil servants, but they were used to such challenges.

“Like all politicians, he craves popularity and has been lucky enough to achieve it,” observed Humphronius. “For now, anyway.”

“Oh, ah, is that bad then, Humphronius Obscurus?” asked an uncertain Bernardius.

“Normally yes, on principle … but in this case no, Bernardius. A popular Consul is more likely to be able to sway the Senate.”

“Ah, I see. The calls to arms.”

“Yes, Bernardius. You’re learning. Let us now brief our new master and see what his wishes are. We might even let him pursue a few of them!”

In this case, the dearest wishes of both were in harmony.

“Humphronius, I will take these two motions to the Senate immediately – there is not a moment to waste. I have already sounded out our colleagues in the Religious faction, who are now very willing to back me on this.”

Seeing what the motions were, Humphronius smiled indulgently. For once, this was ‘action, now!’ he could support wholeheartedly.

“Yes, Consul. Let us hope the Egyptians answer the call.”

The answer to that particularly important question would have to await the efforts of the emissary.

Given the balance of power in the Senate, the cross-party support Scipio could count on from the Religious faction was a very useful bonus. Of interest, at this early stage, all three leading candidates for the next Consulship were from the religious faction. Whether that would still be the case by the time of the next election though was of course moot.

§§§§§§§

Finis

Bullfilter · Sep 1, 2020

Chapter LXXXV: War is Wearing
(1 August 552/202 BC to 31 July 554/200 BC)

Foreword. While I want to move the story forward in longer chunks of time, a lot happens in a major war that I think should be related, even while trying to keep it more succinct. So, by cutting out a little more extraneous stuff (like Gubernatorial building events, or too much on military movements that aren’t that crucial to the final result), I’ve managed to get two years’ worth into a single chapter.

The last chapter finished with a new Consul – M.C. Scipio of the Mercantile faction – pondering calls to arms being made to Rome’s allies Egypt and Massilia. Meanwhile, Macedonian remnant armies were still being chased around, while many sieges were in progress in Greece and Pontic Thrace.

In Asia Minor, a large Pontic army, commanded by the formidable Sophronius Zagreid, was bearing down on Legio VI in Bithynia, which was waiting on the Roman Navy to clear the Propontis and lift them away to safety before Zagreid (who now had a large numerical advantage) could strike them.

§§§§§§§

1 August – 31 December 552

By 7 August, the new ‘mini-legion’ of Legio XIII had finished its retreat to Taulanti after its surprise defeat in Epirus the month before. Rookie legate S.C. Metellus picked up three fresh cohorts there, giving him around 6,800 men, and immediately turned around (barbarian style) and marched straight back to Epirus, determined to revenge himself on Macedonian Basileus Ptolemy and redeem the honour of the 'Unlucky 13th', as some were informally calling his legion.

As in the last chapter, I recommend if possible having the campaign map up in one window as the descriptions are worked through, as in some cases I leave the details to that visual summary rather than repeating them all in the text.

Campaign Summary, the Second Eastern War, August 552 to July 554 AUC.
Note: Included here at the start more for reference as the combat descriptions progress, rather than to be 'consumed whole' at the start, but of course that is up to the Dear Reader.

The siege of Seleucid Sparta (194 days, map note 1) finished on 11 August, with Gurges’ Legio VIII ordered to march north, to confront one of the ‘loose’ Macedonian armies sheltering in Achaea. The same day, Classis I (Blaesus) and IV (Cotta), with 60 ships between them, attacked 14 Pontic triremes in the Propontis (note 2). No ships were lost on either side, but the battle went longer than it should with these overwhelming odds [Rome 3 v 7 and 1.5 v 2 Pontus], which delayed the escape of Legio VI (Licinus) from Bithynia. As it happened, this delay was fatal for a good many Roman legionaries.

After this delay, Legio VI would have made it on to the ships on 25 August, but Zagreid’s army arrived in Bithynia the day before, on 24 August. All Licinus' men had to do was defend for the minimum of four days before they could retreat to the boats, without suffering too many casualties. Alas, this is not the way things turned out. The crucial initial (and only) exchange was a complete and unmitigated Roman disaster – one of the worst and most disproportionate losses in Roman history, with over 10,000 men lost in just four days (note 3).

As the humiliated and eviscerated Legio VI stampeded onto the boats on 29 August, Gurges' Legio VIII was attacking the Macedonian army in Achaea, wiping out the entire force of over 6,000 men by the next day, for minimal loss (note 4).

But when Legio VI began to disembark in Thracia on 2 September, they had lost around another 3,000 men to attrition during the brief trip. In all, the foray into Bithynia had proven an ill-advised disaster. Since crossing into Bithynia, over 20,000 men had been lost to combat and attrition, for no gain. In retrospect, staying with the original plan of sitting in Thracia and either blockading the Propontis or inviting a Pontic attack at a large disadvantage over the waterway would have been the wise choice.

In reaction to all this – and the prospect of a more protracted war – the calls to arms were issued by Consul Scipio on 4 September 552 AUC [Egypt ‘likely’, Massilia ‘very likely’]. But the replies were not entirely what the Romans had been hoping for.

The Romans were so irate that a casus belli on Egypt was available and the alliance was [automatically] broken as a result of the Egyptians' failure to honour their obligations, while the basic strength of the relationship was also damaged.

That day, another Macedonian army was spotted heading south from barbarian Eravisci (north of the Danube) towards Roman territory. Legio XI, still making its way back from the west, was given the task of intercepting them. The chase would end up taking quite some time and would finally end in Paeonia.

Five days later, Suci (in Pontic Thrace) fell to its Roman besiegers (305 days, note 5). Also on 10 September, a small fleet of Pontic ships was spotted in Mare Aegeum. Cotta (Classis IV, 31 ships) set off from the Propontis to teach them a lesson, leaving Classis I to continue the blockade.

Over in Eprius, on 14 September S.C. Metellus did indeed exact his revenge on Basileus Ptolemy, with now over double the enemy’s men to his name. The battle started well for Legio XIII [Rome (5) 6 v 0 Macedon], then things slowed down [(0) 1 v 0] before victory was achieved on 26 September, the Macedonians taking very heavy casualties for only a few Romans killed (note 6).

The second battle in Mare Aegeum from 21-28 September (note 7) was a convincing victory, with five of the 12 Pontic ships sunk. But 11 of Cotta’s 31 vessels required repairs, for which they soon docked in nearby occupied Thessaly.

By early October, Roman manpower reserves stood at 50,404, but after the disaster in Bithynia 21,309 men were required to replenish the legions. Recruiting sat at 1,377 per month.

A few days later, Consul Scipio was taking diplomatic advice from Humphronius Obscurus. Before Egypt could again be asked to join the war, the alliance would need to be renewed. But Scipio did not have the numbers in the Senate, which overwhelmingly opposed such a request. Humphronius did suggest sending a ‘gift’ to Egyptian courtiers, however, as an interim measure to rebuild the relationship and make any future diplomatic requests more likely to be approved by them. The Senate had no problems with that, anyway.

Good news came on the ante diem quartum decimum Kalendas (the 15th day before the Kalends) of October 552 AUC, with a favourable omen despite the narrow odds for success, with Cupid’s Blessing received.

“Have one child for the husband, one for the wife, and one for the Republic!” decreed the Consul.

Ptolemy’s few remaining stragglers arrived in Thessaly on 9 November, where Legio I was waiting for them and Legio VIII was passing through on its way to the north. Over 40,000 Romans made light work of the 836 soldiers the Basileus could muster from 25 regiments – all of which were destroyed (note 8).

A month later, Consul Scipio was back in Hispania, commanding Legio X in Vaccaei. Bernardius Lanatus Reverens, there to help him administer the affairs of state, went to wake him with the morning despatches. But the Consul was unresponsive as he lay peacefully - and quite cold - in bed. A very fast carrier pigeon [

] soon had the news being reported in Rome, where a new election was held immediately.

The dominant Religious faction was back in charge, its leader taking the Consular reins. Another A.C. Caudex [Civic faction, Martial 5] was given the ‘backwater’ command of Legio X. The sceptical Centho would prove a drag on research in the Republic, but would at least improve the chance for successful omens.

On 10 December, Macedonia fell to Rome after a lengthy 434 day siege (note 9). The satisfaction of the Senate's earlier standing resolution to retake it prompted a new - and more ambitious - objective to be put forward. Not impossible, though unlikely.

With this progress, Centho had Humphronius present options for peace settlements – not that he intended to take any up as yet.

“I just want to know what is on offer and what we could gain, from a separate peace with Macedon or a general one via the Seleucids.”

“Yes, Consul.” The Fetial priests soon had a report available. There was still some way to go to get a substantial settlement.

Neither option was pursued. The strategy would continue to be to methodically reduce the army and forts of Macedon and Pontic Thrace, while keeping the area sealed off from the rest of Pontus and Seleucia. But a short time later, Centho’s increased backing in the Senate was just enough to force through a request to renew the Egyptian alliance, which was accepted.

This was followed soon after by a small naval skirmish in Mare Aegeum on 16 December, which was becoming a focal point of Roman-Pact naval operations in this phase of the war. Two more Pontic galleys were sunk, though Classis IV took a little more damage (note 10). But while the Romans were distracted with this engagement, the main Seleucid battle fleet – 52 ships strong – had slipped into Mare Icarium unnoticed and would reach Cotta’s fleet the next day!

Cotta decided to stand and fight, calling up the ships under repair in Thessaly and D.C. Scipio’s Classis II from Argolis to join him. Eventually, this should give him a healthy numerical advantage, even without calling in Blaesus from the Propontis, who had another 29 ships.

Fighting started on 17 December, with Roman numbers building by stages as each new detachment arrived, but it meant Cotta’s Classis IV (21 ships) bore the initial brunt. By 31 December, fighting still raged, the Seleucids with 52 ships and the Romans still only 30. From this time, the daily tactical advantage swung to and fro. The Seleucid admiral – Polyperchon Arid [Martial 9, of course! ] had the slight advantage over T.A. Cotta [Martial 8].

Not all were recorded, but the following applied:

31 December: Rome 5 v 2.5 Seleucid
2 January: 2 v 6.5
6 January: 4 v 5.5
15 January: 2 v 0.5
17 January: 2 v 5.5
21 January: 5 v 6.5
27 January: 2 v 4.5
2 February: 0 v 2.5

So the Seleucids received the overwhelming random advantage of the winds for most of this long-running naval battle.

The key points were the arrival of Classis II on 5 January, by which time Rome had lost three ships but now had a numerical advantage. Seeing the way things were turning by then, Classis I was called up from the Propontis that day. It was gambled that the battle would be over in plenty of time for them to resume the blockade before Zagreid could get his army across the waterway to invade Thracia.

Classis I arrived on 15 January, which swung the numbers and relative morale firmly back in Rome’s favour. But carry-over damage and early toll on Classis IV was showing: by then 15 Roman vessels had been lost but no Seleucids sunk. In retrospect, Cotta should have probably pulled his badly damaged fleet out at that point, letting Blaesus and Scipio keep up the fight. But all were fixated on victory and revenge and the option was not taken.

By 2 February, just one Seleucid vessel had been sunk but many more Roman triremes lay at the bottom of the sea. At this point, just as the Seleucids were wearing, they withdrew a couple of days later. Cotta could claim a victory on paper, but the casualties were once more catastrophic, with almost a quarter of the combined Roman Grand Fleet lost (note 11). With the Propontis to seal up again and the rest of the Roman ships too badly damaged to risk, the Seleucids were able to escape without follow-up.

As the great Battle of the Mare Aegeum raged, Pontic Crobobizi had fallen to its Roman besiegers on 31 December 552 (419 days, note 12). Tomis would be their next target.

§§§§§§§

1 January – 30 June 553

Over in the west, which had remained remarkably quiet for many months, a relatively minor rebellion broke out in Vaccaei (Hispania), where A.C. Caudex ‘Minor’ had a hard time of it initially [Rome 0 v (6)7 Rebel], but eventually prevailed at the cost of 1,836 of his 13,000 men, with 1,780 of the 5,000 rebels killed and the rest dispersed.

And as Mare Aegeum raged on, Legio XI (T.J. Bubulcus, 15 cohorts) finally ran down the last wandering Macedonian army of Phidias Xenodid in Paeonia. It was over in a couple of days, with just eight Romans killed while all 6,021 of the last formed Macedonian army were slaughtered [Rome (6)8 v Macedon 0] (note 13).

The aftermath of the ‘victory’ in Mare Aegeum saw the Roman fleets dispersed either to repair in Thessaly or back to the Propontis where Classis I would beat Zagreid’s crossing by only nine days! And after all the hard work and sacrifice of the Roman sailors, Arid fled without hindrance to Mare Icarium.

Every shipbuilding yard in the entire Republic was then put to work to start replacing the grievous losses, but the Roman treasury was strong and 13 new vessels were ordered the day the battle ended.

And on the diplomatic front, with the Senate approving, a more problematic call to arms was sent to Egypt (only a ‘maybe’ this time, as the relationship had slipped a bit since the first request).

But once more the dastardly and cowardly Egyptians shirked their responsibilities, with the alliance again broken and relations further strained. Consul Centho and the entire Senate were livid!

But, ever patient, after the latest Roman envoys to Alexandria had returned a month later, Humphronius once more urged the effort to be made to renew the alliance, though again this would cost Centho political support. Even if they had been twice disappointed with the results.

Away from the war, there was more good news with Raetia being fully absorbed into the Republic as a province, with Roman culture and religion, on 24 March 553. And four days later, Peiphigi fell to the Romans (note 14). The small Legio XII, with S.V. Laevinus [a second-stringer legate, Martial 5] in charge, was sent north through barbarian lands to make an attempt to take the isolated Alazones from Pontus.

By 2 May, relative peace on land in recent months meant most of the legions had been brought close to full strength, at the cost of running down the manpower reserve (33,006 in reserve, 8,781 replacements needed). Population growth and absorbed provinces meant the monthly recruiting rate had risen to 1,463.

Epirus was the next Macedonian province to fall, taken on 8 April after a 191 day siege (note 15). A few weeks later, the Massilian contribution to the war effort finally appeared in Liburni: their 2nd Stratos, with 20 regiments. Good old Massilia!

As the war now focused on siege work, on 6 May Liburni was also fully absorbed as a province. And on 13 May, another 22 gold talents were shipped off to Egypt, to again try to build the relationship and give a subsequent call to arms more chance of succeeding – given past bitter disappointments.

Legio XIII, now up to its full strength of 7,000 and waiting in Thessaly, was broken into two contingents, ready to land on the Pontic island outposts of Crete and Rhodes, as had been dome in the First Eastern War. By 23 May the first four cohorts were ready to sail to Crete.

Back in Roma, the next iteration of the cursus honorum was prosecuted on 25 May 553, the 25 year-old T.O. Crassus [Martial 9] was now old enough to become Pontifex Maximus. T.A. Barbula [Martial 9] was promoted from Pontifex to Censor, and outgoing Censor Arivargus Vodenosid [Martial 7] was sent into the field to take command of the detachment that would soon head to Rhodes.

A week later, the loyalty of senior officials and Senators was shored up with the introduction of a a new system of open courts.

And with the completion of the first two new ships on 24 June, another two were laid down in Samnium and Liguria. Two days later, Legio XII (eight cohorts) was in Olbia and spotted a small army of five Pontic regiments in Alazones. Like any good Roman general, he advanced to the attack, even though the enemy were trying to vacate it, heading west towards barbarian Navari.

§§§§§§§

1 July – 31 December 553

8 July brought the fall of Euboea (191 days, note 16), leaving Aetolia as the only unoccupied Macedonian province, with no Macedonian troops left in the field. Then on 17 July, the important Italian province of Samnium finally became fully Romanised, with its culture now following the way of its religious affiliations to complete its absorption.

Vodenosid arrived off Rhodes the same day, only to find a Pontic garrison of three regiments (though with no assigned leader) in occupation. Rather than risk a naval landing with only even numbers, he sailed back to pick up another cohort from Legio I in Euboea (noting that more than four at a time would attract seaborne attrition). The siege of Crete, which had no Pontic garrison, remained in its early days.

Laevinus arrived in Alazones to wreak mayhem on the Pontic force there, which was only made up of light infantry militia, without even archers to support them. Laevinus had a balanced force of principes, cavalry, horse archers and archers. But the enemy had the advantage of defending a forest and their general had twice the talent of Laevinus. Things only got worse after a poor start, and the Romans were administered a shameful beating, though the legate did at least redeem his honour by bravely commanding the rear-guard – and living to tell the tale (not included on the campaign map).

With news of the defeat, Legio XI (T.J. Bubulcus, [Martial 8], 15,000 men) was sent north from reserve in Triballi on 30 July to ‘do the job properly’ – but it was a long journey.

Tomis fell on 15 August 553 (191 days, note 17), completing the occupation of Pontic Thrace. That day, Vodenosid, back now with four cohorts, began his naval landing attack [-2 die roll penalty] on Rhodes. The beach landing disadvantage more than offset by his superior tactical acumen [+3.5, with no enemy leader]. Most Roman casualties were sustained in the first five days, [Rome (0)1.5 v 6 Pontus], but this was turned around [(4)5.5 v 3] and the battle was won by 24 August, with any Pontic troops not killed in the combat taken prisoner and the siege begun (note 18).

After the longest siege to that date in Roman experience (534 gruelling days) Aetolia finally fell on 20 August (note 19), meaning Macedon was now completely occupied. It was time to enforce a separate peace on them and grab as much territory as could be squeezed out of them, plus the relinquishment of a number of core claims. Macedon was now reduced to a rump state with no standing army.

At this time, Roman manpower reserves were 27,779, with 9,853 replacements needed and monthly recruiting now up to 1,614. The war with Pontus and the Seleucids would continue as Crete and Rhodes were reduced.

Another five triremes were ordered on 7 September as more ships finished construction around the Republic. This was timely, as on 18 October the main Seleucid battle fleet, with 53 ships (no doubt all fully repaired) was sighted in the eastern Mediterranean, headed west. Cotta kept a careful eye on them, not eager to see more of his ships destroyed when his numbers were still less than during the last vicious battle.

The Seleucid fleet was tracked through Mare Carpathicum (sailing past the siege of Rhodes) and Mare Icarium, arriving in Mare Aegeum on 15 November, as Classis II and IV remained safely in port at Thessaly. Arid’s fleet then headed for the Propontis, which they were due to reach on 24 November – but Blaesus’ Classis I headed back to port in Thracia, and reached there on 17 November.

At this point, Arid turned back south towards Mare Icarium as Zagreid’s 2nd Pontic Stratos (now numbering 38 regiments) began to cross the Propontis. The Seleucids had only feinted north to clear the Propontis – quite a clever ploy. But by turning around, the Romans would be left free to resume the blockade most likely before Zagreid could complete his crossing from Bithynia.

And by then, Rome had Legio VI (Q.M. Vitulus, now recovered to 24,000 men, including after some consolidation or mercenary cohorts) and Legio VIII (Gurges) in Thracia – 41,500 Roman troops manning the shoreline. Though by exceeding the provincial supply limit (33 cohorts), they were suffering attrition (5% - ‘half decimation’). When Legio II (another 25,700 men under the verable A.P. Albinus) began marching from reserve in Maedi to Thracia on 21 November, Zagreid decided to halt his crossing in any case. The Romans had been half hoping he would continue.

All this prompted the Romans to reorganise again in Thracia, to deal with the attrition problem. On 23 November Legio VI was brought back to 33 cohorts, while Legio VIII, now with just 10 cohorts, headed back to reserve in Triballi and Legio II halted again in Maedi. Both could march to reinforce Thracia if necessary.

And to fully lock down the defence of Thracia, Classis I resumed the blockade of the Propontis on 21 December, with the Seleucid fleet having slipped off south – without any Roman attempt to intercept them.

§§§§§§§

1 January – 31 July 554

The new year began with sad but unsurprising news: old Albinus finally shuffled off the stage, active till the end at the ripe age of 82. No immediate replacement was appointed.

'Postumius posthumous.'

By the ante diem duodevicesimum Kalendas (18th day before the Kalends) of January, it was time for the chickens to be released again. With a religious Consul in charge, the chances of success were enhanced [up to 65%]. But the news was infuriating, with important research now even further delayed. The consequences were even more dire for the misbehaving poultry.

“Looks like chicken’s back on the menu, boys!”

The Seleucid fleet was next spotted in the Central Mediterranean, turning up in the Aegates Insulae off Panormus on 26 January. At that time, the seven-ship Classis III, under the personal command of Consul Centho, was chasing pirates further west in Insulae Gymnesiae. They won a battle against the five pirate ships there that day, sinking three and chasing the other two north. But a wary eye was kept on Arid’s 53-ship fleet.

In Roma, the much disliked malcontent former legate Theodoric Geroldid, still in prison after refusing to relinquish command in Graecia, met with a grisly end.

Humphronius promised the Senate he would launch a ‘full inquiry into the matter’, an assurance delivered with a knowing smirk and received with much good humour. There was even talk of voting Licinia Varia Prima a gift ‘for services rendered to the Republic’, but this was seen as just a little too obvious – and not a little gauche.

Crete fell to Rome on 7 February after 229 days of siege (note 20), though Rome hoped to wring still more out of Pontus before they were sent terms. In the west, Arid’s fleet (now south of Sardinia) definitely seemed to be chasing Centho’s little anti-piracy task force, by then in Pyreneae Promontorum with nine ships and still chasing the last few pirates. Centho abandoned the pirate chase on 23 February and headed to the nearby Massilian port of Emporion to take shelter. Denied his prey, Arid headed back east.

In early March, Centho decided enough was enough with Pontus: they were sent terms, which were agreed to on 5 March 554.

Now only Seleucia remained at war with Rome. Peace with them was considered, but at present Sparta remained just out of reach of a viable settlement demand [20% war score, Sparta 24% value]. A white peace was the only realistic alternative.

Plans were set afoot to try to eke out one more provincial conquest from the Seleucids, to allow Sparta to be demanded. In the south, troops would be ferried across in small increments to Egypt’s enclave in Asia Minor, where (with Egypt still neutral) they would be safe from Seleucid strikes and could build up to a strength of 25 cohorts in the two provinces without sustaining attrition.

In the north, Rome by now had two legions in Alazones, who had been besieging it when peace with Pontus was agreed. They hoped to march across Rhoxolani to attack Maeotae, but military access to do so was refused on 7 March. Next, Classis I was ordered to the north of the Euxine Sea (to what is modern Sea of Azov) to see if they could start ferrying troops across by sea.

In a long-awaited development, Histri – the last remaining unsettled province between Italia and Rome’s eastern holdings – became available for colonisation in mid-March. Settlers were sent immediately and one of the reserve legions sent across to help guard it.

A month later, there was more good news when manpower received a boost, while a week later another seven ships commenced building.

But when Classis I arrived in the north in late April, they spotted a Seleucid garrison of 8,000 in Maeotae, making any naval landing problematic. Instead, four cohorts were embarked to be sent south to Asia Minor, while the rest of the troops marched back overland to Thrace.

Things remained quiet until 2 June, when a revolt broke out in the restive former Macedonian province of Paeonia. The need to find an effective new commander for Legio II now came to the fore, sparking another evolution along the cursus honorum. Aulus Iacus Dives (Martial 8, a 29 year old a former Governor) was made Pontifex, T.O. Crassus [Martial 9] now became Censor, with S.C. Metellus [Martial 8] taking over command of Legio II in Maedi, marching straight away to put down the 6,000 rebels in Paeonia.

As all this was happening and forces were gradually built up in Egyptian Lycia and Caria (in Asia Minor), at sea the Seleucid battle fleet had been tracked heading back east from their fruitless foray into the western Mediterranean. Cotta massed Classis I, II and IV in Mare Aegeum, awaiting an imminent Seleucid onslaught with 76 Roman ships, all concentrated in one place this time, for a fourth naval battle in that nautical graveyard.

Arid’s fleet came into view on 26 June 554, but as they neared the Roman Grand Fleet, which had secured the slightly better winds, one Seleucid ship bearing a flag of truce (and, it transpired, the Seleucid admiral), came into view. Arid brought an offer of a white peace. As both sides remained tensed for combat, Titus Aurelius Cotta, the commander of the Roman Navy, pondered the situation.

He was tempted to press the slight advantage he held and perhaps gain some revenge on the Seleucids, but then again ... would risking another great blood-letting be worth the possibility of fighting for a single Seleucid province in Asia Minor, to possibly gain Sparta? It would take some months to assemble the large force they would need, Egypt would need to join the war and then another great loss of life would probably occur, win or lose…

In the end, Cotta agreed to the truce. There were fresh reports of a 40 regiment Seleucid army approaching Lydia and most of the planned gains for the war had been won. And Asia Minor had proven a difficult proposition in recent years.

The provisional truce was soon confirmed by the Senate. The Second Eastern War came to an end, the two coalition leaders agreeing to the white peace. Rome would not need to make another risky attempt to induce perfidious Egyptians to join.

This caused the unlikely mission to take Meshketi fail formally, resulting in a heavy loss of support for Centho’s Religious faction.

Meanwhile, Rome’s leading general A.C. Caudex (Major) was reportedly becoming disaffected. If he were to start a civil war, things could become dangerous indeed. And he was too great an asset to lose. Amidst this political turmoil, Centho sought the advice of his wily chief assistant.

“Humphronius, we must sort this out, and quickly,” said the Consul as he worriedly scanned this latest despatch. “Can we offer him triumph?”

“Alas no, Consul,” that worthy replied. “I’m afraid he hasn’t done enough of late to credibly warrant it.”

But then, Humphronius’ usual remedy for sticky situations came to the fore: filthy lucre.

“Consul, the results can vary and one instalment may not be enough, but I think ship full of amphorae containing gold coins rather than wine should do the trick. But it will be expensive.”

“Should fifty gold talents suffice, Humphronius?”

“Yes, Consul.”

In the event, the bribe was very effective, doing wonders for the general’s loyalty to the Republic. He should remain safe for some time, anyway.

Metellus had his first outing as a commander on 10 July, taking five days to comfortably defeat and scatter the rebels in Paeonia for only light losses (note 21). It would be the last combat action for the Roman Army in the two year period reviewed in this chapter.

As the battle ended, Histri was established as the latest Roman colony, finally linking both halves of the Republic by land. A stockade was started, as the small garrison sent earlier from the east made its way over.

As July 554 AUC finished, a review of the Senate and leading candidates for the next consulship (due for election in early December that year), gave cause for concern. The recent run of events had lent greater power to the Populists, who now stood as the single largest faction on the Senate floor. Of even more concern, their lead candidate Publius Cornelius Rufinus was well ahead of his two nearest Religious faction opponents.

"This Rufinus is nothing but a low Populist swine,” grumped Centho, quite agitated. “And he is not very competent, charismatic, prominent or even popular! Is there anything we can do to … er, I mean about him?” The Consul's raised eyebrow said all it needed to.

Bernardius, standing unobtrusively in the background, lost all colour in his face.

“There are some dirty deeds that could be done,” Humphronius responded smoothly. “One of them is not dirt cheap though very permanent, but highly unlikely to succeed. The other is cheap – a smear campaign to dent his popularity - but not much more likely to work. And the consequences of either failing would only make the problem worse. To proceed with either would, I’d vouchsafe, be extraordinarily courageous, Consul.”

“So I suppose we just have to bide our time and hope for a lucky break? Pray to the Gods?”

“Yes, Consul.” Bernardius was relieved, but still concerned at the ruthless implications of all this dark talk. Centho was just glum.

With a month of peace behind them, Rome’s manpower sat at 34,502 from an increased upper limit of 194,000. There were 1,623 new recruits being trained each month, with 9,050 still needed to replenish the legions. Another period of consolidation and rebuilding beckoned.

A statue thought to depict Consul Servius Claudius Centho proclaiming victory in the Second Eastern War to the Senate in 554 AUC (200 BC). However, not everyone was convinced by the soaring rhetoric of his oration. A strong Populist reaction against the long dominance of the Religious faction was taking hold.

§§§§§§§

Finis

Bullfilter · Oct 6, 2020

Chapter LXXXVI: Doing Alright
(1 August 554/200 BC to 22 May 559/195 BC)

Foreword. It’s been a few weeks, but we’re back to Rome again! With the 2nd Eastern War over, the Republic looked to a period of consolidation, the regeneration of its depleted manpower reserves and rebuilding of its heavy naval losses from the war. But rebels, barbarians and colonisation opportunities remained a possibility, while Roman politics could always throw up challenges and surprises.

§§§§§§§

1 August – 31 December 554

The second half of 554 AUC saw a preoccupation with domestic issues. On 10 August, the Governor of Laguatan (on the African border with Egypt) used local funds to construct a new temple. In Hispania, Vaccae’s culture became fully Roman on 4 October. Consul Centho described this as “getting on with the job” and “putting the interests of the Republic first.”

Humphronius rolled his eyes, remarking later to Bernardius that it was more like “lining the pockets of his Senatorial colleagues with lucrative contracts”.

Bernardius in term thought (but of course did not say) this sounded like sour grapes: Humphronius would have preferred the contacts went to his own ‘business partners’ instead. He had certainly tried to arrange such – no doubt for a ‘modest facilitation fee’!

These peaceful considerations were interrupted on 1 November by an uprising of 2,000 barbarian Veneti tribesmen in the recently colonised Histri. But G.F. Licinus was in place with Legio V, losing only 68 of his 8,000 men in slaughtering the entire enemy force and taking 2,000 slaves.

Governor M.P. Maso of Dalmatia took it into his own hands to install an irrigation system there on 13 November – work which otherwise would have cost 50 gold talents and taken the best part of two years to complete.

All this formed the backdrop for the next consular election held on 3 December: even though the Populist P.C. Rufinus was the clear favourite, the Gods instead smiled on Centho’s factional colleague D.C. Maximus, ensuring a continuation of Religious control at the top of the Republic.

Humphronius was well-pleased: he should be easily handled.

§§§§§§§

1 January – 31 December 555

The year began with some new colonisation opportunities becoming available. But first, the barbarians in the two western provinces of Volcae and Turones would have to be provoked and subdued before colonists could be despatched. Legio III was divided into three, with two detachments of five cohorts each sent to do the job, while the core of ten cohorts remained on border garrison duty.

The first detachment arrived in Turones on 13 February, but would have a long wait before the local barbarians could be roused to action [the smaller the presence, the smaller the recurring chance is that they will rise]. But as the small contingent suffered no attrition, they could wait as long as it took – unless trouble emerged elsewhere.

The omens were once again good in mid-February - the chickens were reprieved.

Other than some barbarian absorption in Crobobizi in February, the next event in the eastern Republic came on 4 April, with another rebellion in Maedi. Legio II had S.C. Metellus [age 50, Martial 8] installed as legate and was despatched from neighbouring Paeonia with 22,000 troops to quash the uprising. As they marched across, in early May the manpower reserve stood at just over 44,000, with 1,688 being recruited per month and now only 489 reinforcements required to replenish the massive losses of the 2nd Eastern War.

Another locally-funded temple was built on 5 May in Leptis Magna (temple building was not a state priority in provinces that had not yet converted to the Roman state religion). Not long after, Legio II engaged the 6,000 rebels in Maedi, killing 2,172 troublemakers and dispersing the rest, for 538 Roman soldiers lost.

It had taken the other Legio III detachment (also five cohorts) over five months to march from Helvetii to Volcae to begin the pacification process there, on 7 June 555 AUC. It too would take some time to stir up and engage the local barbarians. As they arrived, over in the east Scordisci became the next colonisation target. Legio IV was sent to pacify it, while the larger Legio XII (still only just approaching full strength after losses in the previous war) would replace them as the legionary garrison in Histri, whose new stockade would be finished on 24 June.

A new temple was begun in Liburni on 24 June, to celebrate its previous conversion to the Roman religion. But these good works were soon interrupted by a rash of assassinations, two of which struck key legates in the field. The veteran (and proficient) Q.M. Vitulus was struck down on 30 June, then his colleague T.J. Bubulcus just three days later.

Significantly, they commanded the two legions directly facing the Eastern Pact in Thracia and Egyptian Caria. The killings were attributed to relatively obscure Roman rivals, but Eastern perfidy was suspected.

“A rather startling coincidence, do you think, Humphronius Obscurus?” questioned Bernardius when the second message reached Roma.

Humphronius said nothing. A slightly raised left eyebrow was an eloquent enough indication of his view on such ‘coincidences’.

In early July, Legio VI, now the largest and most important command in the Roman Army, was taken over by its leading commander, A.C. Caudex [Martial 9], now aged 57 and no longer the ‘bright young man’. The command in Caria was left vacant for now, as a suitable replacement was not available. The cursus honorum was engaged again, with the recent assassinations and larger number of legions depleting the ranks of talented legates. Manius Valerius Falto [Martial 7] had just turned 25 and was made Pontifex Maximus, with Aulus Iacus Dives [Martial 8] made Censor. This released the 29 year-old Censor Titus Aemelius Barbula [Martial 9] for the next suitable command – and to take up the mantle as the next brilliant young general.

Things stayed generally quiet for the next few months. Legio IV arrived in Scordisci on 8 September – and the two western pacifications had not yet roused any local responses. Back in Roma, by 10 November the Populist P.C. Rufinus (with 47 supporters) was once more the leading candidate for the next consulship, followed by two religious faction members: Q.F. Gurges (46) and M.C. Maximus (19).

§§§§§§§

1 January – 31 December 556

With the Religious party in the consulship for now, the odds for a successful omen were high. And in March 556 Consul Maximus was not disappointed with the next pecking of the chickens: the rooster crowed, as did the young Pontifex Maximus.

10 April brought the death from natural causes of Gaius Sempronius Blaesus, the 75 year-old commanding Classis I. But as he had long been considered disloyal and had not permitted the transfer of any of his ships for years, this loss was not greatly mourned. His fleet was merged soon afterwards.

The new temple was finished in Liburni on 11 June, another small boost for Roman religious prestige. Then on 31 July, some truly significant news was received: Achaea, Rome’s first major Greek province, had finally adopted Roman culture. This meant their large reserve of manpower was now available for army recruitment.

A minor border skirmish was fought against an incursion of Batavi barbarians was defeated in Raetia between 24-30 August 556. Hiram Magoid had been sent with the remaining ten cohorts of Legio III to deal with them: he crushed them, losing just 63 men in wiping out 5,000 barbarians and taking a similar number of slaves.

The next Consular election was held on 3 December – and this time the Populist champion Rufinus would not be denied. This increased agitation in the provinces and caused mutterings around the Republic. His first act was to repeal heavy infantry professionalism [a 10% discipline bonus when in force]. Of course, this outraged all non-Populists, especially the Military faction, but given the relative peace, they simply bided their time and decided to wait for the next election in two year’s time.

Clearly, the veteran commander G.F. Licinus (Military faction, commanding Legio IV in Scordisci) was not impressed with the change of government. Rumours of disloyalty [47%] were met with a traditional response: without a triumph possible, a bribe of 50 gold was delivered. Licinus was suddenly quite loyal again [+25%].

Following the election, the Populists remained the largest Senate faction, but D.C. Scipio of the Military faction (whose assassination of Vitulus the year before seemed to have done his political standing no harm) had now emerged as the clear early favourite for the next consulship (56 supporters), ahead of the two Religious senators Q.F. Gurges (46) and M.C. Maximus (17).

§§§§§§§

1 January – 31 December 557

The new year began with the local Ausci tribesmen in Volcae finally rising to the bait. Legio III Det I, commanded by Arvirargus Vodenosid [Martial 7], lost just 88 of its 5,000 men, with 936 of the 2,000 barbarians killed between 2-12 January 557. The remaining barbarians fled to the south-west. By 27 February, they had vacated the province and, though they of course turned around for another showdown, colonists could now be despatched to bring Volcae into the Roman domain. They would arrive four months hence. The final battle against the Ausci in Volcae was wrapped up on 16 March, with the remaining 1,064 warriors slain for the loss of just 29 legionaries.

The next Roman general to fall under suspicion of disloyalty was A.C. Caudex himself. The ageing Commander in Chief of the eastern legions was ‘persuaded’ in March 557 via a convincing 50 gold talent argument to remain loyal to the Republic [+28 loyalty; another good result given the 5-35% range. Some earlier attempts with him had been far less successful]. Commanding 33,000 troops and with a significant personal following among the legions, no risk could be taken with him.

A major public works program was begun on 19 March in true populist style. New stockades were ordered in Leptis Magna and Laguatan on the African border with Egypt: “Just in case”, according to Consul Rufinus. Elsewhere, the ample treasury was used to build four more forums and another irrigation system around the Republic. Each project cost 47 gold, but even after all this expenditure there was 1,300 gold left in the Aerarium.

But this largesse bought no favour for Rufinus with the Gods. On 25 March, the 'traditional' invocation of Minerva failed. Roast chicken was on the menu for dinner that evening.

In May, news came of the death of the venerable old naval prefect, T.A. Cotta, Rome’s leading Admiral [Martial 8]. Without a major war imminent, no immediate commander for Classis IV was appointed. However, the cursus honorum was again employed to keep the flow of new commanders going. Without any military talent of note available for Pontifex Maximus, a candidate of great charisma (for omens) and competent finesse (for research) was appointed, with M.V. Falto made Censor.

Volcae was successfully colonised on 15 June, meaning wine could be exported to the troublesome Crobobizi, where it was hoped keeping them drunk would somewhat mitigate its high revolt risk.

A few weeks later, earlier military research paid off with the implementation of improved drill for the principes.

The next few months passed quietly, with Governor M.A. Regulus in Carnutes using local funds to build a forum there in September: all this forum construction (state and local sponsored) would bring an appreciable boost to trade incomes in the coming months.

As the year drew to a close, another new colonisation prospect emerged in Gaul. Bituriges had a significantly larger barbarian presence than in recent forays, so a full legion would be required to help pacify it. The ten cohorts of Legio III were sent on the long march across from Raetia on the German border. They would not arrive until the following May.

§§§§§§§

1 January – 31 December 558

In February, six construction projects were completed: a forum each in Sardinia, Scodra, Taulanti and Achaea, plus the border stockades in Leptis Magna and Laguatan. A range of new domestic and foreign trade routes were established - aided by the settlement of Histri providing a land bridge between the east and west of the Republic.

However, the big news of 558 AUC emanated from Africa: P.C. Rufinus’ popularity plummeted when news came of a large barbarian revolt in Massyli. After stopping and starting during April, the 13,000 barbarian marauders rushed the walls of the town and sacked it, then making for Hippo Regius as May began. Legio IX was sent across from Thapsus, though they would be heavily outnumbered if they engaged the Auseanes horde. Legio VII had a far longer march over from Mauretania, but they too were sent in case Legio IX was unable to handle it.

Legio IX arrived in Theveste on 16 May: their commander, Cunobelinus Correid, decided to take bold action. He marched to Hippo Regius to confront the Auseanes and try to prevent a repetition there of the sacking that had occurred in Massyli.

Three days later, the omens in Roma were auspicious: the popular new Pontifex had the roosters crowing proudly again!

“Perhaps this good luck will extend to the coming fight in Hippo Regius,” offered Bernardius to Consul Rufinus as he and Humphronius delivered the latest news from Africa.

“Yes, Bernardius, a consummation devoutly to be wished,” responded Humphronius urbanely, before turning to Rufinus. “Consul, I would however cite the old dictum that hope is not a strategy. I’m afraid Legate Correid is not the sharpest stylus in the set as a commander and he is heavily outnumbered. Though he is an efficient assassin, at least. We must hope for the best, but plan for the worst.”

“Yes, thank you Humphronius,” said Rufinus sourly. “A regular ray of sunshine, as always!” Humphronius merely shrugged.

“Yes, Consul,” he noted wryly as he exited the tablinum.

As it transpired, the Gods did smile on the Romans on this occasion. The Auseanes assaulted the walls of Hippo Regius in early June, as Legio IX approached, only to be beaten back and demoralised. They did not resist for long when Correid attacked soon afterwards, with a comfortable victory won on 27 June. Having rescued Hippo Regius, emboldened by this success and wishing to capitalise on his win, Correid chased them to Massyli, which he hoped to liberate himself and accrue great glory in the process.

Meanwhile, as Correid chased the Auseanes to Massyli, up in Gaul Legio III (main) finally arrived in Bituriges on 5 July and settled into the usual barbarian-baiting. A month later, Correid faced off against the still significantly demoralised Auseanes in Massyli, having brought his own strength back up to 8,000 men. The initial exchanges were fierce but relatively even, the barbarian commander Anemhor Ahmid maintaining a small tactical edge due to his superior ability. Things were closer after five days, when the fighting became less intense and remained largely even: a narrow Roman victory still looked likely. This all changed on 13 August, when the Romans were disastrously outflanked. Fearing a slaughter and hoping to maintain a viable force, Correid ordered a retreat back to Hippo Regius.

Unfortunately for Correid and Legio IX, the Auseanes returned Correid’s earlier favour and pursued them back to Hippo Regius. The second Battle of Hippo Regius was over so quickly on 20 September that no record exists of its conduct. It must have been a disastrous ambush, however, as the whole legion – 4,700 men - was slaughtered to a man, with the Auseanes recording only 80 casualties. It was one of the more abject and humiliating losses in recent Roman military history. Perhaps it was cosmic revenge for the murder of Bubulcus.

“Correid, give me back my legion!” was the forlorn response of the distressed Rufinus. This barbarian uprising had proven both a political and military disaster for him.

The completion of a stockade in the recently colonised Volcae on 20 September provided little solace for the miserable Consul. Better was the approach of Legio VII to Massyli, bent on revenge. One of the recent graduates, T.O. Crassus (another young military prodigy) was given the command, with orders to show no quarter to the now hated Auseanes.

Crassus passed through Massyli on 21 October; he did not wait to liberate the town, but marched straight on towards Hippo Regius, hoping to rescue it from sacking and administer Roman justice to the barbarians investing it. But getting wind of his approach, the Auseanes again assaulted the depleted garrison in Hippo Regius, overcoming them after six days of fighting on 13 November and sacking the city.

Meanwhile, up in Bituriges a warband of 7,000 warriors rose up on 2 November. Fortunately, their commander was charismatic but incompetent [Martial 1]. By 7 November, the experienced Hiram Magoid [Martial 7] had managed to kill the whole lot of them for the loss of only 172 of his 10,000 troops. Seven thousand slaves were marched off to the markets of Aedui, while in the other direction Roman colonists set out to settle the prospective new province, due to arrive in March the following year.

Four new cohorts (two of principes and one regiment each of elephants and cavalry) began training in Hispania and Africa on 23 November; who would eventually be sent to reinforce Legio VII, a partial replacement for the loss of Legio IX. A week later, Crassus was attacking the Auseanes in Hippo Regius: the enemy soon fled, losing 763 of their 9,443 warriors. Crassus lost only 30 of his 11,000 men. He spent a day assaulting the small barbarian garrison, liberating the town on 3 December and then pursuing the Auseanes back to Massyli.

That same day, Roman religious learning progressed to the next level.

And a group of 2,000 Namnetes rose that day in Scordisci to contest Legio IV’s occupation: they were wiped out in two days for the loss of 21 legionaries. Once more, colonists headed off to bring another province into the Republic. But the most significant occurrence on a very busy day was the next Consular election. It was won by Drusus Cornelius Scipio, bringing a quick improvement to Roman military morale, land organisation and, with a switch back to the national idea of professional soldiering, the discipline of principes throughout the army.

§§§§§§§

1 January – 22 May 559

Crassus caught up with the Auseanes in Massyli on 9 January and by the 14th had administered another beating after completely outmanoeuvring them. Crassus followed the now humbled barbarians to Ikosim, without dallying to retake Massyli: he would destroy the enemy first before returning to finish the job there.

Even as he did so, G.F. Licinus in Scordisci was once again heard to mutter disloyally.

“Consul,” said Humphronius with an oily smile to Consul Scipio. “Legate Licinus has earned the right to a triumph after his recent victories. He does not really want to revolt: he just wants his ego to be stroked.”

“As do all politicians,” said Bernardius – suddenly recoiling in horror as he realised he had said aloud what he had been thinking. Humphronius glared at him. Not because he disagreed of course. It was just clumsily indiscreet.

“Um, er, present company excepted, of course,” Bernardius added lamely.

“See to it, Humphronius,” said a haughty Scipio. Then, looking pointedly at Bernardius, uttered a cold “You are dismissed.”

“Yes, Consul,” the two replied – Bernardius scampering away before he managed to put the other foot in his mouth. [The Triumph would cost 29.57 gold and boost Licinus' loyalty by 50%].

The large irrigation project in Syracusae was finally completed on 27 January 559. A few days later, Scipio read a report on the current state of the Senate. Recent years had seen the Populists become the dominant faction, with the Religious party the only other large grouping. Ironically, the provinces looted under Rufinus' watch the year before contributed significantly to their current political attraction.

Mid-month, Crassus once more confronted the thoroughly demoralised Auseanes, this time in Ikosim. They fought between 16 and 24 February, Legio VII losing 59 men and the barbarians 1,774. But a little over 4,000 enemy survived and now doubled back to Massyli, closely followed by the vengeful Romans.

Just as the barbarian threat was approaching resolution in Africa, word came on 3 March 559 of a rebellion in the populous and recently acquired Epirus, with 28,000 malcontents encamped outside the city’s formidable stockade. One of the new ‘young lions’ – the 33 year-old T.A. Barbula, [Martial 9] was put in charge of the 23,000-strong Legio I ‘Syracusae’ in Argolis and sent to deal with them.

Just five days later, the new colony was founded in Bituriges and work on a stockade began immediately.

And on 31 March, yet another young man of great military promise – Tiberius Atilius Regulus, a 25 year-old Military faction member – came of age and was appointed to the Pontificate. The current incumbent, charismatic as he was [10 compared to Regulus’ 3 and finesse of only 1] was shuffled aside as he had no military talent and the ranks of the legates needed all the great leaders it could get.

On 2 April, the last chapter in the Auseanes campaign ended: in a short battle, the last 4,000 warriors were killed for the loss of 93 Romans, with a massive 169 gold talents recovered from their recent plundering and 13,000 slaves marched into captivity. With the barbarians destroyed, there was no need to assault the walls of Massyli: the barbarian garrison melted into the countryside.

Scordisci became the newest Roman province on 6 April. Then came the battle for Epirus, which stretched from 8 to 22 May. After a tough fight, the ‘new boy’ Barbula prevailed, though at the cost of over 2,200 legionaries. The rest of the rebels dispersed and peace prevailed again.

As soon as the battle finished in Epirus, the omens were tested: and despite a diminished chance of success, the cock crowed once more.

In Roma, the Populists continued to dominate the Senate, though the ‘next Consul’ stakes were at that stage more even.

After around five years of the post-war period, and noting the earlier destruction of Legio IX in Africa (8,000 men) and the creation of four new cohorts (4,000 men) over that time, the manpower reserve stood at 125,000 men in May 559 AUC, with a few thousand still needed to replace losses after the Battle of Epirus. The Aerarium contained 1,900 gold talents and stability was at its maximum [+3].

Rome had added three new colonies to its domain, with Turones on the German border still, after all this time, to revolt and hence be cleared of barbarians to allow colonisation. There had been no wars between any of the power in the region over the whole of the period. Small pirate and barbarian actions had been fought, with the difficult Auseanes campaign in Africa and the revolt in Epirus being the largest.

Battles and territorial expansion in the West, August 554 to May 559 AUC.

Battles and territorial expansion in the East, August 554 to May 559 AUC.

“So, how have we done these last five years, do you think, Humphronius?” asked Consul Scipio of his experienced chief adviser.

“We’ve done alright, Consul,” that worthy replied cautiously.

“We haven’t done too much though have we, really?”

“Well, that is one bright spot at least, Consul!” Humphronius replied enthusiastically, misconstruing the Consul’s view of this state of affairs.

“Hmm, right, that will be all then, Humphronius,” muttered an under-whelmed Scipio.

“Yes, Consul!”

§§§§§§§

Finis

Bullfilter · Nov 12, 2020

Chapter LXXXVII: Ennui
(23 May 559/195 BC to 31 May 563/191 BC)

Foreword. The long post-war peace had continued into 559 AUC. Humphronius and Bernardius settled into their official roles, much as their family had for many decades now – apart from the one interruption. Eyes remained focused on barbarians, revolts and gradual expansion in the West and building forces and manpower reserves for the inevitable Third Eastern War that all knew was coming one day, but not when.

Maps showing the various battle locations and general dispositions by the end of this four-year period can be found at the end the chapter.

§§§§§§§

23 May 559 – 30 June 560

Knowledge of construction techniques gradually developed, but no new breakthroughs were expected in that sphere for some years yet.

By early September 559, the Seleucid 5th Stratos garrisoning Sparta numbered 36 regiments. Rome began to reorient its own border legions from central Greece to Achaea and Argolis to match it. They also started to recruit more men in Greece to ensure they could outnumber the Seleucids if it did come to war, with three principes cohorts, and one each of cavalry and horse archers beginning training in early September.

In November, two more ships began construction, part of a gradual naval expansion program that would continue steadily over the coming few years. And in December, three more cohorts of principes began training in Hispania, destined to reinforce the African Garrison in Ikosim.

§§§§§§§

The shipbuilding program gained a fortuitous boost in January 560 – an investment the now overflowing Aerarium was easily able to afford.

Finally, after many months of waiting, the Triboci tribe rose in Turones (on the Gallic-German border) on 2 February 560. G.C. Scipio, commanding the 5,000 legionaries of Legio III (Detachment II), lost only 59 men in wiping out the 2,000 tribesmen over three days. The colonists were sent for and would arrive on 5 June 560.

On 11 February, two more cohorts (principes and archers) were raised in Greece to further bolster the legions guarding the border with Sparta. Soon after, the recently claimed province of Histri saw a barbarian uprising on 3 March, but only 1,000 Ligures warriors challenged the in situ garrison of D.C. Maximus’ Legio XII (15,000 men). It was over in a single day, with no Roman soldiers lost.

At the end of March, Humphronius and Bernardius presented a summary of the political situation in Rome to Consul Drusus Cornelius Scipio, of the Military faction. It did not make happy reading for Scipio. The Populist faction continued to dominate the Senate, with polling showing its leader (L.A. Barbula) was the hot favourite for the next consulship and another Populist was also in the running.

Of the five Senatorial factions, the Military had the least current political attraction, so its prospects of growing were small. The one thing that tended to favour them in consular elections was their dominance of military commands. This meant their leading members were often very popular from battlefield victories and hence tended to garner good cross-party support, so their candidates were still able to get elected regularly, despite their small factional base.

In May, the next play in the cursus honorum was made.

The outstanding young military prospect T.A Regulus was promoted from Pontifex to Censor, replaced by the charismatic Q.A. Papus (bearer of a famous name, but no military genius) as no more promising military talents were eligible for the top of priesthood at that time. This would free up A.I. Dives for the next key military appointment.

But despite the large persuasive bonus provided by Papus as the new Pontifex, the omen called that very day failed miserably. The guilty chicken ended up being eaten for its recalcitrance.

Soon after, Dives was given the command of Legio XI (16,000 men), currently deployed forward in Egyptian Caria, in Asia Minor. And Turones was duly settled and a new stockade commenced a few days later.

§§§§§§§

1 Jul 560 – 30 Jun 561

The consolidation of previously conquered lands went on, with Thracia adopting Roman culture on 4 September 560. In the West, the next expansion project was begun with G.C. Scipio’s 5,000 man detachment heading to Remi, to clear it of barbarians for later Roman settlement.

The ample gold reserves were used again on 12 November, when a temple fire was turned into an opportunity for more a more receptive climate for omens over the next two years.

The Consular election of 2 December 560 brought no surprise: The Populist L.A. Barbula (grandson of his namesake, the first Consul of this era) was elected.

His administrative finesse was mediocre and he was only mildly charismatic, while his non-existent military abilities would provide no bonus for the morale of the troops. This was compounded by his immediate ‘traditional’ populist repeal of professional soldiering further lowered the discipline of the principes (by 10%).

Humphronius and Bernardius simply shared a glum and apprehensive look as they prepared to brief the incoming Consul on the issues of the day.

“Oh dear,” was all Bernardius could muster.

“Quite,” was the simple response, as Humphronius braced himself for the task at hand. “The Republic will survive … I hope.”

“We must expand the reach of the Republic,” announced Barbula grandly as they entered. “I have noticed Vettones in Hispania is now available for colonisation. Settling it will link our holdings on the peninsula and shut off further Egyptian expansion there. Send troops there at once to clear out any barbarian rabble.”

“Yes, Consul.” But the task would prove more difficult and time consuming than even the cautious Humphronius anticipated.

§§§§§§§

The first trouble in Gaul emerged on 22 January 561, when a horde of around 10,000 Orgonomesci barbarians rose in Ruteni (southern Gaul). Their initial assault on the stockade there failed by 2 February, by which time Legio III ‘Nova’, commanded by Hiram Magoid, was marching south from Bituriges (northern Gaul) with 10,000 men to relieve the siege.

As trouble simmered in southern Gaul, another barbarian uprising occurred on 17 March in Breuci, south of the Danube. The Taurisci had 8,000 men besieging the town, while G.F. Licinus began marching south from his nearby border encampment in Scordisci with the 8,000 men of Legio IV. Licinus engaged the Taurisci on 12 April and had defeated them comfortably by 25 April, losing only 187 men and killing 3,388 barbarians. He pursued them north to Roman Scordisci.

While that pursuit continued, back in Gaul Magoid caught up with the Orgonomesci in Ruteni on 26 April. The fight was tougher than anticipated, against an effective barbarian commander who played his limited hand well. The battle lasted until 11 May, when the Romans won a victory in which they lost more men than their less well-armed opponents. And there was no doubt the now unpopular Populist consul (after those two uprisings, with -20 popularity each) had a poor effect on Roman morale.

But a win was a win and Magoid pursued the barbarians when they fled to Roman Cadurci. And the day the battle in Ruteni ended, Licinus caught up with the Taurisci in Scordisci, wiping out the remaining 4,452 warriors for only 13 Roman casualties.

Magoid then attacked the Orgonomesci in Cadurci on 2 June, where an inconclusive victory was won and the bulk of the barbarian warband fled west. Magoid would await their return and take the opportunity to rebuild his numbers.

June ended with yet another failed omen, despite all the advantages the Pontifex brought to the invocation. Some succulent roast chicken was small compensation for a second successive year of slowed research.

§§§§§§§

1 Jul 561 – 30 Jun 562

The build-up in Greece continued, with three new cohorts of principes and one of equites (cavalry) beginning training on 24 July. But these were ultimately destined for the Roman force in Asia Minor.

In northern Gaul, the Insubres rose against Roman provocation in Remi on 2 September. But G.C. Scipio fell upon them viciously, wiping all 3,000 tribesmen out in just four days, losing only 37 soldiers doing so. Once more, the settlers were called forward and were due early in the new year.

To the south, the Orgonomesci returned to Cadurci on 9 September. Magoid had built Legio III back up to its current full strength of 10,000 men – but the barbarians seemed to have picked up some more followers while in Aquitani. Though the Romans still outnumbered them, were better armed and started with better morale. Magoid started a little better than his opponent, but then Luxinus Mandonid took a slight edge.

As the battle dragged on through September, the Romans could never quite get the upper hand and their morale started to drain away, until the battle took a disastrous turn on 29 September.

Though inflicting more casualties than he lost, Magoid lost the bloody battle on 2 October and Legio III routed to Ruteni in ignominy. They arrived there on 23 October and were ordered to Arverni, where they would be joined by one of the legion’s returning detachments that had begun marching across from Vindelicia as soon as the battle in Cadurci was lost.

Another barbarian rising occurred along the Danube in Scordisci on 2 December, but the 1,000 Senones warriors were wiped out by Legio IV within three days, for the loss of just 46 men. And these easy victories were making Licinus more popular than ever.

§§§§§§§

As Magoid rebuilt his legion and awaited reinforcements in Arverni, Remi was settled on 5 January 562 and work on its stockade began immediately. The barbarian siege of Cardurci inched forward (13% progress).

On 2 February, yet another potential barbarian invasion was detected. An Orniacos warband had risen in Lusones (central Hispania). But instead of attacking Roman lands there, they began marching east instead – towards Illergetes, neighbouring the recently settled Roman colony of Volcae. But for now, Legio III was in no position to respond, following its defeat in Cardurci and the need to lift the siege there first.

Just four days later, Legio III welcomed its Detachment I back into the ranks in Arverni. Up to near its new full strength of 15,000, Legio III set out to smash the Orgonomesci siege of Cardurci, after which Magoid hoped to pivot to Volcae before the Orniacos could reduce its strong defences (a standard stockade with a 2,000 man garrison).

Arriving in Cadurci on 15 March (where siege progress had risen to 50%), this time Magoid had more than double the enemy’s numbers. Legio III lost 567 of its 15,000 men, while 4,873 of the 6,606 remaining Orgonomesci warriors were killed, fleeing back once more in defeat to Aquitani on 30 March.

But as that battle was won, scouts reported that the Orniacos had picked up another 5,000 recruits along the way and would arrive in Volcae on 28 April with 16,000 warriors. What had appeared a comfortable equation previously was now looking a little more dangerous.

In the East, the four new cohorts for Legio XI in Caria embarked from Argolis on 7 April – it would bring Dives’ expeditionary force up to 20,000 strong by 21 April 562. While they were in transit, an audacious foreign plot to foment rebellion in Thessaly was uncovered. It was headed by the Chief Torturer of Pontus.

“They have a Chief Torturer!?” was Barbula’s incredulous initial response.

“Alas yes, Consul,” came Humphronius’ doleful reply.

“And they’ve caught him, Consul,” interjected Bernardius excitedly. “Red handed!”

“Really?” said Barbula, a small smile forming on his lips. “What are the options?”

“The Fetial Priests say we can let him go, put him in irons – he is 77 years old and would presumably not last much longer anyway – or, ah, actively render him into a state one might ostensibly describe as having shuffled off the mortal coil and travelled to the afterlife to sing with the Choir Invisible, Consul,” was Humphronius obscure reply.

“You mean, lop his head off?”

“Ah, yes, Consul, though it would disturb both domestic and foreign opinion to make such a tyrannical and bloodthirsty demonstration.”

“I like bloodthirsty, Humphronius,” said a grinning Barbula, extending the dreaded turned thumb. “This Timoleon Omirid can try singing in that choir without a head! Send it back in a box of ice to the Basileus of Pontus, with my regards.”

Bernardius went white in the face and Humphronius mumbled a quiet “Yes, Consul,” before beating a hasty retreat. Populists, he though to himself derisively.

When the Orniacos arrived in Volcae on 28 April, their charismatic but militarily incompetent leader began an assault of the walls. Magoid was on his way, hoping the garrison would beat off this initial attack before he arrived to crush the exhausted barbarians, trusting Cadurci could hold out against a later eventual return of the Orgonomesci from Aquitani.

But things did not work out that way. The barbarian assault on Volcae’s walls eventually succeeded just two weeks before Legio III was due to arrive. And – repeating previous such disasters when barbarians sacked colonies that were not yet full provinces – the whole Roman settlement was destroyed. A nasty setback to the drive to settle Hispania from the north as well.

The barbarians, their numbers swelled a little more from local recruits, then tried to make for Ruteni, but would not escape before a vengeful Magoid arrived on 30 May. In six days of fighting, he lost just 71 of his 14,981 legionaries, while the Orniacos had 4,229 of their 17,223 warriors killed, before fleeing south-west to Bassetani.

§§§§§§§

1 Jul 562 – 31 May 563

The wave of barbarian activity in the West continued, with a large rising by the Autrigoni in Saguntum breaking out on 8 July – making Consul Barbula even more unpopular than he already was. This caused A.C. Caudex to break off his provocation in Vettones and march to rendezvous with the rest of Legio X in Carpetani. Once more, they would hope an incompetent barbarian warband leader would not be able to overcome the Roman garrison before it could be relieved.

Less than a week later, on 14 July, Magoid was back in Cadurci, where the last Orgonomesci stragglers were lurking, having returned while Legio III was in doomed Volcae. The last 1,493 tribesmen put up a stiff fight, but were wiped out by 26 July, after taking another 354 of Magoid’s 14,160 troops with them to the underworld. While that was happening, Sequani finally adopted Roman culture and was therefore incorporated as a full province of the Roman Republic on 20 July.

Perhaps that was a sign from the Gods that they were once again willing to turn a favourable eye on Rome: this year’s invocation of Minerva was successful. Happy chickens, happy Pontifex, happy Republic!

Soon after, there was more good news: despite being under siege from barbarians, Saguntum accepted Roman culture and became a full province on 31 July. At least now, should the worst happen and their walls fell, the province should survive any sacking.

Legio X was reunited in Carpetani on 29 August and Caudex set forth with 13,000 men to relieve Saguntum, via an approach through Belli. There, an earlier assault had reduced the garrison to 1,166 men but the town had stood strong. As a result, enemy numbers and morale had been damaged and they continued to suffer attrition.

The cultural conversion of the West continued on 3 September, with Helvetii being the next to adopt Roman culture. In southern Gaul, the bothersome Orniacos tribe had returned via Volcae to Ruteni, but had soon been met by Legio III, who caught them while they were in the process of assaulting the town walls! Magoid’s attack was fierce, catching the incompetent barbarian general Caros Tautalid (Martial 0) in the worst possible position. From 7 to 12 October, Legio III suffered 162 casualties out of 15,000 men, while 6,734 of the 12,222 Orniacos warriors were slain.

Later that month, Santones became available for colonisation and the other Legio III detachment, under G.C. Scipio, was sent to try to sweep it clear of local barbarians.

Caudex attacked the Autrigoni in Saguntum on 20 November, sending the enemy running after five days (246/15,000 Roman and 1,736/12,322 barbarian casualties). Legio X would remain in place for what would be a succession of barbarian return sorties in coming months.

But none of the subsequent battles would be fought under the overall stewardship of the Populist Consul L.A. Barbula. His discredited administration was swept out of power on 2 December 562, replaced by none other than G.F. Licinus, accomplished commander of Legio IV and leader of the Military faction.

The positive effect on the morale and organisation of the legions was immediate. So too on the discipline of the backbone of the Roman legions, the principes, when his first act as Consul was to restore the national idea of professional soldiering.

This was just as well, given yet another rising – this time by 28,000 malcontents in Epirus – broke out on the day of his election. Two legions (both well-armed and -led) were directed to close on the rebels from both the north and south. Whichever was first to arrive would have the honour of slaughtering the rebellious upstarts.

The now thoroughly motivated Roman troops of Legio III in Ruteni were more than ready when the remnants of the Orniacos warband arrived for a final showdown on 26 December 562. All 5,208 of them were dead by 30 December, for only seven Romans lost. This ended the ‘twin invasions’ of southern Gaul that had done so much damage since the Orgonomesci had first risen in Ruteni almost two years before, in January 561.

§§§§§§§

The new year began with yet more news of discontent in the far provinces. Bernardius brought news of a local rising in Cantabri on 1 January 563, even as Legio X was occupied in Saguntum as they awaited the return of the Autrigoni and therefore unable to respond as yet. Once more, the barbarians had picked up reinforcements as they marched back from Sedetani, attacking vigorously with almost as many men as the Romans on 15 January. The fight was therefore bloodier and less conclusive than it might have been, the barbarians fleeing on 25 January with over 10,000 warriors still under arms.

The brilliant T.A. Barbula was first to arrive in Epirus with Legio I, also on 25 January. A vicious ten-day fight ensued, and though the rebels were mown down like wheat at harvest time, over 2,400 Romans died achieving the victory and subsequent dispersal of the rebellion.

The next battle in Saguntum took place from 8 to 16 March: another Roman victory resulted (630/14,957 Roman v 3,156/10,367 barbarian casualties), but a substantial number of the Autrigoni would return yet again in a few months’ time. The rebel siege of Cantabri had by then progressed somewhat (to 13%). When the Third Battle of Saguntum was fought and won by 8 May (184/14,859 Roman v 1,604/7,021 barbarian casualties), the siege of Cantabri was gaining further ground (50%).

As May 563 came to a close, the situation in Gaul was calmer than it had been in the two previous years, but was still unsettled in Hispania. Two new colonies had been founded, but one had been lost.

Battles and territorial changes in the West, May 559 to May 563 AUC.

The East had only seen a few barbarian incursions and revolts, with no wars reported between any countries in the last four years.

Battles in the East, May 559 to May 563 AUC.

A report from the Fetial Priests showed the estimated comparative power of the top countries of the known world by manpower reserves, income and research capacity. Rome led in the first two by a considerable margin, but was third behind the Seleucids and Egypt in research, even with a favourable omen in force.

§§§§§§§

Over the last four years, the Roman army had grown from 188 out of a ‘troop support limit’ of 316 to 205/322 cohorts. The naval expansion program had seen it grow from 115 to 129 ships in strength, from construction and one or two triremes captured from pirates (I’m not bothering to report them any more, same with most building construction events). Despite recruiting and battle casualties, reserve manpower had grown from 125,000 to 193,000.

The treasury had just under 2,946 gold talents saved, with monthly net income after expenses of 28.38 gold. Should war in the East again come into the equation, another mass auxiliary hiring program could be contemplated, allowing a large and relatively rapid build-up without eating into the growing manpower reserve – which would be needed to support another large war.

The next consular election was (barring unforeseen circumstances) still well over a year away (December 564). The last four consulships had seen the top office switching back and forth between Populists and Militarists. Enough to make Humphronius and Bernardius shake their heads with weary sorrow.

The Senate remained roughly similar in composition since the last review, with the Civic faction now shrunk to a very small cadre, the Populists still dominant but the Religious faction also strong and having the leading candidate for the next consulship.

§§§§§§§

Finis

Bullfilter · Dec 21, 2020

Chapter LXXXVIII: A Courageous Plan
(31 May 563 AUC/191 BC to 31 December 564 AUC/190 BC)

Foreword. General peace has continued for the Romans for some years now, as the spring of 563 AUC heads towards summer. Consuls come and go, but Humphronius and Bernardius keep on keeping on, working behind the scenes to keep the gears of government almost as well greased as the politicians' greasy pole (otherwise known as the cursus honorum). Action at the moment is focused on the restive tribes of Hispania.

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Part I: 31 May 563 – 31 December 564 – the West

On 31 May 563, 5,000 rebels were besieging Cantabri [50% progress] while 19 regiments (now depleted by previous battles) of Autrigoni tribesmen are marching from Sedetani for another crack at Roman Saguntum, where Appius Claudius Caudex awaits with Legio X (15 cohorts). The threat of this large barbarian invasion has been preventing the relief of Cantabri. A Roman detachment is in Santones (south-western Gaul) provoking the local tribesmen, so the province can be colonised.

With the situation in Cantabri worsening by 7 June, Legio III ‘Nova’ (Hiram Magoid) was sent across from southern Gaul, but would have to traverse barbarian territory in Aquitani and Vascones before it could relieve the beleaguered garrison. Would they make it in time?

The Autrigoni are beaten in Saguntum in a short battle on 28 June (505 Roman v 1,275 barbarian casualties). The next battle lasts from 15-27 August (263 Roman v 2,497 barbarian casualties) and the final instalment comes on 13 October, with no Roman casualties and the last 1,335 Autrigoni wiped out.

But to the north, Cantabri had fallen to the rebels a few weeks before, on 29 September – just ten days before Legio III could save it. That avenging battle took only two days, ending on 14 October (62 Roman v 5,000 rebel casualties) - just as the Autrigoni were being wiped out in Saguntum. Magoid immediately assaulted the small rebel garrison of 200 men, taking the town back on 17 October.

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On Legio III’s march back to Gaul, another (separate) band of Autrigoni was foolish enough to rise in Vascones as the Romans passed through. All 7,000 were killed between 3-6 January 564, for only 121 Romans lost. Legio X had made its way west to Carpetani by then, where a detachment of six cohorts was sent north to Vettones, which would also become available for colonisation if the local barbarians were flushed out. They arrived there a month later and waited for the tribesmen to take the bait.

But the next action came in Gaul, where yet another Autrigoni tribe rose in Santones against the five Roman cohorts there. Gnaeus Cornelius Scipio was in charge and dealt with the 4,000 warriors ruthlessly: all were killed in a one-sided battle from 2-5 May, where on 29 Romans were lost wiping out all 4,000 of the hapless Autrigoni warriors. Roman colonists were soon on their way and would duly establish Roman occupation on 3 September.

Soon afterwards, the Vadiniensi attacked the Roman detachment in Vettones, where Bodashtart Chelbesid had the Roman command. Despite being badly ambushed on 1 June [Rome 1 v 5 + 0.5 Barbarian], Chelbesid prevailed by 17 June, losing 720 of his 6,000 men, while the Vadiniensi lost 1,302 of their 4,000 warriors. Settlers were called for as soon as the barbarians left the province and would establish the new colony on 12 November. By then, the Vadiniensi had been defeated again, wiped out on 28 July, 75 Romans dying but all 2,698 of the barbarian warriors killed.

The Gallic frontier had been quiet for many months, but in mid-July it erupted. A barbarian revolt in Turones on 15 July saw 5,000 Allobroges warriors in the field; meanwhile, another 11,000 man Chauci raiding party was spotted in Chatti, which would join them in Turones on 29 July. Legio XII (15 cohorts, D.C. Maximus) was despatched from Histri on a long march to take them on.

But by 17 August, a 22 regiment Massilian army was in Gallia Cisalpina and heading north, apparently to tackle the barbarians themselves: very helpful indeed. The same day, the Gallic province of Bituriges became fully Roman in culture and religion. The Massilians took on all 16 barbarian regiments from 5-10 October and defeated them.

Finally, on 12 November (as the colony in Vettones was completed), settlers were sent to Sedetani in Hispania, which had also just become available for colonisation: it would be completed in March the following year.

Campaigns in the West, May 563 to December 564 AUC. Base map shows starting positions.

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Part II: 10 March – 31 December 564 – the East

The east was very quiet through until March 564 – when sealed orders were delivered to the legions stationed there. They were brought personally to Paeonia on 10 March 564 by Bernardius with an escort of 100 equites, such was their importance. He had been accompanying Consul Gaius Fabius Licinus (of the Martial faction), currently commanding Legio IV in Scordisci, on the Danube frontier.

“What do we have here, Lanatus?” asked Servius Caecilius Metellus, commanding Legio II in Paeonia, as he broke the seal on the orders.

“Consul Licinus has been a little, shall we say, restless these last months, General,” replied a tactful Bernardius. Humphronius wasn’t nearly so restrained in private when he found out. “My understanding is these orders represent something of a, um, call to action.”

And indeed they did. Peace was boring. Peace was for the meek. There would be no peace again for years, only blood and glory: Metellus was ordered to invade Macedon forthwith. A declaration of war had been sent on to Macedonia. All other legions stationed in the east were on alert to respond to the expected intervention of Pontus and the Seleucids to aid their allies.

Calls to arms had been sent to Egypt and Massilia, who were both deemed ‘very likely’ to agree by the Fetial priests, which they both did the next day. By 19 March, Pontus and the Seleucid Empire had joined the war. What would later became known as the Seleucid War had begun. It would see hundreds of thousands of lives lost in the coming years.

On land, by 19 March Legio II was already on its way to Macedonia, while Legio V made for Sparta; Legio I delayed its departure from Aetolia until 28 March, to coordinate its arrival to challenge the Seleucid 5th Stratos simultaneously with Legio V. Classis II (36 ships) occupied the Propontis to keep the crossing from Bithynia to Thracia blockaded from any Pontic attack.

Classis IV (Arvivargus Vodenosid) – the main Roman fleet, with 71 ships – set sail from Argolis on 19 March to ambush 14 Macedonian ships that had been spotted in Mare Aegeum.

On 28 March, Legio VIII (no current commander) was split into two equal detachments of five cohorts, one heading to Piephigi and the other to Tomis for siege action against the two remaining Pontic holdings on the Danube. At sea, the Egyptians reported a Seleucid fleet of 74 ships had set sail from Syria, heading west past Cyprus.

The first battle of the war was fought in Macedonia (4 to 10 April) – a straightforward win for Metellus (Rome 1,053/22,000 killed; Macedon 1,759/14,000 killed). The Macedonian commander – and former Archon – Ptolemy Ptolemy was captured and imprisoned. The Macedonian army retreated towards Maedi, but Legio II stayed put to besiege the enemy capital. Consul Licinus took Legio IV (only eight cohorts) from the frontier for a long march to intercept them – hoping no barbarian invasions would occur while he was gone. Bernardius was a reluctant follower in the baggage train.

At the same time, Classis IV caught to Macedonian fleet in Mare Aegeum and sank four galleys before the rest escaped on 10 April. Vodenosid took his ships back to port in Argolis, rather than challenge the Seleucids yet on the high seas.

The next development was a large but brief battle in Sparta from 14-18 April, where 44,000 Roman troops (Legios I and V) under T.A. Barbula easily defeated 36,000 Seleucid troops (685 Romans; 3,691 Seleucids killed). A promising start. The two legions were reorganised: Barbula took the bulk (35 cohorts) in Legio I to pursue the Seleucid 5th Stratos to Achaea, while the other nine cohorts stayed with Legio V (M.C. Dentatus) to besiege Sparta.

With large armies on the move in Asia Minor on 19 April (40 Seleucid regiments heading towards Egyptian Lycia and 40 Pontic regiments moving south from Bithynia), Legio XI (A.I. Dives, 20 cohorts) was ordered north from Caria to safety, where an Egyptian army was already besieging Lydia. From there, Legio XI would eventually be sent on to the vacated Bithynia. A Pontic fleet of 40 ships was heading for the Propontis (guarded by Classis II, 36 ships); in response Classis IV – then in Mare Aegeum – went to reinforce them. It had the desired effect of scaring off the Pontic 2nd Nautikon – for now, anyway.

The pursuit of the Seleucid 5th Stratos by Legio I continued with a battle in Achaea from 6-12 May (Rome 2,830/33,437; Seleucids 5,278/29,609 killed). The hunt would continue next in Aetolia.

By 21 May, a large naval battle between the Egyptians (41 ships) and Seleucids (72 ships) was taking place in Mare Carpathicum. On 31 May, Classis IV (71 ships) had ambushed another Macedonian fleet in Mare Aegeum as they sailed south – to help the Egyptians. Four more Macedonian galleys were sunk and another captured. Classis III (S.C. Centho, 25 ships) was ordered out from Argolis to rendezvous in Mare Myrtoum, after which they would sail together to attack the Seleucid fleet still battling the Egyptians.

Legio I and the Seleucid 5th Stratos met next in Aetolia from 1-5 June, the Seleucids once more fleeing as soon as they could (Rome 570/30,607; Seleucids 1,280/24,331 killed). Barbula’s aim was to chase them until all the enemy were eradicated. Up north, the Macedonian army had arrived in Maedi to begin a siege there – whose relief would take time.

On 15 June, the Roman Grand Fleet (Classis III and IV, 97 ships) had linked up in Mare Myrtoum and would arrive in Mare Carpathicum on 27 June: but the Egyptians had lost 15 ships by then and the whole battle the next day. Even so, the Romans sailed on, hoping to catch a weakened and outnumbered Seleucid fleet – important, as past engagements seemed to indicate they were qualitatively better ship-for-ship [higher tech] and in commanders than the Romans.

The great naval battle of Mare Carpathicum began on 27 June – just before the Seleucid fleet could escape. As usual, the Seleucids had a top notch admiral in charge, who would give them a tactical edge throughout. But Vodenosid started well enough. He made even greater inroads from 8 July with a great tactical manoeuvre. By 12 July things had evened up again, but the Seleucids had started to lose a few ships. However, as often happened, the winds switched again on 22 July, when Seleucid Admiral Polyperchon Arid had the luck with him – by which time he had lost 11 ships and the Romans had lost one.

As the epic naval battle continued, much was in motion on land. On 28 June the Pontic 1st Stratos had appeared in the north and had forced the Roman detachment in Piephigi to flee to Tomis, while Legio VI (the famous Aulus Claudius Caudex, [Martial 9]) was sent up to deal with them. The Seleucid 5th Stratos was being chased to Epirus, the Pontic fleet had reappeared and forced Classis II back to port from the Propontis. And Legio IV was still some way off relieving Maedi from its Macedonian besiegers. The Seleucids were investing Egypt’s Caria and Lycia and had another army on the way, while Egypt still besieged Lydia. Other Roman sieges continued in Macedonia, Sparta, Tomis and Bithynia.

Into this already complex situation, Colchis then decided it would take advantage of Seleucid distraction and declared war on their old enemy.

In Graecia, the pursuit of the Seleucids continued into Epirus, where T.A. Barbula beat them decisively again from 14-18 July (Rome 397/32,638; Seleucids 4,971/19,451 killed). Up in the north, Legio VIII was reunited in Tomis on 18 July, the detachment from Piephigi escaping just ahead of the advancing Pontic army.

In Asia Minor, the Pontic 2nd Stratos (40 regiments) was spotted heading back to Phrygia from the south-east on 25 July, causing Legio XI (20 cohorts, I.A. Dives) to once again abandon the siege of Bithynia and flee back to safety across the Propontis.

Meanwhile, the great naval battle in Mare Capithicum ended on 25 July. The Seleucid fightback on 22 July had seen the Roman toll of lost ships rise to four and more likely to sink, while the large Pontic fleet and a few Macedonian ships were also heading towards the battle from the north-west. Vodenosid cut his losses and withdrew south, unfortunately seeing two damaged ships taken as prizes by the enemy. Despite having to retreat, overall it had been a tactical victory.

By mid-August, in the south the Egyptians had lost Damascus to the Seleucids, who still outnumbered them on the front lines there and in Asia Minor, even while many Egyptian reinforcements slowly marched across North Africa from various points in the west.

Barbula caught up once more with the Seleucids on 24 August and ended their long flight from Sparta the next day in a crushing victory that saw the rest of the 5th Stratos completely destroyed (Rome 522/34,172; Seleucids 12,680 killed).

As the main Roman fleet (91 ships, many damaged) headed to port after skirting around to the south of Crete, they encountered the combined Pontic-Macedonian fleet of 40 ships in Sinus Messeniacus on 28 August and gave battle [the enemy with a +1 die roll commander advantage]. The fighting swung from the advantage of one side to the other up until 11 September [Rome +2, even, Rome +3, then enemy +3] by which point Rome had lost one ship and the enemy none. With sea attrition also mounting after a long voyage, Vodenosid broke contact and headed to conduct repairs in Argolis.

The Seleucids took Caria from Egypt on 5 September and would later take neighbouring Lycia on 5 December, to complete the occupation of Egypt’s holdings in Asia Minor.

On the Danube, A.A. Caudex (Legio VI, 33,000 men) met a Pontic army of 11,000 men in Piephigi on 20 September: to no one’s surprise, the Pontic force was soundly beaten in five days (Rome 772/33,000; Pontus 4,153/11,000 killed) and fled north.

To the south, the Macedonian army had broken its siege of Maedi and moved to Triballi as Caudex had his victory in Piephigi. After waiting a couple of weeks, Caudex decided to hasten matters by assaulting Piephigi, which took from 6-14 October and cost 832 men to win.

As the walls of Piephigi were being stormed, Consul Licinus (Legio IV, eight cohorts) finally caught up with the Macedonian army in Triballi: though outnumbered, he attacked [a +1 die roll leadership advantage balanced out by -1 for attacking across a river]. Licinus proved his mastery [Rome +2, +6, +6 die rolls between 14-24 October] and was thereafter considered ‘Victorious’ for his bold win (Rome 493/8,000; Macedon 2,939/9,973 killed). Licinus finished the matter off with a slaughter back in Maedi on 16 November, wiping out the last of the main Macedonian force (Rome 267/8,000; Macedon 5,634 killed).

On 21 November, the effort by Colchis to gain revenge on the Seleucids came to a sad end, with them made a tributary of their old enemy.

There was better news on 4 December, with Sparta surrendering to Rome after a 229 day siege. Following this, offers of white peace first from Pontus (on 14 December) and the Seleucids (24 December) were rejected by Rome. Freed from the siege of Sparta, Legio V (M.C. Dentatus) was able to tackle a small and leaderless Macedonian army besieging Argolis, attacking them on 31 December [Rome net +7 die roll] and wiping all of them out by the next day (Rome 21/9,000; Macedon 3,000 killed).

As 564 AUC ended, Rome had wiped out all Seleucid and Macedonian armies operating in Graecia and had sent the Pontic army on the Danube back north badly mauled. There had been mixed result at sea, but Rome on balance had come out on top there. Egypt had seen its territory in Asia Minor occupied and reverses in the south and at sea, but reinforcements for both were steadily making their way east.

Campaigns in the East, March to December 564 AUC. Base map shows starting positions.

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Part III: 31 May 563 – 31 December 564 – General Events

The omen of 21 July 563 had once again been inauspicious.

Better news came on 2 September: army morale was improved permanently through the adoption of a ‘cult of war’.

“Perhaps this means the Gods want us to vanquish our eastern enemies?” mused Consul Licinus when he received the news.

“I’m sure Master Humphronius would consider that a very courageous plan, Consul, were he here to advise you,” said Bernardius, accompanying him with Legio IV on the Danube at that time.

“Well he’s not, so do be quiet, Bernardius. I would expect such weak-kneed advice from you bureaucrats. Leave that kind of decision-making for us military types. You may leave, Bernardius.”

“Yes, Consul.”

As we have seen, in March 564 Licinus made the fateful decision to once more attack the Eastern Pact. But it seemed Minerva remained unmoved when the next omen was called. More roast chicken, but bad news for Roman research.

And as the first phase of the latest eastern war drew to a close, the Consular election of 564 AUC elevated another scion of a notable patrician family to the senior magistracy: Q.F. Gurges of the Religious faction. He was something of an ‘all-rounder’, though his lesser military skills and not having a Military man in the consulship would detract from the general morale and organisation of the army.

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Endnote: I’ve played well ahead from this point, but have decided for conciseness and readability to end the chapter here. It means following chapters will be a little quicker to produce when I get to them. So you are welcome to speculate about what happens or what you think I should have done next, but the following six game years are played through.

Happy Saturnalia to you all!

Finis

Bullfilter · Jan 25, 2021

Chapter LXXXIX: Time and Tides
(1 January 565 AUC/189 BC to 31 December 566 AUC/188 BC)

Foreword. Just prior to Saturnalia 2020, we had seen the first phase of the latest Eastern War end with Rome had having basically cleared the Seleucid and Macedonian armies out of Graecia. The Pontic army on the Danube had been sent back north after a good fist-beating. At sea, things were still in some balance, edging slightly in favour of Rome. Egypt’s enclave in Asia Minor had been occupied and they had seen reverses in the south and at sea, as they awaited land and naval reinforcements from the west.

In Roma, the Q.F. Gurges of the Religious faction had been elected Consul in early December 564 AUC. In Hispania and Gaul, the usual cycle of barbarian depredations, slaughter (on both sides) and steady colonisation continued.

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Part I: The East - 1 January to 31 December 565

The year began with good news: the Macedonian capital surrendered, with new Consul Gurges able to take the credit for the accomplishment. The Senate’s next demand was to take Euboea – very convenient, as that was the next logical objective anyway.

In mid-January, Roman manpower reserves were holding up, with 209,000 replacements available and only 881 vacancies in the legions and a gain of 2,174 recruits per month. At sea, three Macedonian ships were ambushed and sunk in Mare Myrtoum on 17 January.

On 7 February, the Egyptian 6th Army (21 regiments) was engaged in a battle against the Seleucid 10th Stratos (41 regiments) in Lydia. There were no Roman legions in Asia Minor at that time, as the forward element stood guard in Thracia. It appeared Egypt may have eventually won the battle, as by March the Seleucids were gone and the Egyptians remained, besieging Lydia.

Legio V (M.C. Dentatus, 9,000 men) arrived in Euboea on 11 March and engaged a small Macedonian force there (Omirus Proctid, 2,000 men). Dentatus had won by 19 March though not convincingly, losing 642 men to 536 Macedonians.

Legio I arrived in Euboea on 3 April, bringing Roman strength to around 36,000 men. Now led by T.A. Barbula, they quickly carried out an assault on the very substantial fortifications (a garrison of 3,000), hoping for a quick victory to knock Macedon out of the war then and there. But the assault failed after eight days of bitter fighting on the massive walls, Rome losing 2,145 men and the defenders 1,965. It would have to be a siege after all.

While this was happening on land, at sea the various Roman fleets (94 ships when combined) were able to ‘scare off’ a large Seleucid fleet (64 ships) which had been making for Mare Aegeum on 11 March. By 21 March, the Seleucid fleets was holed up in port at Lydia, blockaded by the larger Roman fleet in Mare Icarium.

But unfavourable news came on 8 April, when a small reinforcing flotilla of three Roman galleys was ambushed in Mare Myrtoum by a passing fleet of 16 Pontic ships. All three Roman triremes were sunk by 11 April, before they could escape: a whole iteration of shipbuilding wasted. But there was a measure of revenge on Pontus on land as that sea skirmish unfolded, when Tomis (one of their isolated Danubian provinces) fell on 10 April after a 343 day siege.

The Pontic 1st Stratos (Ikesios Theronid, 13 regiments) was spotted again in Tyras on 26 April, heading south for Roman-occupied Piephigi. Legio XI (A.I. Dives, 20,000 men), then to the south in Triballi, was ardered to cross the Danube and intercept them.

In early May, a mass recruiting of twelve new cohorts was conducted in the eastern Roman provinces: five cohorts of principes, two of archers, three of horse archers and two of cavalry – the equivalent of a new legion. It had been decided that the war would be carried into Asia Minor and the extra numbers would be needed to confront Seleucid strength.

Preparations for that campaigm began with Legio II (S.C. Metellus, 22,000 men) and a 6,000 man detachment from Legio I boarding ship from Macedonia and Thessaly on 13 May – bound for Asia Minor. They had landed in Lydia – where the Egyptians still besieged the Seleucid city – by 25 May after taking the attrition that occurred when large groups were moved by sea, with the detachment being merged into Legio II (now 28 cohorts but only 26,000 strong after attrition). They soon headed south to Seleucid-occupied Lycia – to take up the fight.

Meanwhile, Legio VI crossed the Propontis from Thracia into Bithynia, arriving there on 7 June. The same day, Legio I (T.A. Barbula, 24,310 men) embarked from Euboea, leaving Legio V to continue the siege. Consul Gurges had decided the invasion of Asia Minor would be an all-out one.

On 13 June, Legio II (now whittled down by attrition to 21,732 men) arrived in Lycia, where the Egyptians had also moved a force. The Egyptian commander used the Roman reinforcements in the ‘traditional’ ploy of launching an assault without consultation. Which unfortunately failed, piling up casualties and damaging morale.

Legio I made landfall in Lydia on 23 June. The Seleucid 10th Stratos (41 regiments, unknown troop strength) to its south in Caria was now heading towards Lycia, presumably to attack the Egyptian and Roman forces there who were still badly affected by their failed assault and continuing high attrition. Legio I started advancing on Lycia and by 1 July the 10th Stratos had halted in Caria.

The Seleucids then pivoted 10th Stratos to Lydia instead on 3 July, but Legio I continued on to join Legio II in Lycia, from where the Egyptians were now heading east. By 7 July, the newly recruited cohorts had all finished training and were moving independently to a rallying point in Thracia. Legio XI was in Piephigi and marching to battle against the Pontic army in Tyras. Legio VI had moved into Phrygia, which they besieged.

Legio I arrived in Lycia on 10 July, thus evading the Seleucid advance on Lydia by ten days. By mid-July 565, Roman reserve manpower stood at 204,000. But battle and attrition (mainly the latter of late) now meant there were 20,699 vacant billets to be filled.

News from the south was now more encouraging. By 20 July – the day the Seleucid 10th Stratos arrived in Lydia - the Egyptians had recovered Damascus (thus liberating all their own holdings in the vicinity) and had taken Dulah from the Seleucids. They now also besieged Perga, directly east of Lycia. On the Danube, A.L. Dives led Legio XI in an attack on Ikesios Theronid’s 1st Pontic Stratos in Tyras on 23 July. Victory had been won in four days (Rome 1,325/20,000 lost, Pontus 3,574/11,292).

In mid-August, Legio II was merged into Legio I in Lycia. Barbula now commanded 52 cohorts (but only 34,829 men) and counter-marched back to Lydia on 14 August. A small detachment (five cohorts, 3,272 men) was left behind to maintain the siege of the Seleucid-occupied Egyptian city. The Seleucid 10th Stratos was now heading from Lydia to attack Legio VI in Phrygia and would do so well before Legio I could intercept them.

Battle was joined in Phrygia on 16 August 565. As it happened, the Seleucid strength was well below the full establishment of 41 regiments. The two forces were almost exactly equal in strength and composition, but Rome’s premier general A.C. Caudex was clearly superior to his opponent Demetrius Zoticid, who attacked over a river. In just six days, Caudex had won one of the most decisive victories of Roman arms in the East in recent years.

The Roman trepidation of recent months was replaced with a more confident outlook after this crucial victory. In early September 565, estimates of Pontic manpower reserves were around 71,000 men [with +2 stability but only 5 gold in the treasury]. For the Seleucids, the estimate was 86,000 men [+0 stability and no gold reserves]. Roman manpower reserves, even with recent combat and attrition losses, were a match for these, while the lack of gold would inhibit the enemy’s ability to recruit new units, if they had desired to do so. And then, there was the fact that Egypt’s forces were now coming increasingly to bear.

Consul Gurges therefore doubled down on the troop build-up, settling in for a long and merciless eastern campaign. On 3 September, another raising of troops in the east was initiated with 15 cohorts this time (nine principes, three cavalry, one archer, two horse archers) plus seven new warships begun in one tranche. Even after this, Roman manpower reserves stood at 191,000, though 33,065 replacements were needed (the figure kept mounting as with most troops in foreign territory, only 646 replacements were due to reach the legions this month).

On the Danube front, the 1st Pontic Stratos had returned for a dig at Tomis this time, where Dives once again led Legio XI to victory between 17 to 21 September (Rome 1,009/18,586 lost, Pontus 1,718/9,388).

In Asia Minor, a detachment of nine recovering cohorts (3,505 men) taken from Legio I arrived in Pergamon and began a siege on 12 October. Legio I remained at siege in Lydia, Legio VI in Phrygia and the other Roman detachment in Lycia, while Egypt now had sieges running in Caria and Perga. The Seleucid 10th Stratos had retreated north to Paphlagonia (in Pontus) after their defeat in Phrygia. The siege of Euboea ground on. Pontus had shown no indication yet they would attack the Romans in Asia Minor and Rome did nothing to encourage their attention there. Yet.

On the Danube, Legio XI once again met the Pontic 1st Stratos, this time at Piephigi. With Dives forced to cross a river to meet his foe, his casualties exceeded the enemy’s, but not disastrously so and victory came after a battle that lasted from 14 to 18 October 565 (Rome 634/17,261 lost, Pontus 573/7,070). The secondary Danube Campaign would continue.

By 26 October, a huge Egyptian fleet (over 100 ships) had finally assembled in the Eastern Mediterranean: the Roman admirals decided they would let the Egyptians do the patrolling now and would only react to specific problems or opportunities that demanded Roman attention.

Dives had kept Legio XI on alert in Piephigi, as behind the last Pontic attack a small barbarian force had been spotted heading south from Tyras some weeks previously. They – rather foolishly – attacked the Romans on 26 October – and had been wiped out by the 27th (Rome 4/16,627 troops killed, all 2,589 barbarians killed).

But there was far more momentous news that day from the East, that would embolden Rome and Egypt further:

NB: the Rebels have the green Seleucid flag and their provinces are the darker yellow on the map above. The Seleucid Rebels had the Loyalist manpower reserve duplicated for them and received a war chest of gold, but had probably inherited a weaker army and less territory.

It appeared that a significant faction within the sprawling empire did not approve of the handling of the war!

[Game note: at this time, the war score against the Seleucid-led Alliance (which didn’t include the Rebels, even though Rome remained at war with them separately) stood at 32%].

The immediate consequences of the civil war were witnessed when the Seleucid fleet off Cyprus split along partisan lines, with a battle between 54 Loyalist and 12 Rebel ships breaking out.

On the Danube, Dives had caught the Pontic 1st Stratos once again, attacking them in Tomis on 10 November. The fighting was fierce on both sides, as Legio XI attacked across a river once more. The battle ended the next day, with 659 of the 16,307 legionaries killed but all 5,897 of the remaining Pontic troops were eliminated.

With the Danube campaign ending in total victory, Legio XI set off along the western coast of Mare Euxinus towards Pontic-held Alazones (north of the modern Crimea), in search of more land to give leverage in future peace negotiations.

In Arabia, a large battle between Egypt (7th Army, 33 regiments) and the (Seleucid) Loyalists (1st Stratos, 33 regiments) was observed to start around 23 November and end in mid-December. And it appeared the Egyptians had won, with the Loyalists retreating east towards Mesopotamia. Then the Egyptians landed on the Pontic-ruled island of Rhodes on 12 December. Nearby Euboea still stubbornly resisted the Roman siege as the year ended.

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Part II: Rome and the West - 1 January 565 to 31 December 566

The West remained mercifully quiet during the years 565-66 AUC. The new colony in Sedetani (central Hispania) was established on 12 March 565, with the customary building of a new stockade the first order of business.

In July 565, the news was bad for the Pontifex Maximus in Roma and one unfortunate chicken, which did not have the good sense to peck appropriately when the annual omen was called. Minerva was once more very displeased.

The next month in Gaul, the Roman ruling class once again demonstrated it was its own most dangerous enemy, with the highly successful veteran commander of Legio III ‘Nova’, Hiram Magoid, murdered on 17 August 565 at the age of 51.

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Despite the slowed research rate due to the failed omen, Roman naval technology advanced in January 566 and then soon bore some fruit in March, with the development of a merchant class bringing increased trade.

A new colony was sent to Aquitani on 16 June, which had just become eligible for settlement. It would be completed on 14 October and a stockade begun. In Roma, the end of 566 saw campaigning for the biennial Consular election in full swing. The election was due on 2 December – its outcome (and its implications for the war effort) will be reported at the end of this chapter. As will the results of the next omen, which would bear directly on the conduct of the ‘Seleucid War’ in the east.

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Part III: The East - 1 January to 30 June 566

The year began with the return of the Loyalist army of Demetrius Zoticid – the current Chief Torturer of the Seleucids – and A.C. Caudex’s Legio VI, still besieging Phrygia. This would be a far tougher and longer battle than the previous one in the same province, again with roughly similar sized forces. This time, the less able Zoticid got off to a lucky start on 5 January 566, but then Caudex reasserted the tactical advantage from 10 January and did not lose it until he emerged victorious a gruelling twenty days later.

On 3 February, T.A. Barbula accepted the surrender of the now Rebel-controlled Lydia. The same day, 2,000 Roman reinforcements travelling through Suci were surprised and ambushed by a 5,000 man rebellion that broke out as they marched towards Thracia. Rome lost 944 troops by the time they escaped on 8 February, the rebels 314. Fortunately, a Massilian army – the 2nd Stratos, with 24 regiments – was by then marching towards Suci from nearby Dardania, and was due to arrive on 11 March, saving Rome the trouble of subduing the rebellion.

With exquisitely bad timing, on 3 February Pontus completed a new colony in Olbia (west of Alazones) just as Legio XI was approaching from Tyras. Dives would arrive on 17 February, assault the barely established 100 man Pontic garrison, taking it the next day.

Egypt was now making good progress in the south against both the Loyalists and the Rebels, with Arabia (Rebel) and Seleucia (Loyalist) now under their occupation by mid-February. And the siege of Pergamon (Rebel) was won on 14 February after a 126 day Roman siege. By then, a Roman force also had Pontic Bithynia under siege.

The Seleucid reverses continued, with the Egyptians completing their siege of Perga (west of Lycia) in early March and Legio I (T.A. Barbula, 19,396 men) arriving in Loyalist Pisidia on 6 March to begin a new siege there. Just four days later, they were attacked by a large but demoralised Rebel army under Aristotle Apollonid that had been fleeing an earlier loss against the Loyalists to the east. Barbula dealt with them professionally, with the Rebels fleeing by 14 March (Rome 441/19,396 men lost, Rebels 2,072/16,954).

On 22 March, the Rebels offered Rome a peace deal – but a white peace was of no interest to Consul Gurges. He wanted more than that before the Rebels were released to do their worst against the Loyalist regime undistracted: the pound of flesh must be provided first. But the Rebels were as yet unwilling to yield to Rome’s counter-offer.

With Olbia now occupied, Legio XI arrived in Alazones on 23 March – to find a contingent of 3,437 Pontic troops with no recognised commander standing in their way. All the enemy troops were dead by 26 March, for the loss of just 72 legionaries.

Simultaneously, a massive battle began in Bithynia, where the formidable Pontic general Sophronius Zagreid brought over 43,500 men against the trusty G.F. Licinus, leading Legio IV, which had around 39,000 men. Given the history of such battles against elite Pontic generals, it was with a good deal of trepidation that the outnumbered Romans stood their ground. Both forces were almost exactly even in heavy infantry, with Pontus having an advantage in archers, but the Romans fielding more horse archers after recent recruiting campaigns.

In the event, Licinus performed brilliantly, quickly gaining the advantage and, to everyone’s pleasant surprise, winning a victory that rivalled the one in Phrygia the year before in its strategic significance. A heavy loss could have thrown the whole campaign into doubt and forced early peace negotiations.

The 1st of April 566 brought another distraction in Graecia: 6,000 rebels in Thessaly. A small ‘bits and pieces’ force was assembled from various elements marshalling in Moesia and Thracia, with six cohorts (5,264 men) ordered to assemble in Macedonia under S.C. Metellus. At that time, the manpower reserve stood at 193,000, but now with 63,129 reinforcements needed and only 3,354 expected to be delivered to front line legions that month.

Good news was received on 15 April, with the culture in Scodra becoming fully Roman. Even better, Phrygia (Loyalist) fell to Caudex after a 286 day Roman siege (and two major field battles) on 19 April. But the biggest news of the month came on 24 April with the fall of Euboea after a mammoth 402 day siege. This signified the complete defeat of Macedon, which finally resulted in their full annexation. The old enemy was at last destroyed and one of the three Eastern Pact members had been permanently removed from the board.

The Senate, with the Religious and Populist factions by far the dominant parties, soon came up with a new mission, of course.

“I’m not sure how, ah, practical this demand is, Consul,” advised a dubious Bernardius when reporting this latest Senatorial gambit.

“It will be up to one of my successors, Bernardius,” replied a disinterested Consul Gurges. “For my part, I think I shall invite them to insert this demand where the Sun-God does not shine!”

“Er, yes, Consul,” replied a drily amused Bernardius. “Shall I pass that message directly to the Senate?”

“Oh, don’t be silly, Bernardius.”

Both men chuckled, then promptly ignored this latest direction. There were more important matters to attend to.

On the diplomatic front, by early May the Seleucid Rebels had obviously found a more receptive audience with the Egyptians – then again, they had offered more in return for peace. Rome was by no means displeased with this, as it would allow greater focus for both on beating the Seleucid Loyalists.

The reduction of Euboea in late April permitted Legio V (M.C. Dentatus, 8,910 men) to instead take up the mission to relieve Thessaly, which they set off for on 14 May, allowing Metellus’ small force to head to Thracia once more.

In Asia Minor, the previously defeated Rebel army of Aristotle Apollonid had ended up in Lydia – but Caudex had beaten them there from Phygia with his veteran Legio VI. An indecisive battle was fought between 15 and 19 May (Rome 574/21,410 lost, Rebels 849/12,882). Not that the Romans really wanted to destroy the Rebels anyway; they would rather they were off fighting the Loyalists instead.

But this was not to be: the Rebels retreated towards Roman-occupied Pergamon so Caudex was obliged to give chase. Unfortunately, he was ambushed by Apollonid when he got there on 29 May [die rolls: Rome 0+0.5 v 6 Rebel], taking heavy casualties despite winning the battle by 2 June (Rome 1,600/20,836 lost, Rebels 619/12,033).

The Seleucid Loyalists sued for peace again in mid-June 566, but again offered only a white peace, which was rejected out of hand. No Roman counter-offer was made: they were determined to bleed the great enemy for everything they could this time.

The Loyalists brought a highly mobile army of almost 23,000 men (7th Stratos, under Polyxenos Savacid) to contest T.A. Barbula’s siege of Pisidia on 23 June. A tough battle started well for the Loyalists, who outnumbered Legio I by over 5,000 men.

But the enemy broke and ran after a week of fighting when their commander was captured on the battlefield. Just a day later, nearby Lycia was liberated for the Egyptians by Rome after a 394 day siege.

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Part IV: The East and Rome - 1 July to 31 December 566

In Thessaly, a confident Manius Curius Dentatus approached Thessaly from Euboea in mid-July. But his confidence was badly misplaced. Dentatus was only a mediocre commander and was attacking over a strait. Despite significantly outnumbering the rebels and commanding better trained and armed troops, he suffered an ugly and embarrassing defeat after a four day battle. Legio V retreated north in ignominy to Macedonia to regroup – and plot revenge.

By mid-July, Legio I’s position in Pisidia was deteriorating, with its strength now down to under 12,000 men due to battle casualties and attrition. Despite being bolstered by a small Egyptian force of around 2,500, they were very heavily outnumbered when a 31,000 man Loyalist army under Demetrius Zoticid struck them on 16 July. Barbula retreated as soon as he could on 21 July, leaving the Egyptians to their fate [so no battle report], but not before losing 4,682 legionaries. It was the largest setback of the Asia Minor campaign so far.

At this crucial point of the war, Consul Gurges decided to throw its future course open to the will of the Gods. He called on the Pontifex Maximus to invoke Mars himself. If the great God of War gave his blessing, the fight would go on. If not, it would be time to make peace.

“War, huh, what is it good for, Consul?” admonished a world-weary Humphronius as they awaited the results of the divination.

“Glory and conquest of course, Humphronius,” uttered Gurges pompously as he shook his head, as if to a dullard. “Really, where do you get these preposterous sayings from? Some passing minstrel? Do be a good fellow and leave the fighting to those of us who know all about it.”

“Er, yes, Consul.”

But as if to prove Humphronius’ point, the very same day Mars gave his blessing Lydia fell to a Rebel assault 33 days into a siege by the remnants of Apollonid's army, which had been left to its own devices by the busy Romans. By 18 August the Rebels had moved onto Pergamon and were attempting to win it back also.

Then, as the Romans were contemplating what to do about this sudden change in their fortunes, another blow fell: Aulus Claudius Caudex, the great Roman general of his generation, died whilst in command of Legio VI at the age of 68.

Though the same day it was discovered the former Macedonian leader, Ptolemy Ptolemy, had become a loyal Roman citizen after the conquest! A fair general, he replaced Caudex as commander of Legio VI. He was soon sent to deal with the Rebels in Pergamon.

Ptolemy’s first battle as a Roman legate began in Pergamon on 19 September and despite being inferior as a general to his Rebel opponent Aristotle Apollonid [Martial 6 v 8], he opened the battle impeccably [die rolls: 7 v 5+1] and had won the field by 23 September (Rome 1,461/22,638 lost, Rebels 2,662/14,201).

The very same day of Ptolemy’s victory, the 238 day siege of the key Pontic province of Bithynia ended in Roman victory. At this point, with the fight against the Seleucids proving as tough as had been expected as they defended their homeland – even if distracted by the Egyptians and a civil war – a peace offering was made by Rome to Pontus.

The key acquisition as far as Rome was concerned was Bithynia: securing both sides of the Propontis and providing a permanent foothold in Asia Minor – where units could also recuperate more quickly. It also allowed a lucrative toll to be charged for all passing trade.

In early October, Legio V had recovered sufficiently to return to their field of shame in Thessaly against the rebels still holding out there. But this time, a new commander was in charge, the disgraced Dentatus having been replaced by Caelus Fabius Gurges, a new commander from the Military faction [Martial 7]. Even though he attacked over a river, he made no mistake in the battle [die rolls: Rome 6-1 v 4], beating the rebels in five days (Rome 624/8,883 lost, rebels 2,111/6,000 killed, remainder dispersed).

In Asia Minor, the Seleucids took advantage of Rome’s recent reverses to make a bid to seize back the key province of Phrygia, setting up their siege camp on 14 October 566, with around 28,000 soldiers. Meanwhile, the badly mauled Legio I had withdrawn to Lydia, where they aimed to take it back again from the Rebels.

Roman manpower stood at 172,000 by 2 November 566, with a massive 63,832 replacements needed. With Bithynia now a Roman possession, around 6,300 men should reach the legions this month.

At that time, the Seleucid Rebel army was approaching its Loyalist enemies in Phrygia. Legio IV, now with over 36,000 men in 42 cohorts, waited in Bithynia under the command of the experienced G.F. Licinus. Before he engaged, he would let the enemy fight amongst themselves for a while.

Between 9 and 11 September, the Loyalists (10th Stratos, Demetrius Zoticid, 42 regiments) duly destroyed the demoralised and outnumbered Rebel army (1st Stratos, Aristotle Apollonid, 20 regiments) in Phrygia. The start of that battle was the signal for Legio VI in Pergamon (Ptolemy, 20,645 men) and IV in Bithynia (Licinus, 36,091 men) to advance on Phrygia for yet another reckoning. The Seleucid Loyalists spotted the Romans coming and made to escape as soon as their battle with the Rebels had finished: they broke their siege and it was estimated they would make it to Pisidia by 29 November.

As this chase played out, the Egyptians reported more progress in the south, where they now occupied four Seleucid provinces, though they had lost Lycia again to the Loyalists. Their armies were running amok in the Seleucid heartland, while a large fleet was heading towards a Loyalist force in Mare Cyprium.

Between 18 November to 25 December, the epic naval clash in Mare Cyprium saw 94 Egyptian vessels take on 42 Loyalist ships. By the time it finished, 17 Loyalist ships had been sunk and the survivors were fleeing to Antioch, for no apparent Egyptian loss.

Lydia was retaken from the Rebels by Rome (Legio I, Barbula, 76 day siege) on 25 November. He still had only 9,154 men left in his much-reduced legion. Meanwhile, the Romans had been unable to catch the Loyalists in Phrygia. Legio IV arrived first and quickly chased them to Pisidia, not wanting to wait for Legio VI and having the enemy escape again, to gain more reinforcements and morale.

As that chase went on, back in Roma it was time for the Consular Election of 566 AUC. And despite the Religious and Populist factions dominating the floor of the Senate, it was a compromise candidate from the Mercantile faction that slipped through the middle to gain the honour.

And Marcus Aemilius Lepidus was definitely no military man. It was a good thing Mars had granted his blessing earlier that year …

And so it was, on the Saturnalia of 566 AUC (188 BC), Licinus caught Zoticid in Pisidia. This time, even without Legio VI, the Romans had over 6,000 more men and better starting morale. The fighting was fierce from the start: the battle only lasted until 29 December before the Seleucid Loyalists broke. Any longer at that intensity, and few may have been left alive on either side!

The year thus ended with the times and tide once more flowing in Rome and Egypt’s favour. But there was much work yet to be done in the west of Asia Minor, let alone in the Seleucid heartland. Rome remained at war with both the Seleucid civil war factions for now, while Egypt only fought the Loyalists.

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Finis

Bullfilter · Feb 7, 2021

Chapter XC: A Very Sanguinary Business
(1 January 567 AUC/187 BC to 13 January 569 AUC/184 BC)

Foreword. Rome’s war in the east has seen Macedonia annexed and Pontus defeated, with a forced peace. The Seleucid Loyalists remain in a civil war with their Rebel opponents and still at war with the three Alliance partners (Rome, Egypt and Massilia). Rome also remains at war with the Seleucid Rebels. All sides may be growing weary and losses have been heavy, but the Romans are in no mood for compromise, for now.

The story resumes with a number of sizeable armies on both sides fighting a war of manoeuvre throughout Asia Minor, with the Romans having come back from a difficult period with a significant victory in Pisidia by Gaius Fabius Licinus (Legio IV) over the Seleucid 7th Stratos of Demetrius Zoticid (who it turns out has a doppel-ganger).

In Roma, the militarily incompetent Marcus Aemilius Lepidus of the Mercantile faction had become Consul in early December 566 AUC.

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Part I: The Eastern War - 1 January to 31 December 567

Imprecise reports came on 20 January of a battle in Lydia between the Loyalist 7th Stratos (D. Zoticid, 34 regiments) and Egyptian 1st Army (Polyperchon Ptolemy, 22 regiments). It seemed the Egyptians had lost by 28 January and were retreating north to Roman-occupied Pergamon – chased by the Seleucids.

Just to the east in Pisidia, the main allied Massilian army had arrived in mid-January and roped Legio IV (Ptolemy Ptolemy, 19,588 men) into an assault on the town. In this case, with around 39,000 troops involved, it succeeded, the town falling to Rome after a nine day siege on 21 January.

By 27 January, another Demetrius Zoticid [very confusing at the time, had to check back and compare portraits later] had command of the Loyalist 10th Stratos in Lycia – where G.F. Licinus was about to attack. The Seleucids were outnumbered but fought well, though it appeared Zoticid may have been wounded in the fighting, as his generalship was a little diminished from 2 February. Legio IV prevailed in a hard fight and pursued the Loyalists north to Lydia.

By 5 February, the 7th Stratos was in Lydia and five days away from entering Pergamon. There, the undermanned Legio I (T.A. Barbula, 40 cohorts but only 12,688 men) plus the Egyptian 1st Army waited. But the Allies, though they had the advantage in numbers, got off to a terrible start [die roll Rome 0 v 5 Seleucid] on 10 February, which only improved somewhat by 15 February [2 v4]. Having already lost around 10% of his strength, Barbula withdrew to Bithynia to recuperate, leaving the Egyptians to fight as the rear guard: they retreated as well a few days later, leaving the field in Pergamon to the Loyalists.

By then, the Roman manpower reserve sat at 164,000, with a massive 80,516 reinforcements needed in the legions but only 3,666 expected to reach them in the next month. Replenishment would be a lot faster for Legio I on the now ‘home soil’ of Bithynia. But reports indicated the Loyalist’s manpower problems were far worse, though the Rebels still had a sizeable reserve of their own. Rome saw no more point in fighting the enemy of their enemy, so concluded a white peace with the Rebels on 18 February.

By 11 March, the Loyalists had re-established control of Pergamon (taking it back from the Rebels after the separate treaty with Rome). Legio I arrived in Bithynia to recuperate and Legio VI was besieging Loyalist Perga, to the east of Lycia.

On 14 March, Legio IV (Licinus, 20,858 troops) arrived in Lydia to find the 7th Stratos there. For the loss of only five men, all 10,909 Seleucid soldiers were wiped out in a single day – a veritable massacre. This emboldened Licinus to keep marching without pause towards Pergamon, while Legio I (now with over 20,000 men) to confront Zoticid in Pergamon, where he marched post haste, not waiting to time his arrival with Barbula lest the Loyalists escape.

But his confidence was proved to be misplaced: perhaps the confusing name change back to the 7th Stratos, the identically named Loyalist generals or an unnoticed influx of troops was enough for the formidable Zoticid to turn the tables on Licinus this time from 29 March to 3 April, handing him a drubbing before Licinus ordered a hasty withdrawal. Barbula would have to do the job later in the month.

Hot on the heels of this nasty defeat in Pergamon came stunning diplomatic news.

Rome would have to fight on without its major ally and all the distraction Egypt had been giving the Seleucid Loyalists. For just six gold. A disgrace! Rome would only have been able to extract one province (probably Sparta) at that time [warscore 36%] – which was far too little for the blood expended so far. Little did Consul Lepidus realise how much more would be spilt during his term.

Soon after, the Massilians stepped up, with the 2nd Stratos (Hippocrates Zagreid, 24 regiments) attacking Zoticid (the superior one, the Romans believed) and his 7th Stratos in Pergamon on 10 April, before Legio I could get there. And it seemed they may have won by 19 April, with Zoticid heading to Lydia (due by 29 April) followed by the Massilians (due there by 3 May).

Around this time, little Corduene decided to declare war on the Rebels (possibly the Loyalists as well, but this is lost to history) – perhaps hoping to expand their little independent state in the Seleucid heartland.

Then on 25 April, Barbula had his revenge when he fell upon the weakened 7th Stratos in Pergamon before they could escape to Lydia, inflicting heavy casualties over the five days it took the Loyalists to escape.

By early May, the manpower reserve stood at 151,000, with 69,439 vacancies in the legions; 6,431 should reach them this month.

The Massilians were again fighting the Seleucids by 5 May, this time in Lydia: they were proving an active and useful little substitute for the loss of Egypt’s support in the east. However, it looked like their attack had been cut short by the death of their commander, Zagreid, as the 2nd Stratos was seen retreating leaderless back to Pergamon by 8 May.

Barbula with Legio I had no such problem when he confronted Zoticid in Lydia on 27 May: he had won by the 31st (Rome 734/23,052 killed, Loyalists 1,465/9280). Zoticid withdrew his 7th Stratos survivors towards Phrygia – but perhaps unknown to him, Licinus with Legio IV was already on his way there from Bithynia!

Legio V (Caelus Fabius Gurges, 8,946 men) arrived in Pergamon on 5 June for a siege, only to be sucked in [again – it gets me every time!] by the survivors of the Massilian 2nd Stratos into a reckless assault on the walls – which failed, of course.

But on 15 June, Licinus had his own revenge of Zoticid when the latter pulled into Phrygia only to find themselves ambushed by the waiting Legio IV. Licinus lost just eight legionaries in wiping out the last of Zoticid’s 6,415 men in a single day.

Things quietened down for a little while and on 27 July, a small but welcome boost to recruiting saw the eroding manpower reserve increased a little.

By 28 July, Legio IV had marched into Cappadocia and begun its siege. A few days later, Pergamon fell to siege after 77 days. On 18 August, Legio I was in Cilicia, leaving a detachment of around 5,000 to invest it while Barbula pushed on to Antioch with around 21,400 troops.

With Seleucid resistance largely suppressed for the moment, Legio XI (A.I. Dives, 15,571 men) pushed into Galatia on 6 September, lost 88 men wiping out a 1,000 man Loyalist regiment and settled into a siege. The same day, Legio I reached Antioch, leaving another detachment of around 2,500 while Barbula took the remaining 18,000 north to Commagene.

Four days later, a similar ploy was used in Perga, with 2,500 left there and Ptolemy taking the other 15,000 men of Legio VI north to Pisidia to look for further opportunities. That same day, the Loyalist 1st Stratos (Seleukos Apollonid, 40 regiments, strength likely far less) was spotted in Sophene, also heading to Commagene.

As those approach marches played out, on 8 October Naval Prefect Arvirargus Vodenosid (Classis IV, 90 ships) set sail from Euboea after spotting a Seleucid fleet passing by to their south, giving chase. It took until 7 November to catch the 16 enemy galleys under the elite Admiral Shapur Arkhid in Mare Ionium. The Seleucids escaped on 12 November, taking damage but not losing any ships.

Another inconclusive naval skirmish followed on 18-22 November in Sinus Cyparissus (off Aetolia) but on 30 November the Loyalist fleet was run down in Sinus Messeniacus – and this time there was no escape.

Back in Asia Minor, the enemy’s 1st Stratos took up position in Commagene on 29 October, with Legio I in Cilicia and Legio IV (now with 35,700 men under the command of Licinus) in Cappadocia both marching to confront the Loyalists.

But as they were approaching, Rome lost her last ally in the Eastern War on 2 November. The Massilians had done some good work, but had now seen enough.

In effect, it was now a death match between the two alliance leaders – though the Seleucids still also had their civil war to deal with. And the next few months would see three more epic battles that helped decide the course of the conflict, though not yet to a decisive end.

The Battle of Commagene started on 13 November, with Licinus arriving first and making a brilliant start against the talented Apollonid. The Romans already had a 10,000 man numerical advantage, when on 16 November Barbula arrived on a flank march, taking overall command and bringing Roman strength to over 50,000 men. The Loyalists (wisely) fled the next day to Armenia, having taken enormous casualties.

Legio I held in place, while Barbula took Legio IV off to pursue the enemy. The very next day, the Loyalist 9th Stratos (Amyntas Apollonid, 33 regiments) was discovered in Pontus, striking south at Legio V and VI (26,500 men between them) in Galatia. The two Legates agreed to brace for the coming attack, not wanting to give up their siege works.

On 8 December 567 AUC, Licinus arrived in Armenia just before S. Apollonid and found himself attacked – very effectively. But Seleucid morale was already shaky, the Romans had more than ten times the heavy infantry and outnumbered the Loyalist overall by almost two-to-one.

When an adjutant remarked to Licinus that the 9th Stratos was due to attack Galatia on 23 December, the veteran legate remarked:

“Mark my words, Sextus, this battle will be all over by Saturnalia.”

Alas, his words were marked – as was the deck of cards Apollonid was using! Saturnalia came and not once had Licinus managed to get the tactical edge over his skilful opponent. Now it was Roman morale that was eroding more rapidly.

The battle in Galatia started as anticipated on 23 December – and this fight was more even, with a Roman starting advantage of about 4,000 men. But A. Apollonid was the slightly better commander. The fighting flowed back and forth, no side having achieved a decisive advantage as the new year began and the Romans suffering somewhat heavier casualties. Morale on both sides was faltering, but the Romans seemed to have the edge in that regard.

At sea, Classis IV found another incautious Seleucid fleet in Mare Carpathicum on 25 December, celebrating Saturnalia by sinking eight enemy galleys.

The year ended with the tide in the battle for Armenia finally turned by Licinus, who emerged bruised but victorious on 6 January.

The fight in Galatia continued.

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Part II: Rome and the West - 1 January 567 to 13 January 569

The peace in the rest of the Republic was disrupted on 2 March 567 with the outbreak of a revolt by the Adrymachidae tribe in Numidia. Legio VII, garrisoned in Ikosim (T.O. Crassus, 18,000 men) was sent to quell the 10,000 barbarian warriors. It would take until 8 May to reach them, but when Crassus [Martial 9] got there, he found the barbarian war chief Ezena Senuid [Martial 0] no match at all. In three days, all of the army of 9,604 Adrymachidae warriors were slaughtered for the loss of only 25 Romans. Job done, Crassus took the 8.17 gold in booty and 10,000 slaves and started marching all the way back to Ikosim.

Not long after the revolt had broken out in Numidia, 5,000 Belli warriors revolted in Ruteni, in southern Gaul. Unfortunately for them, Legio III ‘Nova’ (Cunobelinus Correid, 15,000 men) was stationed next door in Cadurci and were soon marching south-east. The battle lasted from 2 to 10 April, with the Romans emerging victorious, to no-one's surprise (Rome 406/15,000; Belli 1,858/5,000 killed).

The Belli (as tradition and honour demanded) returned to Ruteni for another serve on 25 June and were this time destroyed by the next day (Rome 14/15,000; Belli 3,042 killed). A small amount of gold and 5,000 slaves were taken.

In Roma, the annual omen met with chicken-pecking success – another year of efficient research guaranteed.

On 22 September, a stockade was completed in the new province of Aquitani, which was celebrated by the starting of two new temples, one each there and in nearby Santones. They would be completed in just under a year.

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The new year of 568 AUC began inauspiciously, with a massive barbarian uprising in north-west Hispania, just north of the Roman province of Lusitani. It would take the whole of Legio X under the ‘other A.C. Caudex’ to confront them, and even then he would be outnumbered. This Lanciensi invasion would end up taking many months to deal with.

On 31 January, the Lanciensi were in Lusitani – and assaulting the 1,000 man garrison. The garrison fought hard, but was overrun in eight days. Lusitani was sacked [civilisation decrease of 7.03%, which is quite nasty] but no longer being a colony they survived under barbarian occupation rather than being destroyed: some small consolation.

The barbarians were marching east as Legio X arrived in Vettones and marched west to meet them head on. The barbarians reached Vettones first and caught Caudex, the better tactician, badly by surprise on 18 March. But the Lanciensi had set out before recovering properly from their assault on the walls of Lusitani and their morale remained low. Caudex recovered the initiative and beat the barbarians after a sharp week-long battle, pursuing them back to Lusitani.

The Lanciensi were confronted again in Lusitani from 2 to 8 May, taking heavier losses (Rome 976/14,107; Lanciensi 4,291/18,029 killed). Caudex chose not to assault Lusitani, but laid out the siege, knowing the barbarians would keep returning blindly until they were wiped out.

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As Caudex waited, Consul Lepidus received news that the Atrebates in northern Gaul had run out of money and reneged on their tribute payments. Lepidus was outraged. The Fetial Priests advised Rome would have a casus belli on them for the next year.

“This is a grave liberty. They must be punished!” raged the Consul.

“Really, Consul?” soothed an unctuous Humphronius. “They are but a minor annoyance and hardly worth the trouble, especially with everything else we have going on at the moment.”

“Harrumph, Humphronius!” replied Lepidus, with one eyebrow raised in a ‘You see what I did there?’ look. “What do you suggest then.”

“The time honoured strategy of masterful inaction, Consul. It usually works a treat, especially when it's some barbarian flea-speck that doesn’t even border the Republic – our Parisii tributaries provide a wide buffer.”

“Oh, very well then, Humphronius. I suppose it would be bad for business. Masterful inaction it shall be, then.”

“Yes, Consul, very bad for business,” smiled the smug – and relieved – bureaucrat as he excused himself from the Consul’s tablinum.

“Ah, Humphronius,” whispered Bernardius as they left. “Your wine shipment from a Vercegorex of the Atrebates Vintners Consortium has just arrived. Ten wagon-loads. Do you want it delivered to your home, or the warehouse?”

“Be quiet, Bernardius. Do you want the whole of Roma to hear about it!? Get it sent to the warehouse – discreetly, if you please. And once it is secure take a couple of amphorae for yourself, young fellow.”

“Yes, Humphronius.”

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The Lanciensi were defeated again in July (Rome 558/12,939; Lanciensi 4,858/13,298 killed) and then September (Rome 141/13,736; Lanciensi 2,997/8,250 killed). Lusitani was retaken on 13 October after a 167 day siege, before the Lanciensi were once more defeated in November (Rome 0/13,919; Lanciensi 2,760/5,063 killed) then finally wiped out from 10-13 January 569 (Rome 4/14,055; Lanciensi 2,223 killed), with 28.66 gold and 22,000 slaves taken as plunder.

Elsewhere, Santones in western Gaul had become a full province on 19 July 568. The the annual omen had once more been successfully invoked.

In Graecia, 6,000 malcontents in Euboea revolted on 1 October. A detachment of around 13,000 men recovering in Bithynia was put under the command of Faustus Pomponius Matho and ‘sent around the long way’ through Macedonia to confront them. It would take a long march that was not yet over as the new year dawned. The walls in Euboea were strong though, so all should be well enough.

In late October, two new colonisation prospects were identified in central Hispania: Arevaci and Lusones. Five cohorts under G.C. Scipio were sent down from Aquitani to do some barbarian-stirring. They arrived in Lusones on 7 January 569 and began their provocation of the local inhabitants.

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Part III: The Seleucid War - 1 January 568 to 13 January 569

Some in Rome thought the great war in the east – now called simply the Seleucid War – was virtually over. 568 AUC would prove a sharp lesson. Much more blood – Seleucid and Roman – would water the fields, hills and rocky highlands of Asia Minor before the year was out. For a start, the close and expensive Battle of Armenia was only won on 6 January (as we saw at the end of Part I above), while the fight in Galatia raged on.

As both battles continued, on 1 January 568 the Seleucids tried to interest Rome in peace again – but the white peace offered was always going to be brushed off with haughty disdain.

On 5 January, another two Seleucid galleys were sent to the bottom by Classis IV, in Hermaeum Promontorum, south of Crete. The victory in Armenia came the next day. But the battle in Galatia hung in the balance and had much longer yet to go.

C.F. Gurges did well to maintain a slight tactical edge through until 17 January, but then Apollonid made one last attempt to wrest back the initiative. It was not enough, and though the Romans once again suffered more casualties than their enemies, they managed to hold their nerve and eke out another close victory.

With both these harrowing battles won, by 23 January the enemy was in retreat: 9th Stratos back to Pontus and the 1st Stratos east from Armenia to Artashat. Legio IV reorganised, sending its 22 weakest cohorts (only 6,225 men) all the way back west to occupied Pisidia for recuperation. Licinus kept 30 cohorts with 18,453 men (then suffering 10% attrition) with him in Armenia.

In Galatia, Legio V (C.F. Gurges) kept the 23 strongest cohorts (numbering 14,000 men) with him, while Ptolemy took 18 cohorts in Legio VI (with only 3,000 men) back towards Bithynia, for more efficient reinforcement. Manpower reserves were now down to 142,000 with 86,444 replacements needed in front line units and only around 1,800 currently predicted to reach them that month, with many legions in hostile or occupied territory.

On 12 February, a small army of 6,000 Seleucid troops (six new, full strength regiments: 4,000 heavy infantry, 1,000 cavalry and 1,000 archers) with no leader blundered into Licinus in Armenia, who still had over 19,700 men to hand. It was over the next day, all 6,000 Loyalists killed for only three legionaries. A senseless waste of good troops, for sure.

Legio VI (Ptolemy) reached Bithynia on 23 February, in sore need of a rest (just 2,593 troops in 17 cohorts after attrition along the way). The next day, word came of victory in the siege of Cilicia (on the coast, north of Cyprus) after 191 days.

On 20 March, scouts reported that over 80 Seleucid regiments (1st and 13th Stratos) were now in Artashat. The 13th was marching west back to Armenia (due on 8 May), the 1st south-west to Sophene (due on 7 May). Five days later, Legio XI (Dives, 7,391 men in 15 cohorts) started heading from Cappadocia to Armenia to provide support to Licinus, with Legio I (Barbula) staying for the siege in Cappadocia. By the beginning of April, this move by Legio XI had ‘scared off’ the Seleucids, with the 13th Stratos halting in Artashat: they now followed the 1st Stratos to Sophene instead.

Cappadocia fell to Barbula after 253 days of siege on 6 April, freeing Legio I for more manoeuvre if required. On 20 April, Legio XI halted in Cappadocia when it was threatened by the returning 9th Stratos, striking south from Pontus and due on 11 May. And at that point, 13th Stratos stopped its move to Sophene and restarted its advance on Licinus in Armenia, where (if it kept going) it should arrive in the first week of June. The Roman armies in both these locations now hunkered down for the next Seleucid onslaught.

The attack on Cappadocia came first, the two Roman legions under Barbula comfortably seeing off A. Apollonid’s 9th Stratos between 12-22 May 568.

The Roman detachment in Perga finally overcame the defences there after a 457 day siege on 21 May, further securing the rear areas of Asia Minor. Then the next hammer blow fell on Armenia on 6 June. 13th Stratos was commanded by yet another elite Seleucid general, Mitrodoros Vardanid, who had a slight tactical edge over Licinus, but found himself attacking over a river. Licinus handled his men very effectively and was soon inflicting increasingly heavy casualties on the attackers, who withdrew badly mauled on 14 June.

After all the recent blood-letting and attrition, the manpower reserve was at 126,000 on 24 June, with 77,488 needed to fill vacancies. More troops were now recovering in friendly territory, so 7,000 replacements should find their way into units that month.

Numerius Fabius Pictor was manning the siege lines of Antioch with a sizeable detachment of around 9,600 men while these large battles went on to the north. All had been quiet there until then, but he was surprised by a new enemy force which attacked him on 29 June. Heavily outnumbered, though with more heavier infantry and a strong cavalry force, he managed to give as good as he got and defeated the attack by 4 July, doing his reputation considerable good.

Commagene fell after a 229 day siege on 5 July, as the Romans rested and waited for the Seleucid’s next moves. The Romans had sent a detachment south to besiege Syria, but it withdrew back to Antioch when threatened by the returning 1st and the newly sighted 11th Stratos (six regiments) in early September, coming from Edessa: they were in turn chasing a nine regiment Rebel army they had just defeated there.

Antioch fell on 23 September, with Rome now holding a considerable chunk of Seleucid land. But they wanted more yet.

The next major battle came at the end of November, yet again in Commagene. Barbula’s Legio I was slightly outnumbered by Vardanid’s 13th Stratos and the generals were evenly matched in skill – but the Romans had overcome such difficulties many times before. Not in this occasion, though: Barbula got off to a terrible start, cutting his losses and withdrawing as soon as he could, so as not to compound the defeat and turn it into a disaster. And he knew Legio VI had been ordered north from Antioch with over 27,000 men when the battle began, the the Seleucids were effectively putting their foot in a trap. Ptolemy’s rebuilt and reinforced legion was itching for action – but would have to wait until the end of December to have it.

The other strange thing about the battle for Commagene was that, in the middle of it, its commander found out he had been elected Consul in absentia (very much not in the Roman Republican tradition) on 2 December! Even though the Military faction remained very small in the Senate, leading generals remained very popular. And in a time of war, they turned to one again. The morale of Roman troops everywhere improved as soon as word spread.

What Barbula lacked in finesse and religious dedication, he made up for in military talent. He was soon advised by a worried Bernardius, who had come out from Rome to the field for the Consular handover, that manpower reserves were down to 100,000 men, but only 50,886 replacements were currently needed.

The year was almost done, but not the vicious sanguinary activity. Ptolemy’s revitalised Legio VI attacked Vardanid’s 13th Stratos in Commagene on 30 December. Ptolemy acquitted himself comparatively well against a far more fancied opponent. Despite a difficult period from 4 January, Ptolemy used his numerical advantage, rallied and overcame ebbing morale to close out a tough victory on 12 January 569 AUC.

The year had ended as it began: as Janus looked both backward and forward, all he could see was blood soaking into the ground.

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Finis

Bullfilter · Feb 22, 2021

Chapter XCI: Mars Ascendant
(12 January to 31 December 569 AUC/184 BC)

Foreword. The great Roman commander Titus Aemilius Barbula [Martial 9] had been elected Consul on 2 December 568 AUC and remained in the field, even as his Legio I was losing a battle against the Seleucid 13th Stratos of Mitrodoros Vardanid [also Martial 9] at Commagene.

By early January 569, the Seleucid War raged on in the East unabated, with the last major action being a hard-fought victory in Commagene on 12 January AUC by Ptolemy Ptolemy’s [Martial 6] Legio VI over the highly talented but now badly outnumbered Vardanid.

Meanwhile, the West had been quiet since the previous March, with a few new colonisation prospects being explored through provocations of local barbarian tribes in Hispania.

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Part I: The Eastern War - 12 January to 30 June 569

After the latest fighting, Roman manpower reserves stood at around 98,500 men, with 53,200 reinforcements needed and around 4,900 expected to reach the units this month. The monthly gain stood at 2,263 throughout the year.

On 19 January, Legio VI rested in Commagene. The only partly-recovered Legio I was back in Commagene with 26,000 men in 35 cohorts, pursuing the fleeing Vardanid’s 13th Stratos to Sophene. The latter had finished the last battle with about 10,000 men left in 40 regiments.

Old Gaius Fabius Licinus (Legate of Legio IV) was getting a bit restless by the end of January [loyalty down to 37%]. Bernardius suggested to Consul Barbula that his factional colleague’s ego might be stroked a little with the promise of a triumph. And at age 69, it was likely that would be enough to keep the old warhorse safely in harness for the rest of his life. It was duly granted.

In Sophene, Barbula attacked the Seleucids on 10 February. But it seemed there had been a reorganisation, with the 13th being merged into the 11th Stratos, now commanded by the renowned Seleucid Admiral Shapur Arkhid – who was just as accomplished a general as Vardanid and had added around 5,000 men to the enemy’s army.

The opposing generals were evenly matched, but Roman morale started better, they had a 10,000 man advantage and were more heavily armed. This time, Barbula was confident of victory, even if Arkhid obtained a little bit of a tactical edge as the battle started. Things tilted against the Romans on 20 February, when they were caught flat-footed as the Seleucids counter-attacked, despite the disparity in numbers.

Things remained difficult for the Romans from 25 February, but finally changed for the better on 2 March. In the end it became too much for the Seleucids, despite their having inflicted heavier casualties once again on the invading Romans.

While the Battle of Sophene was in progress, news came of a rare good suggestion for field command from the Senate. Barbula warmly welcomed the appointment of the very young (if cold and arrogant) S.C. Primus to command one of the reserve legions, without having to go through the normal process of the cursus honorum. Given the talent the Seleucids could draw upon, young Primus would be very useful.

With Sophene won, the weary Legio I was alerted to the approach of the enemy’s 1st Stratos. They were due to attack in just nine days. Another of the new elite Roman legates replaced Ptolemy as commander of Legio VI and marched east with around 12,000 men to assist Barbula. As it happened, this was enough to halt Apollonid in his tracks, to the relief of the Consul and his still tired and depleted legion. Barbula settled into a siege.

On 2 May, Aulus Iacus Dives finally arrived in Euboea after a long march from Thrace with 20,000 men to take on 6,000 local rebels. His temporary ‘4th Legion’ was forced to make a strait crossing [-2 die roll penalty] and he made rather heavy weather of the tactics [adjusted die rolls of 1.5 v 5 and -1.5 v 3]. He had won by 18 May, but lost 1,860 men to the lightly armed rebels’ 1,886, before the rest dispersed. He then began marching all the way back to Bithynia, where his troops would be fed into the maw of the ravenous beast that was the Seleucid war.

On 5 June, Barbula and Bernardius (who was still attending the Consul in the field) were perplexed when the 545 day siege of Armenia was finally won by Rome – and the Seleucid Rebels took over! After all the prior fighting for it and the time and attrition taken to win the siege, this was a bitter and inexplicable outcome [1]. A disappointed Licinus started Legio IV marching back west Cappadocia.

Note 1. There was no obvious immediate prior indication that Armenia was other than a Loyalist-held province before this. Maybe the Loyalists had previously conquered it from the Rebels, and because I’m at peace with them, it was treated as a liberation. And reverted to them. A mystery otherwise.

In early June, the siege of Galatia was well progressed, while that of Sophene was still in its early days. Regulus was ordered to take Legio VI south to Syria, where it would be a close-run thing to see if they could catch Apollonid and the 1st Stratos before they escaped to Coele-Syria. A battle could take place on 2 July, if Regulus was fast enough.

By 22 June, Roman manpower was at around 86,000, with 52,900 reinforcements required and 6,655 due to reach the legions at the beginning of July.

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Part II: Roma and the West - 12 January to 30 June 569

The relative peace in the West was broken on 16 January 569, when a tribe of 12,000 Ubii invaded Remi in northern Gaul. The Populist ‘new man’ Cunobelinus Correid – a previously forced Senate appointment – led Legio III ‘Nova’ (15,000 men) from Aedui to confront them. They would march through Carnutes before attacking the uncouth barbarians to eject them from the Roman colony.

In Roma, another bright young potential commander had come of age: on 24 January the 26-year-old but already very corrupt [40%!] Lucius Aemilius Barbula [Martial 9] was made Pontifex Maximus, to start his progress along the cursus honorum.

Just a few days later, the Fetial Priests brought news that the Parisii had declared war on the Atrebates, who had recently defaulted on their tribute to Rome and were thus vulnerable to predation by their much larger neighbours, who were still Roman tributaries.

That is what you get, thought Humphronius to himself as he read and discarded the despatch. So long as that fool Correid hurries up and gets rid of those disgusting barbarians infesting Remi. A pity about the temporary disruption to wine shipments, though.

It took Correid until 29 March to make contact with the Ubii – and the incompetent upstart, badly out-generalled by his barbarian opponent, never got the upper hand. Despite having more and better troops, the Populist hack was trounced, losing more than twice as many men than his opposite number.

And as that battle was moving to its embarrassing and disgraceful conclusion, a new threat arose in Hispania, where Legio X was ordered to respond to a barbarian appearance in Ilercavones.

As Legio III began its humiliating retreat back to Carnutes on 16 April, Legio XII saw its own mediocre legate replaced by the experienced (if not outstanding) Ptolemy Ptolemy, who had been replaced as commander of Legio VI in the east. They were soon on the march from their post in Raetia to save the colony in Remi from barbarian destruction.

These plans were unfortunately upset later in April when news came from Hispania that the Orniacos had trekked north from Ilercavones to Cassetani, where they had grown to 25,000 in strength and now appeared to be headed for southern Gaul.

Legio XII was diverted from their Remi rescue mission on 2 May and instead sent west to Arverni to be ready to repel this latest threat, as it would be a long march and the sacking of the more civilised southern provinces could not be risked. Legio III would have to recover and deal with its own mess in Remi instead.

As part of the plan to stop the large Orniacos war band – now in Volcae and due to hit Ruteni on 3 July – seven new cohorts began recruiting across Gaul on 28 May. Five of these were auxiliaries (to minimise the impact on manpower reserves) – thee of lighter velite infantry, one each of cavalry and archers. One regular cohort of principes and another of horse archers were also raised.

On 6 June, Legio III reached Carnutes. There, the disgraced Correid was sent on ‘gardening leave’ and replaced by the pedestrian but at least competent M.C. Dentatus. He headed them straight back to Remi – where it would be a race against time to relieve the beleaguered garrison from the Ubii warriors.

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Part III: The Eastern War – 1 July to 31 December 569

Regulus brought his battle-hardened Legio VI up against the equally talented Seleukos Apollonid in Syria on 2 July. Despite attacking over a river, Regulus was sharp at the start, with Legio VI boasting better morale, vastly more heavy infantry and an overall 10,000 man advantage. But the tide began to turn somewhat by 13 July, then even more so on the 17th, the Seleucids putting up a vicious hand-to-hand defence. Still, the Romans remained in the stronger position as the defenders began to fade.

As the battle ground on, Galatia fell to Rome after a mammoth siege of almost exactly two years. The Seleucids could probably have been forced to relinquish Sparta and probably one other province at that time, but Rome wanted more.

In Syria, despite maintaining a significant numerical advantage throughout, Legio VI could not get a break against their wily enemies and Roman morale crumbled. By 28 July it was all over, the Seleucids unshakeable despite the Romans inflicting significantly more casualties in the final analysis. Once more, Mars was rapacious for the lives of mortal men.

But soon after, as Legio VI fled north to Antioch, another of the ‘young lions’, S.C. Primus, was put in command of Legio II and sent south to see if he could gain a measure of vengeance. Even if Apollonid would likely be gone from Syria by then.

After this latest setback against a tough enemy and more fighting against barbarians in the West, Roman manpower was down to about 79,000 by 2 August, with 52,400 men needed to fill the gaps in the ranks. But spies reported the Seleucids were in a far worse situation: their government remained unstable [-2 stability], they had no manpower reserves and only 3 gold left in their treasury. And their civil war showed no signs of ending soon.

The Roman manpower situation seemed an embarrassment of riches by comparison, while the 4,500 gold talents in the Aerarium could sustain a massive auxiliary recruiting campaign if needed, with no spending required on the navy for many months. This encouraged Barbula, with the support of the Senate, to keep battering away at the resilient Seleucids, hoping they would break before Rome did.

Legio II arrived in Syria on 22 August to find the Seleucids had indeed gone south, to Coele-Syria. Primus set up his siege works. Just a week later, Consul Barbula received an embassy from the Seleucids offering a white peace.

“Is this some kind of joke?” thundered Barbula at the hapless envoy, one Argaeus Tirid.

The Seleucid left empty-handed, but at least with his head still attached.

Sophene fell to the Consul on 26 September, after a relatively short siege of 203 days. By that time, a Rebel army was besieging Loyalist-held Artashat to his north-east, while two Seleucid armies were manoeuvring to his south in Edessa and Mygdonia. Indeed, the latter contained a new formation to Roman experience, the 17th Stratos, with 26 regiments and commanded by one Aesillas Zoticid. And he was due to attack Barbula in five days’ time!

Zoticid attacked bravely on 1 October, across a river. While the overall numbers were reasonably even, the Seleucids’ morale was already a little shaky and Barbula was by far the better commander, with superior troops. The opening exchanges were barely a light skirmish, but by 6 October the Romans were crushing the attackers. Zoticid was now seen to have been rash rather than bold, his troops suffering a heavy defeat by 8 October, while for once the Romans took only light casualties.

With western and central Asia Minor now secure, Legio V had pushed through and began a siege of Edessa on 24 November. Legio II had advanced to Coele-Syria after the Seleucids vacated it, leaving a detachment behind to invest Syria itself. Legio I pushed forward on Mygdonia with a thinned-down Legio VI following in behind them to Sophene.

There were no more battles in the east before the end of the year. But there was one last diplomatic surprise at the very end of the year, with the intrepid Colchis once more chancing their arms against what they no doubt hoped was a fatally debilitated Seleucid Empire: perhaps one day they could actually recover some of their long lost territory.

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Part IV: Roma and the West - 30 June to 31 December 569

The huge Orniacos war band struck Ruteni on 3 July and immediately assaulted the walls. More than half the 2,000 man garrison had been killed before this attack was beaten back on 10 July. Once more, the earlier building of a stockade had saved the day. For the time being anyway, as Legio XII was still a considerable distance away.

But as that assault was being met, up in Remi the garrison succumbed to the barbarian siege. The Ubii were ruthless: the Roman colony was entirely destroyed. Just two weeks before Legio III was due to return. Dentatus kept on anyway, hoping to gain some revenge and eliminate any continuing threat the Ubii may pose to civilised lands.

And they had their revenge in Remi over ten days from 18-28 July. It was a fierce engagement and the Ubii held the superior tactical position. They were not destroyed and could return – though they may instead look for other targets, perhaps among the Parisii.

The annual omen fell due in early August, but this year, with a lapsed Consul [-10% chance of success] and an ‘amateur’ Pontifex Maximus who was only there because of his military abilities, the prospects for success did not seem good [only 42.3%]. This was laid out in a typically qualified and obscure letter from Humphronius in Roma to Consul Barbula in the east.

It would appear that, on the balance of probabilities, taking all relevant circumstances into account and considering the variables that may – or may not – impact upon the chances of success, the calling of an omen this year could, in the interpretation of some learned religious scholars, be regarded as something less than completely propitious. In fact, you may wish to consider deferring such an enterprise until the auspices are more favourable, in due course and the fullness of time. Or so one who addresses himself by the perpendicular pronoun may vouchsafe to offer humbly as the best advice available at this time.

Barbula looked up from the scroll with a rather dazed countenance.

“What in the Gods’ names is the old buffer blathering on about, Bernardius?”

“Ah, he suggests you should not call the annual omen this year, Consul. Discretion the better part of valour, and all that.”

“Then why didn’t he just say so!? Draft something back letting him know I concur. All that religious pontificating is just a lot of rot anyway.”

“Er, yes, Consul.”

The chickens would roost undisturbed for at least another year.

As Legio III marched back to Carnutes from Remi, Dentatus received word that the Parisii had defeated the Atrebates. He passed the message on to Roma.

In southern Gaul, as Legio XII gathered recently recruited reinforcements in Arverni, the Orniacos tried another assault on the walls of Ruteni. This also failed, will already poor barbarian morale plunging even further as attrition further thinned their ranks.

By 25 September Ptolemy had 19,000 men mustered and set off south to Rutheni, before the barbarians could recover their morale.

It was just as well the Orniacos had weakened themselves against the walls of Ruteni, as their commander Punicus Tautalid proved to be something of a military genius. Ptolemy managed to almost match him to start with, then Punicus managed to rally his fading forces, causing the Romans heavy casualties. By 9 November the battle was at fever pitch, but the superior morale, arms and training of the Roman troops triumphed over the barbarians’ numbers and their leader’s skill.

Punicus fled for now, but with well over 18,000 still under arms, would be expected to return – again and again – the following year.

Following the battle of Ruteni and with another year of fierce warfare in the East, Roman manpower stood at 69,912, with 58,000 replacements needed and about 5,900 due to reach them come next January.

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So ended another tough and turbulent year, with a frontier colony destroyed in northern Gaul and hard-won advances against the Seleucids, while a new generation of elite Roman generals came to the fore. Mars had again seen a sanguine year and there was no expectation the next would be any less so.

Mars – a busy God these last few years.

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Finis

Bullfilter · Mar 7, 2021

Chapter XCII: The Children of Mars
(1 January 570 AUC/183 BC to 20 July 571)

Foreword

The top general Titus Aemilius Barbula had been Consul since 2 December 568 AUC and remained in command of Legio I. In western and central Asia Minor, 569 AUC had finished with Legio V besieging Edessa, while Legio II had advanced to Coele-Syria leaving a detachment to continue the siege of Syria and Legio I pushed to Mygdonia. Then Colchis had yet again declared war on the Seleucid Empire in another attempt at revenge.

In the West, the Orniacos tribe had been defeated by Ptolemy Ptolemy’s Legio XII before the walls of Ruteni in southern Gaul, their formidable commander Punicus Tautalid’s efforts notwithstanding. But they remained a serious threat and would return. And return. And return. Colonisation options in central Hispania still required local barbarians to respond to Roman provocation, so they would rise and be cleared out, allowing the settlers in.

And a new generation of elite Roman generals – dubbed ‘the Children of Mars’ by some – was now coming to prominence, both via the cursus honorum but also through direct Senate nominations. The new year began with Mars still ascendant and his ‘children’ coming of age.

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Part I: The Eastern War - January to December 570

The first major engagement of the year in the East came at Sophene, when Mitrodoros Vardanid attacked T.A. Regulus’ Legio VI. The Seleucid general's superior skills were offset by him having to attack across a river, while he had a couple of thousand more but less well-armed troops, with poorer starting morale than the Romans. Regulus opened the battle well, holding his own until reinforced on 30 January by around 4,000 more troops, who now gave him the edge in numbers. This was useful, as it enabled him to prevail despite Vardanid having the better of the later exchanges. Rome had the victory, while the casualties were almost exactly even.

As this was happening, a large revolt broke out in Bithynia. Fortunately, A.C. Dives was in place with 21,000 men destined for the front. The battle was bloody, with Rome losing over 3,800 precious troops, but a dangerous rebellion was quashed.

Also in early February, Thracia, Triballi and Maedi were acknowledged as core provinces of the Roman patrimony.

After these battles, by 28 February the Roman manpower reserve stood at 60,703, with 54,021 vacancies and 6,263 due to be deployed as replacements in the coming month. Monthly recruiting stood at 2,252 – never enough to balance out the monthly losses through battle and attrition.

A major consolidation of the cohorts on 8 March, after the monthly replacements had gone out, left the reserve at 56,492 but now only 36,568 vacancies, though of course with the total number of cohorts reduced.

The various Roman sieges continued uninterrupted until 11 April, when the young military prodigy Demetrius Zoticid (yet another of the top-flight Seleucid generals) attacked Consul Barbula in Mygdonia, where his siege was still in its early stages. Although outnumbered, Zoticid put up a ferocious fight. As the battle swung to and fro, by 23 April the Seleucids remained fully in it. Despite having taken terrible casualties their morale was bearing up while the Romans’ resolve began to falter.

This situation continued, the morale of both sides falling at a similar rate, but a Roman charge on 2 May was the decisive blow. The Consul prevailed four days later, losing almost 4,600 troops but inflicting crippling casualties on the 17th Stratos, which had lost well over half its number when they withdrew on 6 May.

Deciding to immediately follow up this major victory, on 6 May Barbula ordered S.C Primus to leave a detachment to continue the siege of Coele-Syria and take the main body of Legio II (about 15,300 men) east to Mesopotamia, which was undefended. Old G.F. Licinus was to do the same, leaving a detachment in Syria and then follow Primus through to Mesopotamia via Coele-Syria with the rest of Legio IV (about 16,400 men).

In early July, a large Seleucid Rebel army was assaulting the walls of Loyalist Kirkuk. Legio II was in Mesopotamia and pushing on towards Babylon as Legio IV approached Mesopotamia from the west. The four Roman sieges were making their slow but steady progress.

By 23 August, the Rebels had occupied Kirkuk and – rather opportunistically – taken over the siege of Coele-Syria, which had almost reached completion. Rather than use Roman troops to aid their effort, or worse be wasted in a reckless assault, the Roman detachment was sent back to Syria. Legio II had halted in Mesopotamia and Legio VI joined them as Seleucid forces began to appear in strength to the north-east.

But rather than be rude about it, the Rebels made a diplomatic advance to Rome on the same day. Not only did Barbula agree to their request for military access, but he soon responded with a reciprocal proposal to which the Rebels were happy to agree.

Barbula thought this could come in handy later when seeking access to the remaining Loyalist heartland provinces. This marked a definite improvement of relations between the two realms, which would continue in coming months.

By mid-September the Seleucids had withdrawn from Adiabene and Primus was sent there with Legio II (15,500 men in 30 cohorts), Licinus left to run the siege in Mesopotamia with 13 cohorts in Legio VI.

With no more recent major battles in the east (though attrition was always an issue and the barbarians had been a drain in the west over the same time, as we shall see below) at the start of October the manpower reserve was 48,029, and 33,734 replacements were needed. It was still decreasing, but enough to sustain the continuation of the war, in Rome’s view.

Legio II arrived in Adiabene on 9 October, setting up its siege camp against the 2,000 man garrison. No Seleucid armies remained nearby in the bordering provinces of Gelae or Atropatene: their visible forces were currently to the north in Meskheti and Artashat. And they had taken Phasis from Colchis, just north of Meskheti.

The Senate once again proved a good judge of talent when they proposed that the 24 year old Manius Junius Bubulcus [Martial 8] be given a field promotion to Legate, in charge of one of the siege detachments in Syria. Another Young Lion had joined the Children of Mars.

On 6 November, scouts reported that the 1st Army of Colchis (with 10 units) was fighting Vardanid’s 13th Seleucid Stratos (20 units) in Pontic Trapezus. Despite the difference in unit numbers, the Seleucid force was likely to be greatly under-strength, so it was unknown who might have the numerical advantage. These Roman scouts had come from T.A. Regulus’ Legio VI, which had taken advantage of the Seleucid Rebel military access agreement to march through Armenia to attack the Loyalist’s 1st Stratos in Meskheti, where battle was joined on 9 November.

Apollonid was the superior commander, but Regulus had the great advantage of numbers and morale. Unfortunately, the Seleucids clearly had the better of the first ten days of fighting. But then the Romans turned things around over following days, while inflicting heavy casualties on the badly outnumbered Seleucids. By 27 November, Legio VI was on the brink of a crushing victory, having almost wiped out the whole of the opposing 1st Stratos. And then, on 30 November, came the perplexing ‘Mystery of Meskheti’.

It is lost to history what caused the Romans to retreat: an inexplicable failure of morale, a battlefield miscommunication or some other misadventure. But they conceded the field even after having left fewer than 700 Seleucids alive to claim it.

I really can’t remember what happened here: deliberate, a mis-click or one of those strange morale vagaries. This session was played back in mid-December and it was a long one, with over 900 screenshots taken that I have been writing up ever since. So it actually is lost to the mists of history!

As the battle was ending, the Colchis-Seleucid fight was still going on in nearby Trapezus! And better news reached Barbula on 30 November; Mygdonia had fallen to Rome after a 330 day siege. As the year drew to a close, the Rebels took Coele-Syria on 27 December. While on 31 December, Legio VI completed their retreat in Rebel-held Armenia and headed straight back to Meskheti – which the Seleucids had by then vacated. The battle in Trapezus had ended, but it was not clear who had won it. And the three ‘older’ sieges in the south were making good progress.

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Part II: The West and Rome - January 570 to July 571

In late January 570, Punicus led his Orniacos warriors back to Ruteni from Volcae, where the numbers were almost even but the morale of Legio XII was superior. The battle started well for Punicus but Ptolemy was able to strike back after five days. He still suffered a few hundred more casualties than the wily barbarian chief, but emerged victorious on 8 February.

As Ptolemy waited in southern Gaul for the inevitable return of the Orniacos, early March saw an ill-timed revolt by a small Orgonomesci band in Sedetani (Hispania) was ruthlessly put down by Legio X, which was garrisoned there, despite being surprised at the start.

Punicus appeared in Ruteni again on 24 April and once more won the opening exchanges, but was defeated after two weeks of the usual bloody fighting. The Orniacos retreated, only to start the whole cycle over again.

While he waited for Punicus to return, Ptolemy discovered the Orgonomesci stragglers from the earlier battle in Sedetani crossing into the Roman Ruteni on 7 July. All 1,058 barbarians were killed in a single day for no Roman loss, with 2,000 slaves sent off to the markets.

The Orniacos turned up in Ruteni a couple of weeks later, but were this time more easily beaten over ten days from 23 July to 2 August 570. Rome lost 1,179 of around 17,500 troops and the barbarians 3,757 from just under 12,500. But they would of course be back for more.

In Roma, there was another move up the cursus honorum, with a new Pontifex Maximus chosen in late August – again, for his military promise rather than any administrative finesse or charisma he may bring to the role. This left the young (and militarily brilliant) L.A. Barbula available for the next Censor’s slot to become available. Two more ‘Children of Mars’ hoping for their chance to do great deeds for the Republic (and themselves, of course).

On 13 October, Tomis (north of Thracia, taken from Pontus previously) became the latest province to be fully ‘Romanised’ culturally. On examination, it was discovered to be without a stockade, so one was ordered. With so much gold in the Aerarium, (over 4,800 talents at that time), a massive building program was commenced by Consul Barbula. After a Republic-wide audit, stockades were also commenced in Lusitani, Olissipo and Vettones. Temples were begun in Vaccaei, Cantabri, Sedetani and Saguntum. In total, these eight projects would cost around 360 gold talents and each would take just under a year to complete.

The Orniacos were back in Ruteni on 17 October and this time had found a new route in, managing to surprise the Romans as the battle began. Punicus maintained the tactical advantage, but Ptolemy managed to close the gap five days later, while his superiority in numbers, equipment and morale led to another Roman victory by 30 October. But this invasion, which had begun back in early July 569, was still not over. There would be yet another reckoning with Punicus.

It seemed that Ruteni had become a magnet for barbarian activity. On 2 December, on the very day the Consular election was being conducted in Roma, 1,000 Paesuri tribesmen rose in revolt ... against Ptolemy’s battle-tested Legio XII, with 18,500 troops. Needless to say, all the barbarians were slain the same day they revolted, with no legionaries lost and another 1,000 slaves despatched to the markets.

In Roma itself, the Religious faction once again found itself in power. The new Consul was a man with a familiar name, wildly charismatic but with none of the military skills of his illustrious predecessor. A Quintus Aemilius Papus was once more the chief magistrate of the Republic. Humphronius was less than impressed with this latest Papus.

Papus had inherited a long but apparently winning war. A war he had no intention of ending until ‘final Roman victory’.

§§§§§§§

The new Consulship brought a great change in religious appeal, after the cynical rule of Barbula. Papus therefore decided to see the new year in by once more invoking an omen, the calling of which had been suspended during Barbula’s term. But perhaps the poultry was out of practice, as it proved a disaster anyway: Minerva was not impressed.

Then on 14 January, the Orniacos turned up for what would prove the ultimate reckoning with Ptolemy. In this case, it was the opening exchange that proved crucial. Massively outnumbered, the brave but doomed barbarian warriors were caught in a withering rain of arrows and a devastating assault. Punicus rallied brilliantly for a final stand, but had lost so many troops by that point (down to fewer than 1,300 men) that even this caused relatively few Roman casualties, though it did dent their morale. Ptolemy rallied again and by 30 January, after a year and a half of bloody contest, the Orniacos invasion was over. Ruteni was saved and the spoils distributed.

And now the Orniacos had been destroyed, Rome was free to colonise Volcae, sending colonists there on 30 January 571, who were due to establish their settlement on 30 May. It would bring the linking of Hispania with Gaul one important step closer. Even while the interminable efforts to flush out the local barbarians from central Hispania continued so they too could be colonised.

The Senate’s mission to take Crete had been long ignored, but in April 571 it came to bite Bubulcus and his Religious faction on the fundament, as the governing party. The Senate came up with a new task – one that made sense, but sowed the seeds for the next war in the east. However, there was a fifteen year time span in which to achieve it.

At the end of May, Volcae was once again colonised, ending a Roman absence dating back to when the original colony, settled in 557, had been sacked and destroyed by an earlier Orniacos war band nine years before, in 562. Naturally, construction of a stockade was begun immediately.

And there was more good news from Hispania when 5,000 Luggones barbarians finally rose in Arevaci on 1 July and were easily beaten six days later. Once they had exited the province, a new colony could be started there too.

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Part III: The Eastern War - January to July 571

With the beginning of another new year, Roman manpower remained in a small overall net surplus, with 44,315 in reserve and 29,576 replacements needed. Still better off than the chronically under-manned Seleucid Empire, which had also lost much territory to the Rebels in the civil war.

The new Consul was at least an outstanding diplomat and he chose to build on the recent advances in the relationship with the Seleucid Rebels made in 570 by proclaiming a guarantee for them on 2 January. This would build an already positive relationship more quickly.

By the end of January, Vardanid’s 13th Stratos had been spotted in Pontus, making a foray towards Roman-occupied Cappadocia, as Legio VI arrived back in Meskheti to start besieging it. With the other legions deployed further east, the nearest free formation was Pro-Consul Barbula’s Legio I, in Sophene. Bubulcus requested he head back west to deal with it. But Vardanid would have a bit of time to make mischief before Barbula could get there. Meanwhile, the other sieges of Seleucid provinces were making good progress.

And just two days later, Mesopotamia fell to Rome after a relatively brief 191 day siege. By that time, the Rebels had taken Babylon and seemed to be wrapping up the remaining Loyalist territories in the south-west of the Empire. Then on 6 February, Edessa surrendered to Rome after a lengthy 442 days of siege.

Vardanid slipped into Cappadocia on 6 March and immediately began an assault on the 1,000 man garrison. Perhaps seeking to use this foray as diplomatic leverage, a Seleucid envoy was sent the same day, proposing a peace deal. And this time, the Loyalists were getting serious, with an offer of territory instead of the laughable white peace proposals they had been making to date.

But despite Senate enthusiasm for the peace deal, the new Consul was no more disposed than his predecessors to relent. He was determined to squeeze more out of the Seleucids than this.

Ten days later, mixed news arrived. The grinding siege of Syria had ended in Roman victory.

But the very same day, the Seleucids had their revenge in Cappadocia, which fell after a ten day assault. However, the effort was sure to have exhausted the men of the 13th Stratos.

And they had still not recovered when Barbula arrived two weeks later, with punishment on his mind. By that stage, Vardanid had been trying to flee, but was not quick enough. He broke contact as soon as he could, retreating east towards rebel-held Armenia.

Barbula wasted no time in assaulting the city to return it to Roman occupation, which only took a day of fighting. Later in May, Primus led Legio II to Atropatene as Legio IV took over the siege of Adiabene. This was the furthest east Roman legions had ever reached. When he arrived on 20 May, he discovered the Seleucid 17th Stratos in Gelae (32 units under Demetrius Zoticid) would reach him ten days later and 1st Stratos (23 units, Seleukos Apollonid) was also sitting in Gelae, though not yet moving. Primus settled in and prepared for a fight.

As this was unfolding, rumours emerged of old G.F. Licinus, commanding Legio IV in Adiabene, becoming disloyal again [27% loyalty]: having all those personally loyal troops would always tempt a general down that path. With a triumph not being available and plenty of money in the Aerarium, a large bribe was sent his way [+18% loyalty resulting]. It meant he remained luke-warm, but at age 72, how much longer would this matter?

More importantly, on 3 May Legio V, led by ‘Child of Mars’ Caelus Fabius Gurges [Martial 7], arrived in Armenia with 21,500 men. This would be a nasty surprise for Vardanid and the remainder of his 13th Stratos which was due to finish its retreat there from Cappadocia just six days later.

At the same time, on the diplomatic front Consul Bubulcus unveiled his biggest diplomatic play yet: an alliance was proposed to and accepted by the Seleucid Rebels, pushed through despite some mixed feelings about it in the Senate.

By then, the Rebels seemed well on top in the civil war, having almost secured the entire southern heartland of the Seleucid Empire. With Rome having occupied Asia Minor, the Loyalists were now apparently falling back into their final stronghold in the north-east. Of course, if the Rebels had not won by the time the Romans concluded a peace with the Loyalists, the Empire may be revived when the Loyalists received a substantial part of those currently occupied lands back under their control.

The encounter battle in Armenia between the 13th Stratos and Legio V was brief, taking just four days to resolve (9-13 May). Rome lost 673 of 21,553 troops and the Seleucids 1,435 of 6,777 after Vardanid put up an effective rear-guard action before retreating once again.

On 25 May, the Rebels took Uruk from the Loyalists. In Atropatene, Legio II braced for an attack from the north-west, where two different Seleucid armies were following each other in his direction.

Demetrius Zoticid’s 17th Stratos hit the equally skilled ‘Young Lion’ S.C. Primus’ Legio II on 30 May 571 AUC. Primus had a clear advantage in numbers and outwitted his experienced opponent in the opening exchang. The battle tightened after that, rising to a crescendo of ferocity on 10 June that proved too much for the attackers, who were driven off in a clear Roman victory on 12 June.

But even as this battle was drawing to a close, the enemy had consolidated its forces in Gelae, where Seleukos Apollonid’s 1st Stratos now contained 55 regiments of unknown strength. And they were due to reach Atropatene in around four weeks.

The Second Battle of Atropatene started as expected on 9 July – and this time it was the Seleucids with the advantage in overall numbers. Interestingly though, the vast bulk of their army was now lightly armed foot soldiers, with a small contingent of archers. Primus had a balanced force, more than half of whom were principes. His main disadvantage at the start was a relatively small morale deficit, as his troops had not entirely recovered from their earlier battle.

The Romans were however quite confident, as once again two equally elite generals faced off. But this time, Apollonid had one very formidable ally: luck. Fortuna abandoned Primus, who could not gain any advantage over his wily adversary. He called the battle off on 20 July when his casualties were already heavy, morale failing and the enemy had once again kept a strong tactical advantage.

Legio II headed back to Adiabene, where Licinus‘s siege was progressing well. For now, despite another successful year and a half of fighting in the Great Seleucid War, the enemy had gained themselves a little breathing space and were regathering in their north-eastern strongholds. Consul Bubulcus would have to decide his course of action for the second half of 571 AUC.

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Endnote. This brings the AAR back up to date with gameplay, finishing off the reporting of the long play session that I finished back in mid-December. We will see what the strategies of men and the whims of the Gods have in store for the Republic next time.

Finis

Bullfilter · Mar 22, 2021

Chapter XCIII: Mars and Minerva
(20 July 571/182 BC to 2 December 574/179 BC)

Foreword

Consul Quintus Aemilius Papus, a charismatic Religious politician with a famous name, had been elected to the senior Roman magistracy on 2 December 570 AUC (183 BC). He had inherited the long war in the East, now just against the Seleucids, that had begun back in March 564.

The war had so far seen Macedon annexed and Pontus forced to make a separate peace with the loss of territory, including the rich and strategically important province of Bithynia. A new generation of elite Roman generals – ‘the Children of Mars’ – had risen and come of age. Now it was time to see if the war could be brought to a satisfactory conclusion.

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Part I: The Seleucid War - 20 July to 9 December 570 AUC

On 9 August, the Seleucid province of Adiabene fell to Gaius Fabius Licinus after 305 days of siege – a firm base to which S.C. Primus’ Legio II could retreat after its heavy loss in the Second Battle of Atropatene, to the 1st Stratos of Seleukos Apollonid on 20 July.

That same day, Titus Aemilius Barbula [Martial 9] led the 22,000 men of Legio I in an attack on just under 5,000 Seleucids commanded Mitrodoros Vardanid [also Martial 9] in Artashat. The battle was won by Rome in just three days, with relatively light casualties (319 Roman and 550 Seleucid) [warscore to +78%].

On 1 September, A.I. Dives' new legion (15,000 men) was formally named Legio VIII. It was then in Bithynia and heading east, to help finish off the Seleucid War. This was a calculated risk, as it left the whole Danube frontier undefended against possible barbarian incursions. Roman manpower stood at 47,762 in reserve with 36,791 replacements needed.

On 8 September, the situation in the east saw Rome conducting sieges in the north and the Seleucids looking to retake Armenia. But in the south, Legio II was being pursued back to Adiabene by two Seleucid armies. The first of these would arrive three days after Legio II, but the second was not due to arrive for another month. Both the Roman legions in Adiabene were severely under-manned as they braced for the Seleucid attack. They prepared to retreat to Rebel-held Kirkuk in case things went against them.

The numbers were roughly even when the two armies clashed on 15 September, but Primus got the upper hand in the opening exchanges against a Seleucid army that had still not recovered its morale and was overwhelmingly made up of light infantry militia. No Roman retreat would be required: Primus had a measure of revenge for his savaging in Atropatene the month before.

The loyalty of Licinus, long-time commander of Legio IV, was once again called into question in late September, after the victory at Adiabene. This time it took a 50 gold talent bribe [+19% loyalty] and appointments as both an Augur and a Pontifex [+5% each] to assuage him.

On 8 October, the Rebels were advancing on Atopatene from Kirkuk, but more perplexing (and not a little frustrating) was the defection of Roman-held Sophene to the Rebels (Rome’s allies) after a small Rebel contingent arrived there [warscore reduced to +74%].

If this kept happening, Roman bargaining power might erode before more new Seleucid provinces could be occupied to offset the effects.

Legio V (G.F. Gurges, 20,700 men) joined the other Roman legions in Adiabene on 14 November and headed north straight away: both to invest Gelae and escape the effects of the attrition so many troops gathered in one place was causing.

From 29 November to 7 December, Legio VIII (I.A. Dives, 15,000 men) engaged a Seleucid force of only 5,768 troops in Armenia, after completing their long approach march from Thracia. It was a tough fight but ended in Roman victory (1,865 Roman and 2,423 Seleucid casualties).

However, with Rebel troops moving towards other Roman-occupied Seleucid provinces now prompting fears of more defections and the likelihood of a total [ie 100% warscore] victory receding, on 8 December 571, after more than six and a half years of grinding and bloody warfare, Rome finally put comparatively ambitious terms to the Loyalist leadership.

Which were accepted: the Great War in the East was over. Rome finally acquired Sparta and expanded its foothold in Asia Minor into Pergamon and Phrygia. The Seleucid civil war continued; the Rebels were Roman allies and the Loyalists a much-diminished force, though they would now receive the other Roman-occupied territory back – if they could hold it.

The seven Roman legions in the east now started to make their long way back home. But due to having no access through now-restored Loyalist territory, they all had to march to Rebel Syria for repatriation by sea. This would take time and attrition, on land and then at sea [NB I’m simply not going to move so many troops in four-cohort packets to avoid that.] At that time, Roman manpower stood at 43,467 in reserve for 35,472 vacancies.

It was soon discovered that key generals were not impressed with peace being struck! Not only the recently-bribed Licinus, but also Dentatus and Ptolemy (both in Gaul) were suddenly discontented. Another 50 gold went to Licinus, while Ptolemy qualified for a triumph [+50% loyalty]. But Dentatus was not of sufficient calibre to warrant such largesse: he was ‘retired’ and replaced with one of the Young Lions, L.A. Barbula, in Legio III in northern Gaul – for which there were new plans.

And to begin the replenishment of military commanders, M.O. Crassus was made Pontifex Maximus, with a military talent once more replacing a man of administrative genius and good charisma to oversee the omens.

Thus sat the East as the dust settled on 9 December.

The Rebels are marked by the darker yellow provinces and green flags.

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Part II: Rome and the West - 20 July 571 to 2 December 572 AUC

The West had remained quiet until 1 September 571, when the Luggones warband fleeing from an earlier defeat by Rome in Hispania was spotted in Vascones, heading towards Roman Volcae in southern Gaul. Legio XII (Ptolemy Ptolemy, 19,500 men) was in nearby Ruteni and marched west to meet them: they would arrive 12 days before the barbarians.

On 26 September, four new previously ordered temples and four stockades were completed in provinces around the Republic, mainly in Gaul and Hispania. Then in early October, Vaccaei, Cantabri and Helvetii all became core parts of the Roman patrimony.

The battle in Volcae was quick and merciless, with the Roman victory on 23 October seeing all 2,767 Luggones warriors killed for the loss of just 54 Roman legionaries. No gold was taken, but 5,000 slaves were.

Then the day peace was declared in the East, the Helvetii remnant province in Ligones was the new conquest target L.A. Barbula had been brought over to deal with. An easy war was anticipated – the unfortunate envoy may indeed be the only Roman casualty suffered!

Records from the time show the difference in wealth, population and supply capacity between the recently acquired rich provinces of Greece and Asia Minor compared to the newly colonised lands of the West.

Note: Information prompted by the earlier question from @El Pip regarding the relative value of eastern and western provinces. The manpower contribution sits at zero until the culture of the province becomes Roman.

For example, Bithynia had a total population of 41 (pops), 75.8% civilisation level and a tax base of 10.4 gold. Aquitani had just four ‘civilised’ pops, 38.7% civilisation and three barbarian pops still lurking around, with a tax base of only 0.4 gold.

The situation in the West as at 15 December 571 AUC.

The year ended well, with the successful colonisation of Arevaci in Hispania.

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The advantages of a Religious Consul at omen time were clear when Minerva was again invoked in January 572.

By the time Legio III arrived in Ligones, the small Helvetii army had retreated north to Remi. They would never have the strength to confront the Roman invaders.

But over in Hispania, in early February the Amaci tribe had stirred in Astures and were making for Cantabri with 15,000 warriors. Legio X would leave one detachment in Lusones, but pick up 7,000 more troops in the recently settled Arevaci on the way through. And with the end of combat operations in the east, ‘Young Lion’ M.J. Bubulcus was appointed to command the legion: as the numbers would be even and the talents of the Amaci warband’s leader were unknown, while A.C. Caudex was only moderately competent.

The passage through Lusones stirred up 2,000 local Bastetani tribesmen: useful for pacifying the province, but a delay for the march of Legio X, which was taking some attrition on the way through. The battle was fought from 2-10 March, Rome losing 226 men and the Bastetani 680.

Shortly afterwards, on 14 March the Amaci reached Cantabri, which fortunately had a stockade to protect it. The Amaci assault lasted until 19 March, being beaten off with the loss of 565 or the 2,000 man town garrison, the barbarians losing quite a few of their own and all their morale. On 28 March, Legio X was in Arevaci and, reinforced to 14,581 men, began heading north to relieve Cantabri.

In Lingones, the short siege ended on 9 April: the last Helvetii stronghold was soon annexed into the Republic. Naturally, a stockade was immediately begun. And on 25 April, it was noticed Remi was available for colonisation so settlers were soon on their way there.

The Roman attack on Cantabri started on 6 May: and the wisdom of having sent a top commander was soon born out. Bubulcus found himself attacking over a river, against a brilliant barbarian war chief. Fortunately, he had a few more and much better troops, while barbarian morale had not yet fully recovered. Caisaros Culchid got off to a savage start and the result might still have gone differently had Bubulcus not recovered by 11 May. Rome won the battle in the end, though at a steep cost. Cantabri was saved, but the Amaci would be back – more than once.

The latest barbarian remnant to flee to Volcae only to meet with destruction was the group of 1,320 Bastetani tribesmen who blundered into Ptolemy and Legio XII on 2 June. All were killed the same day, for no Roman loss, with 2,000 slaves sent to the markets. The very same day, a revolt broke out in Lingones, where L.A. Barbula's Legio III took just two days to wipe out all 3,000 rebels for just 87 Romans killed.

By 5 July, the Roman manpower reserve was down to just 13,804 men, but recent attrition (especially in the east – more in the next section) and combat had increased the replacement requirement to 42,912: a deficit of around 30,000 men that would (at 2,236 current monthly recruitment) probably take years to remedy.

And savage fights like the latest battle in Cantabri in August 572 did not help: The wily Culchid maintained a tactical edge for the whole battle, with the Romans becoming worried until Bubulcus managed to almost match him on 17 August, which soon led the Amaci to retreat once again.

The new colony in Remi was established on 24 August, extending the northern border of the Republic in Gaul all the way up to the tributary Parisii buffer state – and of course seeing a new stockade begun immediately.

By this time, the monthly Roman budget surplus was around 40 gold, with the treasury back up to 1,853 after the enormous infrastructure spending of the last year (see more below). Most of those projects would be completed by October 572.

The last battle of 571 in the west was another fight in Cantabri, but this time Bubulcus maintained a modest tactical edge for its duration (4-12 November). And it made all the difference in the casualty count. The Amaci would return again, but they had been broken as a major force.

Infrastructure. From September 571 to December 572, Consul Quintus Aemilius Papus had overseen a massive investment in the Republic’s infrastructure. In October 571 alone, 61 new projects were commissioned at a cost of 2,900 gold talents, including 11 temples, 20 forums, 22 stockades (which were built even in ‘secure’ provinces, to help slow down rebellions or invasions that might make it that far) and eight irrigation projects. All told, and including a couple of buildings funded by local governors, 78 new projects were commenced in a little over a year.

2 December brought the two-year Consular term of Q.A. Papus to an end. His replacement was a close relation from the same Religious party: his brother Publius.

The ruling Religious party was once again supreme, led by the Aemilii, with the Populists dropping back again in influence.

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Part III: The East – 10 December 571 to 2 December 572 AUC

Q.A. Papus’s incumbency had still witnessed some action and events in the east after the end of the Seleucid War, both from barbarian incursions and in the diplomatic sphere, where it remained a hotbed of action.

All the eastern legions were still on their way to Syria when a large invasion by the Hermunduri rose in Eravisci on 29 January 572, with 15,000 warriors heading towards the Roman border province of Autariatae. Leaving the Danube frontier undefended had proven too great a temptation to barbarian plunderers. This outbreak was unrelated to but coincided with the Amaci rising in Hispania.

The Hermunduri invasion struck Autariatae on 21 February and the walls were assaulted. The garrison held after a four day battle, but had lost half of their 2,000 man strength as the barbarians settled in for a siege.

It wasn’t until 10 March that the first troops arrived in Syria for repatriation: a little over 20,000 men in 23 cohorts of Legio VIII, led by A.I. Dives. They began boarding ship for the long voyage to Scodra, weighing anchor on 16 March. They would sail direct: “Damn the attrition – Autariatae needs us!” was Dives’ order of the day.

As Classis IV made its way back to the Illyrian coast, the latest venture by Colchis was (predictably) unravelling. On 1 April they made a separate peace with Pontus, but remained at war with the Seleucid Loyalists.

Note the barbarian incursion east of Rhoxolani.

The next development was an unexpected declaration of war by Egypt on the Seleucids. They currently shared a border with the Loyalists in Mesopotamia and through their enclave in Asia Minor. Of course, this would bring Pontus into the conflict, as their alliance with the Loyalists still held. Rome had a fresh treaty with the Loyalists and had no wish to revoke it so soon after its conclusion.

With no Roman relieving force yet in sight, the Hermunduri assaulted the walls of Autariatae again in early May – and this time succeeded, causing significant damage, though the province survived under barbarian occupation.

In mid-May, old Licinus once again got restive and waited for another bribe to be sent his way. But this time, with no major war in prospect, the Consul’s patience ran out: Legio IV got a new commander and Licinus, still leader of the Military faction, stewed in angry resentment [ie to 0% loyalty], but did not rebel when relieved.

Legio VIII finally made landfall in Scodra on 29 May: and their voyage had reduced its strength to 17,180 men. Dives would pick up some replacements on the way to Moesi, where the Hermunduri were also heading after their storming of Autariatae.

A couple of days later, T.A. Barbula, commanding Legio I, was the next to show signs of disloyalty. Papus decided he was too skilled [Martial 9] and young (age 46) to alienate, so handed over the ‘traditional’ 50 gold to appease the former Consul [+24% loyalty].

The Hermunduri arrived in Moesi on 20 June, but did not have the strength to assault the walls, investing them instead as Legio VIII approached from the south-west.

Then on 28 June, an Egyptian envoy arrived in Roma bearing a call to arms to join their war of aggression in the east. Nicodemus Philonid had made sure the Senate was informed of his mission before he met with Papus. The bloodthirsty Senators were all for another adventure.

But Papus was not. He had consulted with Humphronius before admitting Nicodemus.

“I’m not sure what the Gods may be advising you, Consul,” opined a self-assured Humphronius. “But we still have a large manpower deficit, our troops are out of position and we are fighting off two dangerous barbarian invasions, one in Hispania and the distraction on the Danube. Breaking the recent treaty with the Seleucids may be tempting, but Pontus is fresh and well recovered by now. I believe it would be a very courageous move to accept this call to arms, Consul.”

“So you think I should listen to Minerva rather than Mars, in this case?”

“Precisely, Consul. We have the Seleucid Rebellion now as allies, and this Egyptian declaration should ensure they win. So breaking the alliance with Egypt is a price we can afford. And this may sap Egyptian strength somewhat, which may be in our longer term interests.”

“Very devious, Humphronius. I approve! Show in the Egyptian envoy.”

“Yes, Consul.”

Just two days later, Colchis made yet another humiliating peace with the Seleucid Loyalists. The wonder was they still had any territory left to concede.

And the new order in the east continued to shake out, with a new Bosporan Kingdom being proclaimed two days later, starting off with war on the Rhoxolani.

On the Danube, Dives fell upon the Hermunduri on 10 July, having picked up a couple of drafts of replacements on their long march from Scodra.

Despite having to attack across a river and being caught exposed, the superior skills of Dives and his more heavily armed if unbalanced (no archers had been in Syria when they left in such haste) scratch force were enough to win the battle in six days. He chased the barbarians back to Autariatae.

The follow-up battle was over as soon as it began on 30 August. All 9,171 Hermunduri warriors were slaughtered for no Roman loss, with 10,000 slaves and 21 gold taken as plunder and Autariatae liberated. The east would remain peaceful for Rome for the rest of Q.A. Papus’ consulship, as the slow repatriation of troops continued.

§§§§§§§

Part IV: Consulship of P.A. Papus December 572 to December 574 AUC

Things settled into a slower pace during the magistracy of the generous and contented Publius Aemilius Papus. Much of this was dictated by the parlous manpower situation: in mid-December 572 the reserve was empty with 41,292 replacements required in the legions as attrition and barbarian attacks slowed its reconstitution.

§§§§§§§

A. Barbarian Campaigns

While the barbarian threat persisted, it was far weaker over the next two years. A barbarian revolt in Histri by 7,000 Pentri tribesmen broke out on 18 December. Legio VIII was sent across from Autariatae to deal with them. Battles followed in Histri (19-24 February 573) and Maezaei (23-26 May and 17-27 August) before they were finally wiped out, costing a total of 1,416 Roman battle casualties.

In Hispania, two more battles were needed in Cantabri (29 January-3 February and 23 April-5 May 573) to extinguish the Amaci invasion, with 732 more Roman lives spent to kill the remaining 3,578 ably led but doomed warriors.

A barbarian revolt in Turones (northern Gaul) on 22 December 573 by 4,000 Veliocasses warriors was brutally extinguished by L.A. Barbula’s Legio III in a one-sided battle between 28 February and 2 March 574. Despite attacking over a river, only five legionaries lost in slaying the lot of them [Rome 7+3-1 v 0 die roll].

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B. Eastern Affairs

By late December 572, the Egyptians were fighting the Seleucids in Lydia, a battle they would win, with the province being occupied by March 573. The Seleucid civil war continued in parallel, with a major battle observed in Artashat (25 Rebel attacking 27 Loyalist regiments) in early February 573.

The overly ambitious Bosporan war against Rhoxolani ended in early April 573, the upstarts losing the province they had taken from the Rhoxolani at independence and also paying a hefty indemnity.

A year later, the two main wars in the east continued. By late April 574 the tide had turned somewhat against the Egyptians: they still held Lydia from the Loyalists, but Pontus had occupied Caria and Lycia in Asia Minor. The Rebels now occupied Mesopotamia, cutting off any direct land avenue from Egypt to Loyalist territory. Egypt still commanded a 166,000 manpower reserve, Pontus a healthy 69,000, the Rebels 26,000 and the Loyalists still with none in reserve and an unstable government [-3 stability]. At that time, Rome's manpower reserve also still sat at zero.

By 1 May 574, Pontus and the Seleucids were besieging Lydia, while the Rebels had defeated a much smaller Loyalist army in Gelae.

§§§§§§§

C. Roman Politics and the West - 573 AUC

P.A. Papus continued his brother's good run of omens, Minerva once again smiling on the Romans and their policy of (relative) peace in January 573.

T.A. Barbula required another ‘loyalty commission’ of 50 gold in February 573:

“Ah, Consul, here is the authorisation for another ‘expense reimbursement’ for General Bribula,” misspoke a nervous Bernardius. "Er Barbula, sorry Consul."

Humphronius glared at his colleague, but Consul Papus was rather tickled. “Oh, very droll Bernardius, well done. Here, I’ve signed it.”

“Yes, Consul.” [This bribe yielded an excellent +33% loyalty boost – the range being 5-35 each time.]

It was just as well ‘Bribula’ was being kept on retainer, because yet again a leading Roman general was murdered in a wanton act of vengeance. Apparently some disgruntled lover poisoned T.O. Crassus’ watered wine one day in March 573, ending the life of one of Rome’s best ever (though less frequently used) commanders while still in his prime.

A.C. Caudex [Martial 5] was brought back onto the active list to take over the now quiet garrison duty of Legio VII in Ikosim.

In April 573, an opportunity arose to colonise Pictones, on the west coast of Gaul north of Santones. But first, the local barbarians would have to be provoked and dispersed. Ptolemy’s Legio XII was marched north from Volcae to complete the task. A small detachment would eventually be left under his command in August to stir up the Pictones, while the rest of the legion waited in nearby Bituriges (to avoid attrition).

In October 573, former Pontifex Maximus M.O. Crassus [age 30, Martial 8] was promoted to Censor to replenish the slowly diminishing stock of talented generals. The remainder of the year passed quietly in Roma and the West.

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D. Roman Politics and the West - 574 AUC

1 January 574 marked 100 years since the beginning of the events described in this chronicle about the leading Citizens of the Roman Republic. Much had changed since that time. But many of the famous family names remained familiar.

Ah, those were the days!

The latest famous Aemilius Barbula (Titus ‘Bribula’) received his loyalty payment on 29 January [only +13 loyalty this time]. He was becoming an expensive indulgence. At least the omens remained propitious.

After a little over a year of relative quiet (though some continuing attrition from troops returning from the east), by 2 February 574 the manpower deficit was down to 12,944 with a 2,265 gain each month. That day, recently colonised Remi was assimilated as a fully Romanised (religion and culture) province in near record time.

In May, Consul Papus was reminded that the Senate still required Pontus to be ‘ended’ (ie the capital province to be occupied in a war), but the mission still had another 12 years to run. A worthy goal, without doubt, but there would be plenty of time for that later. Especially if their stalwart allies, the Seleucid Loyalists, lost the civil war.

Greedy generals demanded more bribes in June, Bribula again [+31% loyalty] and Ptolemy [+17% loyalty]. Even after the handing over of 100 gold talents and all the previous expenditure on infrastructure, there was still over 2,000 gold left in the Aerarium.

On 12 July, the lack of recent action led one of the auxiliary cohorts trying to stir up trouble in Pictones to disband into the countryside – a replacement was sent from nearby Bituriges. This was a sign of the more peaceful times that had fallen on the Republic of late – Minerva now ascendant over Mars.

On 29 August, Ruteni became the next colony to attain fully Romanised provincial status. Then as September drew to a close, the Roman manpower reserve finally rose above zero to 1,938 – though 2,871 replacements were still needed out in the deployed army, with the monthly gain now up to 2,288.

However, on 26 September, old Ptolemy Ptolemy, the former Macedonian leader turned veteran Roman general, died at the age of 74 whilst commanding Legio XII in Pictones. A replacement would need to be arranged, but could not be appointed directly as the legion was in foreign territory – it would take a little time and the Romans hoped the local barbarians did not rise until a new commander could be sent over from Bituriges with a detached cohort.

Another Roman launched a murder plot on 11 October 574, when the young Pontifex Maximus S.F. Fundulus tried to have a former lover killed. But she turned the tables on him and Fundulus wound up dead himself. He had been a brilliant administrator and fairly charismatic [2 Martial, 6 Charisma, 10 Finesse], both important talents for a peacetime Pontifex. A like replacement was sought, with the 28-year-old P.V. Laevinus [2 Martial, 6 Charisma, 8 Finesse] getting the nod.

By 11 November, a very large number of Egyptian troops was moving through the western provinces of the Republic, en route to the east. This was because all Egyptian land contact had been cut off to Pontus and Seleucid Loyalist territory, but the mutual military access agreements between Rome and Egypt still held. So they were taking the long way around to try to revive their fortunes in the east. For some reason, they were not using their fleet to do it more quickly.

As P.A. Papus prepared to hand over the Consulship to his successor – another man of the Religious faction, from the Cornelii – just three more building projects (all temples) had been initiated during his magistracy, all initiated in the previous year.

Gnaeus Cornelius Scipio had traits that would end up cancelling each other out in terms of their effect on the research rate. But he was a righteous man and staunchly against corruption.

“Against corruption? A good thing, surely, Humphronius,” remarked an eager-looking Bernardius as he waited with Humphronius to conduct the usual handover brief.

“To a certain extent, Bernardius, to a certain extent.” The older bureaucrat was less enthusiastic – and not a little worried. To him, such lofty principles had no place in the cold, hard and calculating world of ‘good government’. This new Consul may need a bit of extra ‘handling’, he thought to himself – but said nothing to Bernardius.

§§§§§§§

Finis

Bullfilter · Apr 2, 2021

Chapter XCIV: Interbellum
(3 December 574 AUC/179 BC to 30 May 577 AUC/176 BC)

Foreword

Consul Gnaeus Cornelius Scipio, a righteous member of the Religious faction, had been elected to the senior Roman magistracy on 2 December 574 AUC (179 BC). Rome was at peace, other than for occasional barbarian risings and incursions – none of which were currently in progress. The focus was on rebuilding Roman manpower reserves that had been sapped by the long war in the East; and on colonisation in the West, in Hispania and northern Gaul.

In the East, the long and gruelling Seleucid civil war continued, with the Rebels – friends and allies of Rome – gaining a strong upper hand. Egypt had taken the opportunity to attack the Seleucids, but when Rome rejected their request to join this new war of aggression, the alliance between them had been sundered – though both still provided each other military access. Egypt was using that access to march its forces all the way from Africa, through Hispania and Roman territory and then (it was presumed) all the way through Illyria and Thrace to Asia Minor.

§§§§§§§

December 574 to June 575 AUC

Things in the Republic remained quiet during the early months of Scipio’s magistracy. Other than generally railing against corruption in public life and threatening to root it out, the first event of any note recorded in this period was the failure of an omen called in early February.

While the chicken was roasted, the Capitoline Geese (one of which is depicted above) gobbled away, perhaps warning Rome against ill signs. [This one’s for you, @Wraith11B

]

In March 575, the post-war manpower surplus reached 12,166 men, with none required as replacements in the legions. The monthly gain was 2,282.

By early April, the loyalty of leading general T.A. Barbula (‘Bribula’) was once against wavering [to 47%]. Appointments as an Augur and Pontifex helped assuage him a little [+5% each].

Then in early April came shock news: Consul Scipio died suddenly, supposedly of ‘old age’ – though he was only 45 at the time. There were suspicions about what really may have happened to him, but not any credible evidence of foul play. Humphronius gave his best display of faux grief. Which turned to consternation and anger when he found out who the Senate had elected to replace the righteous Scipio.

Consul Falto – also relatively young for the post at 45 – was just as religious and righteous as his predecessor. His charisma and military prowess would be useful in running the Republic – though his administrative finesse was lacking and would be felt in the economic sphere.

At that time, the Religious faction remained dominant in the Senate, but Military men filled many of the key senior appointments and were leading candidates for the next consulship, despite the relative numerical weakness of their faction. It seemed good generals were just more popular than most.

§§§§§§§

July to December 575 AUC

Even though there seemed not to have been much fighting between Egypt and the (Loyalist) Seleucids of late, Egyptian manpower reserves had fallen significantly in recent months, down by over 50,000 to 111,000 by early July. Bernardius reported to Consul Falto that attrition during their long march through the Republic to the east may be to blame, but this could not be confirmed.

“Whatever the cause, it is useful in the longer term,” observed Falto.

“Yes, Consul,” agreed both Bernardius and Humphronius simultaneously. Egypt’s enormous manpower reserves had long made Roman commanders uneasy, even while they had been allies.

In September, T.A. ‘Bribula’ required another shipment of 50 gold to buy his loyalty [+25% this time, to 68%].

On 11 October a barbarian uprising in recently colonised Arevaci (central Hispania) was savagely suppressed after eight days of fighting by M.J. Bubulcus’ Legio X, which remained there in garrison. He only lost 37 of his 15,000 men, while all 2,000 of the Titti barbarians were wiped out.

“Tough Titti,” was all Bubulcus had to say as another 2,000 wailing slaves were march off to the markets.

On 1 November, the hoped-for barbarian rising in Pictones occurred: the numbers were even on paper, as 4,000 Taurini warriors came screaming as they charged the same number of Roman legionaries in a detachment under the command of P.A. Papus. Their screams were soon of terror, as Papus lived up to his illustrious forebears by savaging them horribly.

The Fetial priests provided a map on 30 November that illustrated how far the Rebels (darker yellow with green flags) had advanced: it seemed the Loyalists were doomed. The Egyptian enclave in Asia Minor was still under Pontic occupation as the first of their armies approached Bithynia via Thrace.

On 13 December, there was good news from southern Gaul: Volcae had become a full province, with its culture and religion becoming fully Roman.

§§§§§§§

January to April 576 AUC

And the new year began well, with settlers being sent to Pictones as the Taurini left the province in retreat. They would not be seen again: perhaps they ran into the Parisii and were eliminated. But the Romans cared not, as long as they did not trouble the Republic again.

January ended with another colonisation opportunity identified in Hispania. A small detachment – under a 'different' Gnaeus Cornelius Scipio (a Military faction member) to the recently demised Consul was sent to pacify Ilercavones.

Then the recent run of ‘bad luck’ for ruling Consuls continued on 12 February 576 AUC with the death of M.V. Falto – who had also been commanding Legio IV in Graecia at the time. Again, no murderous plot was mentioned in contemporary sources, but it seemed being a righteous man was hazardous to one’s health as the presiding magistrate of Rome.

The new man was one of the Military faction front-runners – with another familiar name. He was (among other things) a tolerant innovator, which might end up both helping and hindering research, depending on the outcome of omens (which would now be even riskier without a Religious consul in charge). Gurges also took over Legio IV from his predecessor.

And his first duty was to order the annual national omen – which once more failed miserably.

Some augurs started muttering about whether some dog crucifixion might be in order. Bernardius blanched in horror when he heard this. Humphronius just shrugged his shoulders and wondered whether he should establish a kennel to supply the Pontifex Maximus with suitable specimens in the future.

In any case, a new Pontifex Maximus was promptly appointed – this time one of Gurges’ Military cronies, who began his path along the cursus honorum.

And a few days later, it seemed that the added responsibility had brought the best out of Gurges, who showed improved finesse (albeit still modest) in managing the Republic’s financial administration.

On 14 February, scouts in the East reported the Egyptians appeared to be fighting their first engagement of their renewed war with the Seleucids, in Pisidia. The rest of the Egyptian armies (highlighted in brown) were still strung out in Roman territory from Histrii to Thracia. The locations of the Roman garrisons (yellow) had been settled for many months now – with no barbarian invasions or rebellions to disturb them.

But this changed just a few weeks later, when 11,000 Pannoni warriors rose in Pannonia and were spotted heading for Maezaei. A.I. Dives’ powerful Legio VIII was soon on its way to intercept them.

As Legio VIII marched to deal with the Pannoni, the detachment of Legio III sent to stir the local Hispanian barbarians arrived in Ilercavones on 20 March.

General ‘Bribula’ required another ‘management overhead’ on 23 April to stay loyal [+22% loyalty to 68%]. And this time, with a faction-mate as Consul, no mealy-mouthed ‘righteous’ objections would be raised.

As April drew to a close, the situation in the East was worse for the Loyalists, but despite this the Egyptians were making little headway against Pontus and the Loyalists as their manpower reserves continued to fall.

§§§§§§§

May to December 576 AUC

The Pannoni had been in Maezaei for about four weeks before Dives fell upon them, catching his opponent Patraus Andid completely unawares. After a little over a week, the very badly mauled barbarians fled back to Pannonia.

As that battle was finishing on 9 May, the latest Roman colony was founded in Pictones, with work on the obligatory stockade commenced straight away.

Things remained quiet until 27 July, when the Pannoni reappeared in Maezaei. This time, the combat was so brief and bloody that no details remain, except for the great slaughter of barbarian warriors and the seizure of loot and slaves that followed.

The slow conversion of Africa to Roman ways took a small step forward on 25 August, when the culture of Tritonis (south of Egyptian-controlled Carthage) became Roman.

In early October, the relative positions of the four main eastern powers was reviewed again. The Seleucid Loyalists had actually managed to achieve a small manpower surplus: whether this was through recruitment or the consolidation of under-strength armies was unknown. Their regime remained highly unstable, while their truce with Rome would expire in a couple of months.

Interestingly, the Seleucid Rebels were now guaranteeing the independence of Pontus. Whether that might cause a complication if Rome decided to attack their old enemy, when balanced against the Roman-Rebel alliance, was an open question. Egypt’s war with Pontus and the Loyalists continued to cost them men, for no obvious gain.

On 10 November, a supposed lack of trade in Lusitani prompted the ‘disgusted’ Governor there, Quintus Caedicus Romulus, to build one with local funds. More significantly, the same day saw another of those forlornly ambitious war declarations from the small states of the northern Euxine Sea coast. This time the Rhoxolani were trying their luck. They declared war on the Seleucid Loyalists – but that would no doubt bring their allies Pontus into the conflict.

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January to May 577 AUC

It seemed the Egyptians had had enough of their war with the Eastern Pact by 26 January 577 AUC. For just three gold talents (just 6% of Bribula's annual 'unofficial salary'), the Seleucids were off the hook – though likely too little and too late to help with their civil war.

Rome briefly contemplated the prospects of preparing an attack of their own on the presumably weakened Pontus as they fought the Rhoxolani. But the threat to national stability of declaring war without a valid casus belli on either of them meant the idea went no further. And manpower had only recovered to about more than 43,400 by then, so the eastern legions remained in their peacetime garrison positions.

Soon after the Egyptian-Seleucid peace treaty (which also included Pontus), another survey was taken of the four main eastern powers in early February.

Another attempt at calling on Minerva to aid Roman research failed in mid-February. While the geese gobbled their disdain for the recalcitrant poultry and the Romans gobbled down roast chicken, Humphronius ensured his puppy-farm was well established, in expectation of future demand.

When ‘Bribula’ was being given yet another loyalty payment on 24 April [+34% loyalty to 80%], Bernardius heard one of the clerks at the Aerarium mutter about sending the 50 talents to ‘Bribula Maximo’. He chuckled – as he wondered whether the right tense/conjugation had been used.

Momentous news filtered through on 30 May 577 AUC. There was no herald to formally announce it, but the Rebels had won the civil war – and their leader Nicias Seleucid was now officially Basileus of the Seleucid Empire.

The new Seleucid government remained Roman allies, meaning the Eastern Pact was now dissolved, with Pontus standing alone. Strategically, this was of course great news for Rome. Further conquests of Seleucid territory in Asia Minor may be off the table for many years, in all likelihood. But dealing with Pontus remained a Senatorial priority, while the longer term issue of the Egyptian presence in southern Hispania, Western Africa and Carthage remained sore points.

In search of grounds to acquire legitimate belli casibus [correct plural?] against both Pontus and possibly even Egypt, Rome set about providing non-binding guarantees to other powers. The Senate was keen enough on two of these, but would veto any attempt to do so for the ‘vanishing kingdom’, Colchis.

During the last few years, all the Roman ‘action’ – what little there was – had occurred in the West. Four easy battles against barbarians and the settlement of Pictones were the understated ‘highlights’. The border garrisons were well-settled, with the rabble-rousing detachment still trying to pacify Ilercavones in Hispania.

The eastern provinces of the Republic had remained steadfastly peaceful, without even a rising of local malcontents to disturb Bernardius’ skittish disposition.

Africa too remained quiet, with no rebellions in recent years and the sole garrison in Ikosim being untroubled.

The Military faction had gained a little ground in the Senate recently, along with the Mercantile and even the Civic groupings. The Religious party remained dominant – most of the growth in the other factions had come at the expense of the Populists.

Roman reserve manpower sat at just under 50,000 men: a good recovery, but a long way to go yet. There was 3,113 gold in the Aerarium, while stability was high [still +3]. All seemed well in the Republic as the next strategic challenges were considered.

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Finis

Bullfilter · Apr 9, 2021

Chapter XCV: Minor Distractions
(30 May 577/176 BC to 3 November 581/172 BC)

Foreword

As the relative peace and rebuilding continues for Rome after the tremendous bloodshed of the Great Eastern War, the Republic sought to expand its settling of the barbarian West, while searching for a valid casus belli against Pontus. Barbarian invasions and revolts have been the main 'entertainment' for Rome’s legates for a few years now, as they seek to grow the manpower reserve back to a point a major war can be safely contemplated.

§§§§§§§

June to December 577 AUC

Rome’s plans for keeping out of Eastern conflicts were soon diverted by a call to arms from their new – and important – ally: the ‘New’ Seleucid Empire. Mid-June brought a request they did not want to ignore, lest that alliance be broken.

There was no desire to bring the Rhoxolani down and Rome would not actually send any troops, the main loss being some popularity for Consul Sextus Fabius Gurges.

“So we will provide all assistance short of actual help, Consul?” asked Humphronius knowingly.

“Ah, that’s it,” said the Consul, a little sheepishly. “Get it done – or not done, as it were.”

“Yes, Consul.”

Although Rome was now in charge of the war for the Alliance, there was too much opposition in the Senate for seeking a peace, which the Rhoxolani sought just two days later with the offer of a payment. A pity, as Gurges would have taken it if he could. The non-war would continue.

Only four days later, two troublemaking Governors were rumoured to be considering independence: Publius Carvilius Maximus of Magna Graecia and Lucius Cornelius Scipio of Raetia. Both were very expendable and not worth bribing, so were dismissed and replaced with more loyal men.

On 22 July, the old but lately disaffected campaigner G.F. Licinus died of old age. The old warhorse was now walking the Elysian Fields.

Vale Licinus!

Bernardius, always afraid of revolts (as well as barbarians in general) provided the Consul with the latest assessment of revolt risks around the Republic. Predictably, the risk was highest in recently acquired or settled lands, the bulk of them in the East.

In September, Pontus made a separate peace with the Rhoxolani, gaining the province of Tanais and a small indemnity. Rome and the Seleucids remained in the war.

The fears of Bernardius were born out when he brought a note to Consul Gurges, as he attended on him in the military garrison of Legio IV (13,000 troops) in Achaea, which the Consul was personally commanding. It was a revolt by 6,000 malcontents in Euboea. The legion was soon marching east to deal with it.

November 577 saw a massive increase in the Roman navy begun – mainly designed to maintain naval superiority against the large Egyptian fleet in some future war: 16 new triremes were started in ports around the Republic. They would take up to six months to construct.

As the year drew to an end, the Senate actually made a couple of decent command suggestions for new men who were not otherwise qualified by age or rank; this tended to happen more when a war was in progress and units without commanders.

Rome’s long term tributaries, the Dacians – maintained as a buffer state on the Danube – found themselves in need of help in mid-December. Which Rome was happy enough to provide from its vast surplus in the Aerarium.

Suci was then subjected to a revolt, with 4,000 local militia rising on 23 December. Legio I (Bribula) was sent west from nearby Crobobizi to get a little exercise after a long period of inaction.

§§§§§§§

578 AUC

The peace of the last seven months was broken when the rebels in Euboea were easily despatched by Legio IV on 2 January 578 AUC – an auspicious start to the new year. On 30 January, the rebels in Suci were slaughtered by T.A. (Bribula) Barbula’s Legio I. This useful start to the year continued, with a good harvest adding another 2,000 men to the manpower reserve on 11 February, bringing it to almost 64,000 men.

A few days later, Gurges’ term as Consul was over. His replacement would see the top magistracy return to the Religious party, under Gnaeus Servilius Caepio. A sceptical ruler who would slow down Rome’s research rate, though omens would be more likely to succeed again.

And just ten days later, A.C. Caudex was the latest to succumb to the ‘Curse of Ikosim’, though in his case foul play was not suspected. The post was left vacant, in the hope the Senate might elevate another promising candidate.

The following months were quiet, as neither barbarian invasions nor revolts trouble the Republic’s frontiers. By mid-July, two more ships were under construction in north-west Gaul, in case a small flotilla might be required for transport at some point (there would be four ships available there when they were completed). Manpower also continued to rebuild, while 15 more triremes were ordered in ports around Our Sea.

Epirus, Aetolia and Thessaly were added as core provinces of the Roman patrimony on 9 September 578. The year continued quietly, with the last notable event being another excellent military nomination by the Senate, this time for the charismatic teenage prodigy Mettius Cornelius Rufinus to take charge of Legio VII in Ikosim.

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579 AUC

By mid-February 579, the loyalty of the largely idle T.A. ‘Bribula’ had become very suspect [26%]. It took two bribes of 50 gold each to restore his enthusiasm [+18 and +25 loyalty]. Coincidentally, within his area of responsibility, Suci and Crobobizi joined the Roman patrimony on 2 April.

As the last batch of new ships was completed, sent to build the fleet stationed in Sardinia, another 14 were laid down on 23 April. This was followed on 11 May by the successful ‘graduation’ of Breuci (in Illyria) from a colony to a fully Roman province. At the end of that month, a detachment of Legio III, then stationed in Vindelicia, was sent east to Marcomanni, which was now potentially available for colonisation: after the local barbarians had been provoked and dispersed.

The months drifted by once more, with the next diplomatic development coming in August, when another Rhoxolani envoy bearing a peace offer was received. With the Senate now on-side, it was a chance to save the Rhoxolani from losing any more territory (this time to Rome's Seleucid allies), while trousering another 22 gold in reparations. All with not a single legionary’s life lost!

The long period of peace in northern Gaul was threatened in early September when the Parisii were invaded by a large tribe of Langobardi. They had lost Eburones to an assault and were marching east to respond, though would be heavily outnumbered. S.C. Maximus took his as-yet unnamed legion east as well, ready to fight off these barbarians should the Parisii fail to do so.

‘Bribula’ put out his hand for another ‘management commission’ on 2 November. Once more, 100 gold was handed over [45% loyalty +22 and +16 = 83%] to keep him quiet for longer. His massacre of rebels earlier in the year had not been deemed enough to warrant a triumph.

As he marched east, Maximus (then in Bituriges) was informed that a revolt had broken out in Lingones on 1 December. He would have to divert there with the now officially renamed Legio IX before potentially moving against the Langobardi invasion, which was by then in Nervii, two provinces to the north of Lingones.

Next came a barbarian revolt on 10 December by 2,000 Laietani warriors in Arevaci (central Hispania). Legio X was already in place and crushed them within a week. Nearby, Vettones became the next colony to become a fully Romanised province on 28 December – a fine way to end the year. But the barbarian threat seemed to be stirring along Rome’s northern frontiers, after a long period of dormancy.

§§§§§§§

January to June 580 AUC

Turones became the next fully Roman province on 14 January 580, as Gaul became increasingly civilised. The good news continued a few days later with a new discovery in naval technology – which had been lagging a fair way behind the others to that point.

On 28 January, S.C. Maximus slaughtered the rebels in Lingones and then two days later marched north towards Nervii, where the Parisii had attacked but been defeated by the invading Langobardi.

That same day, settlers were sent to both Lusones (central Hispania) and to Pannonia. Both colonies were due to be founded on 30 May.

Gurges saw his quite successful term out on 12 February, to be replaced by Caelus Claudius Caudex, from the Mercantile faction. Another sceptic! He was not an impressive military man, but had good administrative skill and charisma: not too bad for a peacetime Consul. So Bernardius opined and Humphronius grudguingly agreed.

His first decision came a week later: 7,000 Alani warriors had arrived in Dacia’s undefended province of Apuli. T.A. Regulus was just to the south in Autariatae with Legio VI (20,000 men) and by 19 February was on the way to administer a good thrashing to the barbarian invaders. The battle had been fought and won by 20 March: another slaughter, with the whole tribe wiped out and its camp followers enslaved, though the Romans lost 389 men doing it.

From 2-12 April, S.C. Maximus fought almost 15,000 Langobardi warriors at Nervii, the largest battle of the current period. His arrival had been well timed, as he was joined during the battle by around 7,000 returning Parisii, bringing his numbers up to about 26,000. The battle ended in a heavy defeat for the Langobardi, but they still had over 10,000 warriors left. And the Romans were suffering a monthly decimation (ie 10% attrition), so quickly headed back south to Roman territory. The Parisii would have to look after themselves from here.

The new colonies in Lusones and Pannonia (the latter a long-held Roman objective) were founded on 2 June. The manpower reserve stood at 127,000, with a gain of 2,288 per month. In the Senate, the Religious faction was still ascendant, the Mercantile party actually edging above the Populists in numbers.

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July to December 580 AUC

After years of Roman insults, parades and buttock-baring, the barbarians of Ilercavones on the eastern coast of Hispania finally rose to attack the Roman detachment. But there were only 2,000 of them, and the 6,000 troops of G.C. Scipio’s Detachment II of Legio III killed them all in five days, losing only eight men doing so. The Roman settlers were soon on their way.

While that short ‘battle’ was going, the 20 units of the Langobardi returned to attack the eight of the Parisii in Nervii on 3 July. But by 20 July the Parisii had won and were chasing the Nervii to barbarian-occupied Eburones. The earlier Roman assistance had proven sufficient and Roman respect for the Parisii grew.

Then on 3 August, 5,000 local Chatti warriors obligingly rose in Marcomanni to expel the same number of Roman troops in a detachment of Legio III that L.A. Barbula (the other one) had taken there for that very purpose many months before. The result was – of course – a trouncing for the Chatti after a ten-day fight. But just nine days after that victory, another tribe – seven regiments of Auiones – was spotted approaching from Lugii, north-east of Marcomanni, due to arrive on 13 October. Barbula (the non-bribe taking one) braced for a defensive battle.

Back in northern Gaul, the Parisii fought the Langobardi once more at Eburones on 29 August. They would win the battle by mid-September, the Langobardi fleeing north while the Parisii stayed to retake their occupied province, rather than chase the barbarian attackers.

By 12 September, the Chatti had retreated to Hermunduri and turned back, but this time to Vindelicia. The rest of Legio III waited there, without a commander as L.A. Barbula remained in Marcomanni, awaiting the attack of the Auiones. So Consul Caudex himself, although only a mediocre commander [Martial 3], took over the troops waiting in Vindelicia. This also meant there was a window to send the settlers into Marcomanni, with no barbarians currently within its borders.

On 23 October, Rome recorded two victories in adjacent provinces. Caudex slaughtered the rest of the Chatti in Vindelicia, while L.A. Barbula had an easy victory against the numerically superior Auiones in Marcomanni. All Rome's generals were proving very efficient during this period, admittedly against predominantly smaller barbarian bands than many they had encountered in the past.

The new colony in Ilercavones (Hispania) was founded on 4 November 580 with (as always) a stockade soon being built. Later that month, Bribula took his cut of 50 gold [45% +21 = 66% loyalty]. As he had the largest following of personally loyal troops, he was the only Roman general who required such generosity to keep him sweet.

In early December, three new cohorts of archers were raised in the Illyrian region, to balance Dives’ principes-heavy Legio VIII. These troops would later receive an unexpected baptism of fire!

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January to June 581 AUC

The Auiones had also retreated north after their loss in Marcomanni and made for Vindelicia, where Consul Caudex awaited them. They attacked him on 4 January and he soundly defeated them five days later. During the battle, this military novice had learned enough to add a valuable tactical skill to his repertoire: he was living the dream as a Roman military hero when he had never expected to do so.

The rally event is a particularly useful one, regenerating morale during a long battle.

Six days later, the latest Roman colony was founded in Marcomanni. The Romans intended to put this interbellum period to the best use they could.

A small barbarian revolt in Sedetani (central Hispania) by a 3,000 man band of the Orgonomesci broke out on 9 February to provide a slight interruption, but Legio X was soon headed their way with a fistful of Roman justice to administer.

But the trend of barbarian activity was picking up: by 22 February another, a reinforced group of the Auiones was on its way to Vindelicia, with 11 units this time. Caudex was becoming quite the veteran as he waited for them to arrive – and for L.A. Barbula to rejoin Legio III with his detachment from Marcomanni.

Over the last four years, the omens had been consulted when called for. When the auspices seemed good, Minerva was invoked. When the chances looked worse, the Consul would risk his own popularity rather than further impede Roman research by invoking Jupiter instead. This policy paid off (part luck, part good management) between 578 and 581.

The Orgonomesci were duly defeated in Sedetani on 29 March 581, but would be back for another try in due course. And the day that battle ended, a barbarian revolt by 5,000 Cenomani warriors erupted in Histrii. Then from 31 March to 2 April, C.C. Caudex started the battle against the Auiones in Vindelicia, which L.A. Barbula finished after reinforcing, with all 6,306 barbarians wiped out for 388 Roman casualties.

The area was now a hive of activity, however: 4,000 Roman reinforcements making they way along the border between legions was very unluckily ambushed by a band of 6,000 Triboci who had revolted in Scordisci on 2 April! The Romans, without a commander, retreated as soon as they could, but had lost 1,789 legionaries before they could escape on 7 April. It would be the only Roman defeat during the entire interbellum period.

T.A. Regulus and the 20,000 men of Legio VI in Autariatae were immediately sent west to teach the Triboci a harsh lesson. At the time, many Roman legions were in motion, as a reorganisation of border assignments was under way – in part to try to give Bribula some proper battle time so a triumph might be arranged (far cheaper and more effective than bribes). Dives was on his way with Legio VIII to crush the rebellion in Histrii.

Legio VIII duly beat the Cenomani in Histrii between 29 April-4 May, but the barbarians put up s stiff fight, killing over 300 Romans and avoiding complete destruction. In Sedetani, the Orgonomesci were not so fortunate, wiped out by Legio X on 21 May when they returned to another forlorn attack. And then Regulus fell upon the Triboci on 25 May, but attacking across a river and running into a tough barbarian defence. He won by 31 May, but lost over 900 of his own men in killing about 2,300 of the enemy.

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July to October 581 AUC

Legio VIII had pursued the Cenomani to Pannonia and this time destroyed them in a single day, killing over 3,400 barbarians for only 31 more men lost.

Next followed an alert that the Triboci had retreated to Autariatae on 9 August and were besieging it. But Regulus was in pursuit, the final reckoning coming on 21 August with the destruction and enslavement of the Triboci and final Roman revenge on the upstarts. This signalled a quieter period in that region for the next few months, after a frantic time of chasing barbarian rebels and invaders.

Diplomatic events now began to assert greater importance once more. At the end of August 581, it seems Pontus had decided to grab the remaining province of the Bosporan Kingdom. Bingo! This finally gave Rome the casus belli they had been searching for. The Senate would have granted a declaration of war immediately, but there was still uncertainty about what the Seleucid Empire might do (being allied with both Rome and Pontus). And the Roman forces in the East were somewhat out of position at that time.

So no declaration was made. But Rome started making moves to prepare for one. First, Classis IV was sent around to be ready to embark Legio IV from Achaea, for use on either Crete or Rhodes, both Pontic possessions.

In mid-September, Bernardius reminded Consul Caudex that the Senate’s grandly titled mission to ‘end the Pontic Kingdom’ remained extant, with the deadline of 28 April 586 still some way off, but getting closer. To fail this one would destabilise the Republic.

As Rome re-positioned its forces for an option of war against Pontus, the alliance with the Seleucids once more drew them reluctantly into a war – with the Bosporans. Again, the Consul took a popularity hit to support their allies: if it came to war with Pontus, anything possible would be done to either keep the Seleucids out of it, or even bring them in on Rome’s side.

The Luggones rose in the recently settled Lusones (central Hispania) on 1 October: but Legio X was still there in garrison. After a desultory fight that lasted until mid-month, Bubulcus had wiped out all 2,000, for only 91 Romans killed.

This marked the last battle of the period. A map of the major battles, colonisations and provincial declarations between June 577 and October 581 is provided below

Plus a table of all the battle details, including total casualties – which were generally very heavily in Rome’s favour.

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3 November 581 AUC

Legio VI arrived in Suci on 3 November 581 – bringing it next to the Pontic province of Pephigi, at the mouth of the Danube. The Pontic 1st Stratos was heading east to the province of Pontus – and the casus belli still held, despite the fact both realms were now at war with the Bosporans. Three more legions were heading back east: one (Legio VIII) would probably be retained to patrol the troublesome Danube frontier from Marcomanni through to Autariatae. The other two (I and IX) would most likely keep moving east to be used in a possible war on Pontus – and be ready if the Seleucids unexpectedly supported Pontus if Rome attacked the latter. Legio IV remained ready for naval landings in the Eastern Mediterranean.

In Roma itself, the cursus honorum was again employed to advance new military commanders, with Albinus promoted from Pontifex to Censor, the other new Censor being picked for his administrative ability. Another brilliant young military officer with a famous name but no personality, M.C. Maximus, was the new Pontifex.

The promising young M.C. Rufinus, recently promoted by the Senate to command Legio VII in Ikosim, was moved out of that posting for redeployment to the East, leaving Legio VII's command vacant once more. He took over Legio VI in Suci, replacing T.A. Regulus. The lacklustre C.F. Gurges was replaced as commander of Legio V in Phrygia, on the border with Pontus, by M.O. Crassus.

The competent and already ‘blooded’ Regulus was compensated with the command of the ten cohorts in Remi (the balance of Legio III), with Consul C.C. Caudex relinquishing his position.

In Roma, with the next Consular election due the following February, none other than T.A. Barbula (the current Military faction leader) was the hot favourite for the post. It would be good for any potential major war effort if he won. Recently ‘retired’ Legate of Legio V, C.F. Gurges (also from the Military faction), was running second, while the Praetor M.A. Lepidus from the Religious party was a close third.

The Mercantile faction was now the second most numerous party after the dominant Religious group, with the Civic and Military factions a distant fourth and fifth.

And thus stood the Republic, as it remained poised for a possible war of aggression against the old enemy Pontus. With consequences that could only be guessed at if the Seleucids reacted differently than Rome hoped.

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Finis

Bullfilter · Apr 30, 2021

Chapter XCVI: The Senate Requires
(3 November 581/172 BC to 12 August 584/169 BC)

Foreword

Barbarian invasions and rebellions aside, the last few years have been relatively peaceful for the Republic, as Roman manpower reserves were rebuilt after the great blood-letting of the last Great Eastern War.

With the old Tripartite Eastern Pact now broken and the new Seleucid Empire as allies, Rome had been looking for a casus belli to fulfil the Senate’s grandiose mission to ‘end the Pontic Kingdom’. Without fracturing the stability of the Republic through an unjustified and infamous declaration of war. And such an opportunity may just have arisen …

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Part I: The East - 581 to 582 AUC

November-December 581

The current Consul Caelus Claudius Caudex – from the Mercantile faction – had until mid-February to see out his term. He had overseen a command reshuffle in the East to help get ready for any potential war with Pontus, but no declaration had been made. However, the declaration of war by Pontus on the small Bosporan Kingdom back on 31 August 581 had given Rome a legitimate casus belli. Even though the Seleucids (also allied with Pontus) had dragged Rome into the same war in a call to arms in mid-September.

The Pontic 1st Stratos (40 units) was due to arrive in Pontus (the province) from Paphlagonia on 8 November, leaving just two regiments to guard the frontier with Rome, where two legions awaited in Bithynia and Phrygia. Once this happened, Rome would be better placed to attack and overwhelm Paphlagonia, so they could concentrate there against any counter-attack by that large Pontic army.

Then, just as the 1st Stratos made it to Pontus and kept heading east, Maeotae (the only Bosporan province) fell to Rome’s Seleucid allies.

Rome gave the Bosporans a chance to become Roman tributaries, but this offer was rejected, somewhat to the surprise of the Roman envoy. Seven days later, the Seleucids got their (to be fair about it) just reward.

But the good news was that the casus belli against Pontus survived, even if the Bosporan Kingdom had not!

By 30 December 581, all was ready. The challenge was flung at Pontus and the initial advances commenced.

The first four-cohort army (Legio IV, S.F. Gurges) began embarking from Achaea on 31 December: their target would be Rhodes. The campaigns in the Mediterranean and later the Euxine Seas will be described in separate sections to the main campaign in Asia Minor.

The Seleucids did not immediately opt to join either side, remaining allied with and neutral to both Rome and Pontus. And in Rome, the Senate was too opposed to any call to arms to the Seleucids to even countenance such an approach (39/99 votes).

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January-June 582 – Asia Minor

The initial battle in Pahplagonia was over within a day on 20 January, with Crassus and Legio V arriving first to overwhelm the Pontic border guards (0/21,000 Roman, 2,000/2,000 Pontic casualties). As they arrived, they saw the 1st Stratos was now heading back and were due to hit them on 22 February. Legio II reinforced on 3 February: 51 Roman cohorts would face 40 Pontic regiments, though there may be some Roman attrition before they met (5%/month).

While the war was in its very early stages, the next Consular election was held. And as expected, a war time leader was selected: the raging favourite Titus Aemilius ‘Bribula’ Barbula! At least he no longer required money to keep him loyal. His great military ability would really help the morale and organisation of the Roman Army for the next few years of war with the still-fearsome and well-led military machine of Pontus.

The Pontic attack came on 22 February and as always they were very well commanded – Giolchos Alcetid was the equal of the senior Roman legate, S.C. Primus. But in this case, Primus got off to a great start and never looked back. A decisive victory had been won by 2 March, with Pontus taking huge casualties, especially among their considerable heavy infantry regiments.

The more excitable and arrogant Senators were predicting an early and easy end to the war as the 1st Stratos retreated east to Pontus. The two legions were reorganised, with Primus chasing Alcetid with the bulk of the troops in Legio II (over 30,000 men in 35 cohorts) to Pontus. Legio V (M.O. Crassus, 13,500 men in 16 cohorts) stayed behind to conduct the siege – and thus hopefully minimise attrition once they were separated.

Legio I (Consul T.A. Barbula, 21,000 men) arrived in Thracia on 23 March and began crossing the Propontis to keep marching east to reinforce the invasion.

On 10 May, Primus caught up with the 1st Stratos and launched his attack. Legio II had a big starting morale advantage over their opponents and outnumbered them by over 6,000 men. Primus was attacking over a river, but managed to even up this tactical disadvantage in the crucial opening exchanges. The fighting became even fiercer on 15 May, but then tipped dangerously in Alcetid’s favour on 20 May, making the battle a finely balanced affair by 25 May, when Primus was able to steady things a bit.

The Senate began doing some more 'commanding' and 'requiring' – on appointments, this time. Other than one militarily incompetent and completely disloyal time-server being nominated, from 30 May through to 9 September 582, they made three excellent suggestions for commands of young Military faction officers who were able to skip the usual cursus honorum.

Despite the advancing years of both bureaucrats, Bernardius' optimistic naivety drew the opprobrium of his more senior colleague at the sudden advent of meritocratic military appointments by the Senate. Humphronius was horrified at both the very idea of it, as well as the shallow thinking of Bernardius, who he thought should know far better by this time.

In Pontus, 30 May saw the battle swing back in Alcetid’s favour, though by now the casualties on both sides were low, as most troops had fled the field. It was becoming a contest of morale between the few on either side who remained. And that contest swung decisively in favour of Pontus on 9 June.

The Romans fought till the end in the hope of rescuing the position (casualties on both sides were minimal by then), but were forced into retreat on 15 June. The casualties on both sides were heavy after this epic battle (especially in its early days). The Romans suffered more but the Pontic losses had a large impact on their smaller total force, while Rome had other legions approaching. As Legio II routed south to neutral Cappadocia (the AI’s choice), it became clear this war would be longer and harder than some in the Senate had imagined after the initial triumphs.

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January-June 582 – The Mediterranean and Euxine Seas

A second 4,000-man contingent - Legio IV Det II, under C.F. Gurges – boarded ship from Achaea on 20 January and headed to Crete. On 24 January, Classis II (D.C. Maximus, 48 ships) left port in Thracia bound for Mare Cimmericum to blockade Pontus (where the Pontic fleet of 20 ships was holed up) and Trapezus. Classis III (M.V. Crispian, 31 ships) had been on patrol in Pontus Euxinus since early in the war, blocking any sorties Pontus may have tried to make to the west.

Legio IV landed unopposed in Rhodes on 3 February and began a long siege, with Legio IV Det II doing the same in Crete on 16 February.

By then, Legio VI (M.C. Rufinus, 24,000 men) had begun its siege of Peiphigi (where the Danube joined the Euxine Sea) and Legio IX (S.C. Maximus, 19,000 men) had arrived from the west in (Roman) Suci and was sent on via Peiphigi and barbarian Tyras to the Pontic province of Olbia, in the north-west of the Euxine Sea. Classis II began its blockade in Mare Cimmericum on 22 February.

All was quiet in this sector until Legio IX began its siege of Olbia on 20 June, having taken some nasty attrition along the way. There were not enough Pontic forces nearby to cause them any problems, however. In Asia Minor, as Legio II continued its retreat south after the loss in Pontus, G. Alcetid seemed to be heading east, rather than trying to hold Pontus or turn west against Paphlagonia.

The Euxine sector would then stay fairly quiet until October.

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July-December 582 – Asia Minor

Legio I arrived in Paphlagonia on 23 July and kept marching east – to Pontus, the focus of the Senate’s command to 'End the Pontic Kingdom'. On 2 August, Legio II finished its retreat to Cappadocia. Initially, they began to shadow the 1st Stratos east, making for Seleucid Armenia – but this would change later.

1st Stratos made it to Trapezus on 7 August – and then turned straight around, heading back to Pontus the same day. Perhaps their scouts had spotted the approach of Legio I by then. Barely a week later, on 14 August Pontus sent an insulting peace offer: Rome (+6% warscore at that point) would cede Suci and Bithynia to Pontus and pay a 30 gold indemnity! As T.A. Barbula approached Pontus with Legio I, he didn’t need the Senate’s veto of any acceptance to encourage him to hurl back a resounding decline of the offer: Pontus delenda est! [if that's the right usage ] Legio II was now ordered to meet him in the Pontic capital.

The very next day, Paphlagonia fell to Rome after a 210 day siege. Legio V (M.O. Crassus, 13,173 men) was sent to the north-east to invest Amisus. They arrived there on 9 September – the same day Legio II (which had a shorter march than Legio I) made it into Pontus first, as G. Alcetid was still on the road from Trapezus and Barbula from Paphlagonia.

As it happened, Alcetid turned away on 1 October when Barbula joined Primus in Pontus, making a flank march around Pontus towards Armenia instead. At that time, the Senate (38/99 votes) would still not permit a call to arms to be issued to the Seleucids, who remained neutral.

The main Pontic army (1st Stratos plus some piecemeal regiments) was in Armenia by mid-November and kept heading west through neutral Seleucid territory, bound for Cappadocia. The Romans maintained their siege of Pontus, while suffering a degree of attrition (5%): they did not want to split their forces until Alcetid had been dealt with.

The sector would remain quiet for the rest of the year. By 18 December, Roman manpower reserves were at 158,000 but with 32,305 replacements needed at the front, from combat and attrition losses.

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July-December 582 – The Mediterranean and Euxine Seas

On 1 October, Rhodes fell (241 day siege). Legio IV then took ship and headed north: by 7 October they were bound for Tanais, a Pontic holding in the very north of the Euxine Sea.

Then in early November came news that a ship had been lost in Mare Cimmericum. This alerted the high command of the Navy to the severe attrition Classis II had been suffering – they were ordered back to port for urgent repairs. Classis III was found to have suffered bad attrition too, before the seizure of Paphlagonia had turned Pontus Euxinus into ‘home waters’. They held for now but would also need to be repaired.

Taking advantage of the Romans’ plight, the Pontic fleet sortied and attacked Classis II on 9 August before they could escape west. The Romans fled as soon as they could on 13 August, but not before having three ships sunk and another captured, despite outnumbering the Pontic fleet by more than two-to-one.

It was an inglorious and embarrassing episode. Classis IV (Q.A. Papus, 53 ships) was redirected from anti-piracy duty off Tarentum to the Euxine as Classis II fled. Meanwhile, Legio IV had sailed on without incident and landed in Tanais on 9 December.

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Part II: The West - November 581 to August 584 AUC

November 581 - December 582

The West remained quiet until March 582, when a small barbarian revolt broke out in Pictones. T.A. Regulus, with the portion of Legio III left behind when L.A. Barbula took the other five cohorts to pacify Treveri, set off to put the rebel Triboci scum down.

By 1 July Regulus was in Bituriges and nearing Pictones when word of a larger rebellion by 5,000 malcontents in Ligones had broken out. L.A. Barbula set out with his five cohorts from Treveri. Pacifying the province would have to wait, as no-one wanted to see a Roman province sacked again.

Regulus beat the Triboci in four days to 6 August, but did not wipe them out (255/10,000 Roman, 816/2,000 Triboci casualties). The Triboci fled north to Aremorica. Regulus waited to see what they would do next.

Next came word of a large barbarian revolt by the Orniacos in Aquitani in mid-August by 12,000 warriors. With Legio III occupied in northern Gaul, Legio X (M.J. Bubulcus, 14,000 men) was despatched from Hispania to deal with this new threat. It would mean passing through barbarian Vascones lands – and some attrition along the way.

L.A Barbula attacked the rebels in Lingones and gained the expected victory on 20 September, after a week of fighting (146/5,000 Roman, 2,077/5,000 rebel casualties). He was soon on the road back to Treveri for another round of barbarian-stirring. As he won that victory, the Triboci turned around and were spotted heading to Aulerci – in the lands of the Parisii, who soon had an eight-regiment army heading to intercept them. Rome could once again let their tributaries handle the barbarian scum.

The Battle of Aquitania (1-9 November 582 AUC) was a bloody affair – mainly for the Orniacos (672/13,293 Roman, 5,022/12,000 Orniacos casualties). The Orniacos fled south and after some rest and repair, Legio X began chasing them to Vascones on 4 December. The same day, it was noticed the Parisii had wiped out the last of the Triboci in Aulerci – well done again. They were true Friends and Allies of Rome.

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January - December 583

The battle in Vascones (14-15 January 583) was more of a slaughter, the Orniacos being wiped out completely over two days (5/13,839 Roman, 6,738/6,738 Orniacos casualties, 0.71 gold and 1.2 slave pops taken).

The Danube had been quiet for many months, but on 30 March 5,000 Ambisontes barbarians revolted in Pannonia. Unfortunately for them, Legio VIII (A.I. Dives, 23,000 men) was in neighbouring Scordisci and were soon marching west for a bit of sport.

Meanwhile, Legio X had lingered (oops!) in Vascones after the battle there and the local Nemetati rose there on 2 April. Bubulcus was a little surprised by their initial attack and the win was a bit bloodier and less decisive than he had hoped against such a small force (349/13,736 Roman, 1,060/3000 Nemetati casualties).

No such mistake was made in Pannonia, where Dives took just three days to slaughter the rebellious Ambisontes by 20 May (201/23,000 Roman, 5,000/5,000 Ambisontes casualties, 0.25 gold and 0.5 slave pops taken).

The Nemetati survivors had slipped from Vascones to Sedetani (western Hispania), which they reached on 1 June. Legio III Det II in nearby Ilercavones was sent to deal with them. Battle was joined on 30 June and by 6 July S.A. Barbula (yet another member of that ubiquitous family) had won another moderate victory, leaving the barbarians to fight again (320/6,000 Roman, 549/1,940 Nemetati casualties.

But the raiders' forays would come to an end on 31 August when they returned to Sedetani – only to be wiped out in a single day by the well-rested Barbula (20/5,987 Roman, 1,391/1,391 Nemetati casualties, 0.71 gold and 0.3 slave pops taken).

By December 583, Legio X was back in Arevaci (central Hispania) – in time to quell a barbarian revolt by Laietani tribesmen from 7-12 December (191/13,807 Roman, 1,372/3,000 Laietani casualties).

The Laietani would return the following year. But before then, the largest rebellion in Africa for some years broke out in Numidia in mid-December. This time it was a slave uprising, which cost the Governor his life. S.S. Caepio – one of those competent young generals the Senate had appointed the year before – would have a chance for some glory with Legio VII after all.

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January - August 584

The Laietani were duly wiped out by Bubulcus and Legio X when they returned to Arevaci on 21 March 584 (0/13,909 Roman, 1,598/1,598 Laietani casualties, 0.3 slave pops taken).

The following day, Caepio attacked the massive slave army in Numidia and a short but bloody battle ensued, the rebels being beaten and dispersed by 10 March – but at a heavy cost.

On 4 June 584, another band of Orniacos thought it would be a good idea to revolt in Arevaci. They were sadly mistaken: all were dead by the 10th (4/14,000 Roman, 2,000/2,000 Orniacos casualties, 0.2 slave pops taken).

The last action in the West for this period came when the Tencteri tribe rose in Treveri and were all killed by L.A. Barbula’s Legio III between 2-6 August 584 (187/5,000 Roman, 3,000/3,000 Tencteri casualties, 0.3 slave pops taken). Settlers were soon despatched and were due to arrive on 10 December.

Western campaign summary November 581 to August 584 AUC.

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Part III: The East – January 583 to August 584 AUC

January-June 583 – Asia Minor

By mid-January 583, the lead elements of the Pontic army were in Galatia and heading to Paphlagonia, while the main body was in Cappadocia and following the same route. The first 1,000 enemy troops reached Roman occupied Paphlagonia on the 25th, by which time the Roman garrison had rebuilt to 600 men. A siege began.

The city of Pontus fell to Consul Barbula on 15 February – which brought success in the Senate’s long-standing mission – and of course another demand, which in this case was right in line with the Consul’s intentions (Olbia had been taken by then and the enemy army in Alazones was slaughtered completely by Legio IX on 17 February).

No-one intended to end the war simply when Pontus fell. Legio IX was soon headed for Taurica. A peace at this time (with the warscore at 40%) would have yielded just one province (probably Paphlagonia), Pontic losing some core claims and an indemnity. Not nearly enough for the avaricious Roman ruling elite.

At the same time, on 18 February Pontus had four regiments in Paphlagonia and decided to assault it. This lasted until 27 February, but the garrison held out valiantly, defeating the assault with just 113 men left defending the walls and leaving Pontic morale completely shot.

But while this flanking move had been executed, G. Alcetid had sent his 1st Stratos north to strike Pontus – cleverly attacking from the south, where no river crossing applied. The battle started on 8 March 583. This time, Pontus had picked up some reinforcements while attrition had whittled Roman numbers down, so Alcetid had a numerical advantage of over 3,000 men – and a distinct advantage in heavy infantry, while the Romans had their elephant regiments.

And Alcetid started with a devastating initial assault on the Roman lines, causing massive casualties. It looked like it could be yet another disaster in the making. But Consul Barbula was undaunted, fighting back well on 12 March and then launching a devastating assault of his own on 18 March. He kept his nerve in fierce fighting on 22 March and Alcetid fled the next day. Barbula held the field and the occupation of Pontus was preserved. But not before the Romans had taken some of the heaviest losses in a single battle in their long history of sanguinary warfare.

This was followed by the fall of Amisus on 27 March after a 201 day siege, allowing Crassus’ Legio V to march to the relief of Paphlagonia, which remained besieged. The enormous losses at the Second Battle of Pontus and continuing attrition due to the number of units present (around 50 Roman and 40 Pontic regiment equivalents) led to a cohort consolidation on 9 April. Legio I would remain while Primus, who had been badly maimed in the fierce battle (reducing him to Martial 7) took the most heavily damaged cohorts back with him to join Crassus in Paphlagonia.

On 22 April, Crassus arrived in Paphlagonia with Legio V and wiped out the remaining demoralised Pontic force there in a single day (47/15231 Roman, 3,795/3,795 Pontic casualties). Paphlagonia stood relieved (warscore to 63%). Even after the consolidation of cohorts in Pontus, the manpower reserve on 1 May was 147,000, with 27,436 replacements required.

After some marching and counter-marching as both sides tried to outfox the other, G. Alcetid’s first Stratos headed for Galatia on 15 May. The Romans would keep an eye on them, recover in place and see what Pontus would do next.

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January-December 583 – The Mediterranean and Euxine Seas

As alluded to above, Olbia had fallen to Rome on 6 January 583 (a 201 day siege). A week later, Legio IX (S.C. Maximus, 16,702 men) was headed east to Alazones, where the main Pontic northern army had concentrated.

On 20 January, Classis IV (53 ships) had relieved Classis III (31 ships) in Pontus Euxine, allowing them to head to port for repairs.

The battle of Alazones started on 14 February with a devastating attack (6+0.5 v 0 die rolls) on the badly outnumbered Pontic army. It was over the next day, as we saw earlier (56/17497 Roman, 8,000/8,000 Pontic casualties). Legio IX then headed to Taurica to fulfil the latest Senatorial mission, arriving there on 5 April.

After a very long siege (441 days) the great walls of Crete finally fell to C.F. Gurges on 1 May. He was soon boarding ships that would take his 4,000 men all the way up to Alazones as part of the ‘total conquest’ strategy Rome was now prosecuting.

Legio IX slaughtered 1,000 unlucky Pontic recruits for no loss in Taurica on 4 May, but were otherwise untroubled. Then on 29 May, a regiment of Pontic horse archers arrived in Olbia, but they would be unable to assault the walls even if they wanted to. Even so, a detachment of four cohorts (about 3,000 men) was sent from Taurica to deal with them, under the command of a senior centurion.

Peiphigi finally fell on 10 June after a mammoth 481 days of siege, allowing M.C. Rufinus to take Legio VI towards the main front in Asia Minor. He would have a long march across Thrace and then over the Propontis to Bithynia.

Taurica fell on 1 August (121 day siege), fulfilling the Senate’s latest mission – the next was to take Tanais, where the Roman siege was already well progressed. Legio IX stayed in place at Taurica. A week later, Roman detachments were in Olbia (the Pontic horse archers had fled north into barbarian country, avoiding battle) and Alazones, where the troops were investing the walls. And massacring recruits a few weeks later (93/2,678 Roman, 1,000/1,000 Pontic casualties).

21 September saw Tanais fall (281 day siege) and finally, the Senate decreed a non-territorial mission.

On 20 October, Legio IV was boarding the ships for their next assignment: heading south down to Trapezus, while the main legions in Asia Minor kept watch on the still-active 1st Stratos. But the enemy fleet (20 ships) appeared in Mare Cimmericum on 30 October, forcing the four-ship flotilla back to the safety of Tanais. Classis IV (53 ships) feinted towards the enemy, who were soon dashing back to port in Trapezus. Classis III (31 ships) was now fully repaired and headed to relieve Classis IV in Pontus Euxine, the latter pushing on to Mare Cimmericum, which was now considered ‘home waters’ after the occupation of Pontus. Legio IV once more set sail for Trapezus, its path now well secured.

The next challenge to Rome in this sector came not from Pontus, but an invasion of Olbia by the Neuri tribe on 24 November. Fortunately, they had been detected beforehand and S.C. Maximus arrived with the main body of Legio IX after five days of fighting, putting the result out of danger after the four cohorts in occupation had held out against around 8,000 barbarians. Victory came on 6 December (622/19,248 Roman, 2,859/7,994 Neuri casualties).

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July – December 583 – Asia Minor

In the main theatre, Pontic lead elements (1st Stratos, G. Alcetid) had arrived in Bithynia by 3 July 583 and were laying siege to the walls. A new army, Timoleon Alcetid’s 3rd Stratos (troop strength unknown) was in Roman Phrygia and marching to meet them. Classis II (now repaired) was in the Propontis, to prevent any Pontic forces from sneaking across into Thracia before Legio VI could get there from Peiphigi. At that point, the situation in the east was as below.

In response, Legio V was heading to Phrygia as a cut-off, while Legio I was on its way to Paphlagonia. The plan was to bottle up the last meaningful Pontic forces on Roman territory and destroy them, while the last Pontic provinces were mopped up separately. Legio VI would come in from the north.

On 6 July, 1st Stratos was joined by 3rd Stratos and the two Alcetids began assaulting the walls of Bithynia with what appeared to be around 18,000 men between them, prompting Crassus to change tack and take Legio V straight to the relief of the great Roman stronghold. This worked, spooking the enemy to abandon the assault on 9 July, both Alcetids heading for Phrygia.

When Legio V then switched back to Phrygia, 1st Stratos stopped again and once more laid siege to Bithynia on 10 July, but 3rd Stratos maintained course for Phrygia – for a while. They stopped again on 1 August and then joined 1st Stratos in another assault on the walls. By 2 August, the assault continued but it didn’t look like the combined Pontic armies had the morale to see it through. It was at this point (as mentioned in the previous section) that Taurica fell and the Senate proclaimed its new mission to take Tanais.

The Pontic assault on Bithynia ran out of steam on 8 August – with the garrison still numbering 1,437 and looking secure enough. Legio V maintained course for Phrygia and arrived there on 13 August. Legio VI were in Thracia by 26 August and began crossing the Propontis to Bithynia, though that would take them until mid-October. Legio I made it to Paphlagonia on 9 September and commenced their own advance on Bithynia.

But Legio V had the shortest march from Phrygia and it was decided that Crassus (Martial 8) would strike first. His cross-river attack began on 22 September, with Crassus ceding a small ability differential to the Pontic commander Giolchos Alcetid (Martial 9). But Pontic morale had not recovered much from their assault on Bithynia and Crassus got off to a strong start (+1.5 net die roll). He had won the battle a week later (973/19,679 Roman, 1,487/16,470 Pontic casualties).

Crassus, now with a larger numerical and morale advantage, immediately pursued the Alcetids to Pergamon, where battle was joined on 31 October. Crassus once more got off to a strong start, but Giolchos Alcetid began to fight back, the tactical advantage going to and fro until 18 November, when Pontus began to push the Romans back, despite the odds. Old fears of Pontic tactical miracles - going all the way back to the days of Pyrrhus - began to plague Roman morale.

Giolchos Alcetid maintained a tactical edge for the rest of the battle, but it was not strong enough in the end to turn the tables. It had been a little closer than hoped for or expected, but Crassus triumphed in the end, at some cost. And it would prove to be the last serious resistance Pontus would be able to muster in the war.

While this was playing out, Legio VI had crossed into Asia Minor and made it down to Seleucid Lydia as a cut-off by 2 December, while Legio I was in Phrygia. So on 6 December, the last Pontic army had no choice but to retreat back to Bithynia. Consul Barbula with Legio I would intercept them there. By this time, Rome needed 15,376 replacements from a reserve of 141,000 men.

On 7 December, Legio IV’s four cohorts began landing in Trapezus and would arrive there by the 20th. Only Alazones (13% siege progress) and Trapezus remained unoccupied by Rome.

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January-August 584 – The Pontic War Concludes

The final Pontic resistance was crushed in Bithynia from 2-9 January 584 AUC. Despite a fierce last stand, Barbula saw the remnants of both the Pontic armies destroyed (442/27,022 Roman, 3,320/3,320 Pontic casualties).

This was Barbula’s last significant act as Consul. The election on 12 February 584 returned Q.A. Papus to power for a second term. H eshould be a highly charismatic Religious leader for what should be a period of peace once Pontus was brought to the bargaining table. And omens, which had been failing for the last few years (see the summary in Part IV below) should have more chance of succeeding.

Papus was soon confronted with a peace proposal from Pontus. This time they were more serious and the Senate would have been happy enough to accept it - but Papus was not. A complete victory was in sight; the hard work had been done: Rome would reap the full reward.

The Neuri returned for another crack at Olbia on 6 March – but this time it ended in disaster for the barbarians in three days, though after a hard enough fight with Legio IX, still led by S.C. Maximus (907/19,150 Roman, 11,055/11,055 casualties, 0.8 slave pops taken).

Legio IV’s Det II began landing at to reinforce the siege of Trapezus on 18 April, as Legio IX started marching to the newly settled Pontic province of Navari. The siege in Alazones was approaching completion.

Legio IX arrived in Navari on 6 June. Finding only 300 men in the garrison, they assaulted the walls on 10 June and had won the siege by the 12th, losing just 24 men doing it.

By now, Rome just wanted the war to be over. Legio VI (M.C. Rufinus) joined the Legio IV detachments in Trapezus (38% siege progress) on 10 July and began an assault on the 2,000 man garrison. It took until 29 July to finish the attack, during which the 30,000 man assaulting force lost 675 troops. Probably less than they would have suffered in attrition during a prolonged siege.

Sadly for him, before the war could be concluded the Naval Prefect of Classis III was unlucky enough to succumb to poor health after a long illness.

The siege of Alazones finished on 10 August after 364 days (bringing the warscore to 100%). The peace negotiations were short and sharp, Rome finalising their occupation of the lands south of the Danube, taking the islands of Crete and Rhodes before Egypt might take them in the future and adding the province of Paphlagonia to the Republic’s territory.

Pontic War campaign summary, January 582 to August 584 AUC.

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Part IV: General Summaries and Themes – 581 to 584 AUC

The only two infrastructure builds during the period were by local Governors (irrigation and a forum) and no new land or naval units were built. But two technology advances were made in this period – important events that only tended to occur every 15 years or so.

A number of provinces became fully Romanised during the period – some former colonies, others conquered from others: Scordisci (28 February 583), Massyli (7 May 583), Marcomanni (2 July 584) and Ikosim (29 July 584).

The consolidation of cohorts during the Pontic war had reduced the total in the Roman Army by 17, from 202 to 185. The advisers noted that more troops needed to be raised at the armies of Egypt now outnumbered them by 33%. Roman manpower sat at 139,000 on 12 August 584, with only 4,634 replacements needed and 2,439 men being recruited each month.

Omens during the recent period were most inauspicious, whether under Barbula or more recently Papus.

In April 584, following the failure of the third omen in a row, the cursus honorum was used to promote an elderly Religious faction member, D.C. Maximus as Censor, fulfilling the latest Senate mission and making G.P. Albinus available for future command positions. Due to his complete lack of charisma, M.C. Maximus was replaced as Pontifex Maximus by another elderly but charismatic Populist, Caisaros Mandonid. This would improve the likelihood of the next omen succeeding (if Mandonid lived to see it). M.C. Maximus – one of the most talented military officers of his generation – would have to wait for the next vacant Censor’s position to continue his own path to promotion.

The Senate once again insisted on a new mission – this time they were pushing the republic towards war with their former ally Egypt. A dangerous path, but one that ten years was allowed to fulfil.

The religious faction still dominated the Senate, with 46 members. The Mercantile party had 18, the Military boosted by recent events to 17, followed by the Civic and Populist groupings on nine each. Unusually, all three front-runners for the next consulship were currently from the Mercantile party.

All these questions lay ahead of the current leader of the Republic as he contemplated peace and next moves.

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Finis

Bullfilter · May 16, 2021

Chapter XCVII: Hastening Slowly
(12 August 584/169 BC to 12 February 590/163 BC)

Foreword

The manpower reserves rebuilt after the Great Eastern War were not too badly depleted after another gruelling campaign against Pontus at the behest of the Senate, which ended with a favourable peace treaty on 12 August 584 AUC (169 BC).

The charismatic [11] but militarily inept [1] Quintus Aemilius Papus of the Religious faction began his second term as Consul on 12 February that same year. The rest of his term would likely be dedicated to consolidation, rebuilding and settlement of barbarian frontier lands. Though those barbarians, rebels and the possible vagaries of other countries may well change that.

Note: this time, I’m covering a longer period, so will take a more history book approach and deal with each Consular term as a separate section. And I have omitted some details or am holding them over into an annex to this chapter.

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Part I: The Second Consulship of Quintus Aemilius Papus (cont.)

Late 584 AUC (169 BC)

As Humphronius glided into Papus’ tablinum, Bernardius in tow, he had that infuriatingly slick, smug and rather insincere look on his face that Papus had come to know so well in his time as a Consul.

“So, you come bearing unctuous advice for me, do you Humphronius?” offered Papus with a wry smile.

Humphronius only faltered a moment. The smile never changed, but his eyes did narrow slightly with his habitual rat cunning.

“Indeed, should your esteemed ears wish to hear it from such a humble vessel as I, Consul,” Humphronius responded carefully, with fake cheeriness.

“Oh yes, yes, I’m just teasing, Humpy,” chuckled Papus. Humphronius’ eyes narrowed again; Bernardius actually winced. “I presume you have some words of wisdom about the period of peace that now sits before us after our glorious victory over the vile Pontus?”

“Quite so, Consul,” said Humphronius, regaining his stride. “My guidance would be to hasten slowly, Consul, regarding the Senate’s latest demand to seize Nassamones from our erstwhile Allies, the Egyptians. Their army and navy are powerful, their manpower reserves large again. We should quickly get about building up our forces to sufficient strength to take them on and still be able to hold our frontiers simultaneously. But that will take years, not months, Consul.”

An analysis of current known Egyptian strength followed. The Egyptians had four armies in the West totalling an estimated 114 regiments, spread from Hispania via Carthage to the eastern border. Rome currently had only 20 cohorts in Hispania and another 18 in Africa.

The main revolt risk would be in the more recently acquired provinces (whether by settlement or conquest) of course – almost all of them in the East. Speaking of the East, the Egyptian armies visible there via Rome’s Seleucid allies were laid out on another map.

Rome currently had far more of their strength there of course, following the recent conflicts. Orders were immediately issued to begin bringing troops still on Pontic soil back to Roman territory. The two half-legions of four cohorts each in Trapezus would shortly use their affiliated transport fleets to begin sailing to Africa.

The Navy would also begin to redeploy from the Euxine Sea, Classis III for repairs in Thracia, Classis IV to its new base on Crete.

Next came a review of Roman reserve manpower and current military strength. Even after 15,000 were sent to begin training in new cohorts, 124,000 remained in the reserve, though some losses from the war still needed to be made up. Fourteen new ships were laid down. This rate of effort would be sustained in the months and indeed years to come.

“It has been a busy but fruitful day, Humphronius,” concluded Papus as the last order was issued. “I think we could all do with some relaxation – and perhaps a little libation?”

“Yes, Consul!” replied Humphronius and Bernardius in unison. Soon all three were drinking their watered wine from ornate goblets.

Some colonisation options soon came up in mid-August. Settlers could be sent to Tyras, north of the recently taken Piephigi, immediately. But a significant barbarian presence in Buridavensi, to its west, would have to be flushed out first. That would have to wait for the armies to return from Pontic Olbia and Alazones.

A report from the Fetial Priests showed Roman relations with Dacia and Massilia were very strong and good with the Parisii, Seleucids and even Egypt.

A busy August ended with a promising future general being appointed Censor. In the Senate, Mercantile influence was on the rise, with them now equal to the Military party in Senate influence and the top three early favourites for the next Consulship all from the Mercantile faction.

A small barbarian revolt broke out in Ilercavones (Hispania) on 2 November, with Legio III Det II (six cohorts under S.A. Barbula) being sent to subdue the Laietani before they did any real damage. While they were on the march, the first round of new recruits in Hispania (where there was plenty of iron for recruiting principes) finished training and began the long trek to Leptis Magna. Many thousands of men would follow a similar path there or to Hippo Regius in the coming months and years.

The same day, the first of the cohorts in Trapezus began loading for their sea voyage to the same location. The following day, Legio IX (eleven cohorts under S.C. Maximus) arrived in Piephigi and headed straight to neighbouring Buridavensi for some barbarian-baiting.

Around this time, an outbreak of knife violence began that was to worsen during the next few years. Other than a few nondescript citizens being murdered by rivals (not mentioned in this chronicle), this plague began striking at some key commanders and officials, depriving the Republic of some talented individuals. The first to fall was poor old D.C. Maximus, commander of Classis II. His murderess must have bribed one of the crew to cut his throat as the fleet sailed through the Propontis on its way to Crete. Thus his reward for a long lifetime of service to the Republic.

As the old Admiral gurgled out his last, the restive provinces to the north and south rose in revolt. In Pergamon, M.O. Crassus was already in place to fight a large uprising. For Tomis, the ‘rump’ of Legio IX in Piephigi combined with a small force just returned from Alazones to form a new Legio II and G.P. Albinus was put in charge to tackle the rebels.

Over in Hispania, S.A. Barbula made short work of the rebels in Ilercavones from 2-4 December (Rome 74/6,000; Laietani 3,000/3,000 killed).

Legio VI (M.C. Rufinus) made it back from Pontus to Paphlagonia on the 8th, the same day Crassus won the battle of Pergamon and dispersed the rebels (Rome 618/24,000; Rebels 5,265/14,000 killed).

The new colony of Treveri was founded on 13 December and Legio III moved to re-unite in Lingones as the garrison for northern Gaul.

The new colony in Tyras was founded just three days later. Then Albinus (Legio II) had a workmanlike victory against the rebels in nearby Tomis on 30 December (Rome 589/7,488; Rebels 1,661/5,000 killed) to end an eventful month and year.

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585 AUC (168 BC)

The big army expansion program continued on 1 January 585, with another 14 cohorts (111,000 manpower remaining) put under training on 1 January [specific builds won’t be dealt with in detail from here]. On 6 January, the new Legio XI was formed in Leptis Magna on the Egyptian border, with the maimed but still fairly young and effective S.C. Primus called back to the Eagles.

Pannonia became a full Roman province on 31 January as the Republic gradually consolidated its new territories – which would also lift its general manpower pool (reliant on Roman culture being present in a province to contribute troops to the manpower total). At that point, Bernardius discovered stockades had not yet been ordered for Treveri and Tyras. An oversight he soon rectified.

Dacia was once again a ‘neighbour in trouble’ on 23 February but Rome, ever supportive of its tributary, sent the requested 25 gold talents over without a second thought. The same day, the first of the contingents from Trapezus arrived by sea in Leptis Magna to join Legio XI (now six cohorts).

The next excitement came in early April, when 8,000 Beni warriors rose in Buridavensi to confront their Roman tormentors (S.C. Maximus, Legio IX). It was all over by the 5th (Rome 554/11,000; Beni 8,000/8,000 killed). Roman settlers were soon on their way to the now pacified but still restive barbarian province.

On 18 April, Hermunduri (at the source of the Danube) became available for colonisation – and there was no local barbarian threat to pacify. More settlers soon set out.

With things going well, a formidable Pontifex Maximus and a religious Consul in charge, Papus decided to risk calling for the Blessing of Cupid, hoping to aid the inexorable drive for increased manpower – and it paid off.

Legio XI grew to 12 cohorts on 24 April with the arrival of the second Trapezus force in port.

The focus of attention then switched to Hispania in May, when a large barbarian force was spotted heading towards Lusitani on the 9th. Legio X was sent to deal with them, but the Veteres arrived first and soon assaulted the walls – very unsuccessfully, costing men and ruining their morale.

In the East, in early July Barbula was despatched ‘the long way round’ through Seleucia and Egypt to join Legio XI on the Roman border with Egypt – more ‘hastening slowly’. It would also be a chance to see what armies the Egyptians may have in their interior.

The period of extended peace did not please some, however: on 20 July one of the mercenary cohorts in Ilercavones began fighting each other, causing it to desert from the Roman army. With attention thus on that province, the detachment of Legio III there, commanded by S.A. Barbula, was renamed Legio XII (seven cohorts) and would be built up over time, ready to aid Legio X against the Egyptian army in southern Hispania when the time came.

On 4 August, the colony of Buridavensi was founded – and this time Bernardius ensured a new stockade was commenced straight away. Three days later, it was advised the residual loyalty ‘Bribula’ – on the road with Legio I in Pisidia at that point – had ebbed away again, requiring two bribes of 25 gold each [+15 and +16 loyalty] to buy back his fulsome allegiance [to 77.1%].

The colony of Hermunduri was founded on 17 August and a stockade started there too. The relatively peaceful expansion of Rome’s northern frontier along the Rhine and Danube continued. That day things were far less peaceable in Lusitani, where M.J. Bubulcus (Legio X) expertly ambushed the still demoralised Veteres and had them running north again by 30 August (Rome 123/18,000; Veteres 4,798/15,197 killed). Bubulcus awaited in a relieved Lusitani for their inevitable return – and defeat.

A small barbarian revolt in the newly settled Tyras broke out on 30 August, with Legio II in Tomis sent north to wipe out the rebellious scum.

After a few quiet months, by 2 October 585 the army had grown by 29 cohorts to 214, with the reserve numbering 117,000. Five days later another 25 gold was sent to Dacia, which seemed regularly ‘in trouble’ these days. People started to wonder whether one of Bribula’s agents may have set up shop there!

The next battle in Lusitani was straightforward but a bit closer than the last, beginning with a vigorous Veteres assault on 17 October. However, it was won easily enough by Bubulcus five days later (533/19,000; Veteres 2,350/10,059 killed). Soon afterwards (22 October to 1 November), G.P. Albinus’ Legio II dispersed the rebels in Tyras (Rome 289/8,758; Rebels 716/2,000 killed).

But the big news of late 585 was a report from the Parisii of a massive Anglii invasion of their northern coastal province of Atrebates on 13 November. Up to 35,000 barbarian tribesmen were currently ravaging the countryside and would surely start moving south after they were done there. The Parisii army of only eight regiments would not be able to stop them. A shuffle of legions from the east to the west began. L.A. Barbula with Legio III started moving to Carnutes (which had good defensive terrain with a river on its northern boundary) to guard the Roman border. If he was defeated, Legio VIII would have to deal with the Anglii – but they had a long march over from Pannonia.

In Hispania, Bubulcus wiped out the last of the Veteres warband in Lusitani in a slaughter on 21 December (Rome 203/20,000; Veteres 7,369/7,369 killed), ending that barbarian campaign as an even larger one beckoned in northern Gaul the following year.

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Early 586 AUC (167 BC)

By mid-January 586, the Anglii had sacked Atrebates and were due to arrive south in Parisii itself on 27 January – a week before the Parisii army could escape west to Aulerci. The menace was slowly drawing closer.

On 22 January, the still leaderless Classis II (75 ships) had finished its repairs in Thracia and headed south to join Classis IV in Crete.

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Part II: The Consulship of Lucius Aemilius Barbula

586 AUC (167 BC)

L.A. Barbula, in the field commanding Legio III as he waited to face the huge Anglii invasion of northern Gaul, was elected Consul on 12 February 586 AUC, confounding earlier expectations of a Mercantile win. The Romans still loved a successful general as leader.

A check confirmed he was not a direct relation of T.A. ‘Bribula’ Barbula. His one brother was also called T.A. Barbula, but served as the Navy Quaestor. A confusing surfeit of Barbulas!

The Dacians once again had their hands out on 24 February, but with 5,755 gold talents in the Aerarium, 25 for their loyal tributaries was but a mere flea-bite. And it promised to bail Dacia out and improve relations further. That day, S.M. Vitulus, commanding Classis IV, integrated the ships of Classis II in Crete, giving him a battle fleet of 136 ships. Then Arevaci in Hispania was ‘Romanised’ two days later.

In northern Gaul, by late March the Parisii’s main army had been destroyed, Parisii itself sacked, after which the Anglii had turned west to Aulerci. Consul Barbula shadowed them with Legio III, marching west to Bituriges, another good defensive position. Legio VIII was still weeks away in Vindelicia.

Ilercavones became the next fully Romanised province in Hispania on 3 April as local barbarian power there declined. A new temple was commenced to celebrate the milestone [NB: I'm not mentioning most routine builds]. Two days later, Bribula and Legio I was in Sinai and sent a despatch advising the Egyptians had an army of 15 regiments based in Alexandria.

On 27 April, the assassination plague continued with the murder of the elderly Pontifex Maximus Caisaros Mandonid by another female plotter. He was replaced by the former Consul and current Religious faction leader Q.A. Papus [Charisma 11]. Despite his enthusiasm and stature, he rightly judged that the murder of a Pontifex just before the annual omen was due was indeed a poor indication. The ‘safe’ (under the circumstances) invocation of Vulcan was made – and failed – on 2 May, justifying his caution.

A few days later, T.A. Barbula reported from Alexandria that there was another Egyptian army of 25 regiments stationed in reserve to the west of Alexandria in Marmarica. As it happened, it would be his last report – ever. Less than a month later he would be dead at the hands of an Egyptians assassin, hired by a rival in Rome [more details at the end of the section]. Rome had lost one of its greatest ever generals to yet another grubby murder. It was enough to make his kinsman and Consul cry in frustration.

In northern Gaul, the Anglii had sacked Aulerci and – as expected – turned south towards the Roman border province of Bituriges. But Consul L.A. Barbula had arrived there first and had set up a strong defence, in forested country behind a river. And it was just as well. Though low on morale (no doubt from assaulting Parisii towns), the Anglii leader Andica Dagaricid was just as brilliant a tactician as Barbula. He began with a heavy numerical advantage and launched a withering assault on the Roman lines. After that, the battle swung to and fro and as May ended, the Anglii were still fighting hard and the casualties mounted on both sides.

For the rest of the battle, Barbula could never quite get the edge over Dagaracid tactically. But better morale, training and equipment got the Romans over the line. And the drawn out nature of the battle meant the Anglii suffered terribly for their persistence. Given the bad rub of the green and being outnumbered almost two-to-one, Barbula’s victory was one of the great Roman triumphs over barbarian invaders. Dagaracid would be back, but with almost 11,000 fewer troops.

And almost three months later, the Anglii were indeed back and Legio III was still outnumbered, though by only around 4,000 men this time. The battle only lasted ten days and by 25 August, after a tactically even exchange, the demoralised Anglii were once again bested by Roman strength of arms and discipline (Rome 926/14,459; Anglii 6,340/18,377 killed). With this latest victory, Legio VIII – by then just to the east in Carnutes – was no longer needed and was sent back to take up a garrison position at the source of the Rhine in Vindelicia.

Piephigi became culturally Roman on 31 August as the restive eastern regions were slowly integrated into the wider Republic. By early September 2,514 men were being recruited each month. With new unit raising, attrition and casualties fighting barbarians, the reserve stood at 112,000 men. Just a few days later, another auxiliary unit – this time with Legio VII in Hippo Regius – deserted. Not that this worried Rome too much, which was no longer actively recruiting such units.

What proved to be the final battle against the Anglii at Bituriges played out from 4-22 November. Another tactically even fight between the two wily generals allowed Roman superiority to win out (Rome 546/14,945; Anglii 7,980/11,693 killed). The Anglii never returned: whether they just melted away or the remnants were ambushed and destroyed by a rebuilt Parisii army was never discovered, but soon after the Parisii were free of occupation.

A very busy year of military engagements finished with a Dulgumnii warband spotted in Apulia (Dacia’s western province). Legio IX set out from Scordisci to intercept them.

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587 AUC (166 BC)

Legio I finally ended its long march through Egypt on 26 January 587 AUC – a trek it had begun on 3 July 585, with T.A. Barbula in charge. It arrived in Laguatan and was greeted by their new Legate: Mettius Carvilius Maximus, at 31 years old a recent graduate of the cursus honorum who had just finished his term as one of the Censors. He was a brilliant commander [9 Martial], had no personality [0 Charisma] and reasonable finesse [6]. He was foolish, dumb, modest, suspicious and blunt ... but 100% loyal. He should do well!

It was just as well S.C. Maximus had headed off when he did, because the Dulgumnii had marched south and now attacked Legio IX in Autariatae on 6 February. Or blundered into them and were disastrously ambushed, because the battle was over in a single day with the barbarians destroyed (Rome 50/11,000; Dulgumnii 7,447/7,447 killed).

On 3 May, Barbula decided to risk invoking Cupid again and, with the help of the charismatic Q.A. Papus, it was a success. The chickens once again ruled the roost and ate, rather than being eaten. The Augurs feasted instead on ocelot spleens, leopard nipples and various other noisome (to modern tastes) ‘delicacies’ that night.

However, M.J. Bubulcus, Legate of Legio X in Hispania, was now the author of yet another murder plot, arranging for the knifing of the Naval Prefect of Classis I, P.A. Papus [more details at the end of the section]. A replacement (S.M. Vitulus) was appointed, but had little skill for the job [3 Martial]. There was pretty much no one left and fleet commands seemed to attract assassins.

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Early 588 AUC (165 BC)

On 25 January 588, the two main Roman fleets swapped bases: Classis I (69 ships) from Sardinia to Crete, and Classis IV (T.A. Regulus, 142 ships) from Crete to Sardinia: his mission to destroy the 96 Egyptian ships based in Turdetani in Hispania should war break out.

As L.A. Barbula prepared to hand over to his successor on 12 February, he sadly contemplated the list of major figures who had been assassinated during his term, chief among them his expensive but brilliant and distinguished kinsman, T.A. Barbula, brought low by the accursed N.F. Pictor. Though to be fair, Bribula had been trying to kill Pictor too, but had been beaten to the punch. Who would the assassin’s knife strike next?

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Part III: The Consulship of Publius Valerius Laevinus

588 AUC (165 BC)

P.V. Laevinus, from the growing but comparatively small Civic faction, was the surprise winner of the Consular election of 588 AUC. He was competent and presented well, though was not a good military commander. Hopefully this would prove a good balance for another peacetime Consul.

At that time, the Religious party still dominated the Senate (44), followed by the Mercantile (25), Civic (12), Military and Populist factions (9 each).

On 6 March, Legio XIII was formed in Rusadir to counter the Egyptian army in Tingis. Laevinus appointed himself to the command.

“Very courageous, Consul,” murmured Humphronius when the Consul informed him. Laevinus regarded him with a fishy eye.

“Though I’m sure XIII will prove to be your lucky number!”, Humphronius added hastily. Laevinus was not convinced by this.

A colonisation opportunity came up in Brigantia (Hispania) in late March, but there was a significant barbarian presence (10 pops) there to be flushed out. S.A. Barbula was sent with Legio XII to taunt them. By then, Legio X was on station in Olisippo, eyeing the Egyptians in Cynetes. Then in early April, I.A. Dives took 10,000 men of Legio VIII with him to stir things up in Chatti, leaving the rest of his legion back on the border in Turones. The push over the Rhine into Germania was on.

The good harvests of the year before were soon forgotten when famine struck after the failure of the annual omen. At least the priests had a roast chicken meal that evening before the hunger took hold.

A few weeks later, the “Admirals’ Curse” struck again – right between the shoulder blades of Naval Prefect Regulus of Classis IV! There was simply no point promoting them any more.

Another 25 gold was shipped to Dacia on 1 June – and this time it raised the relationship to its apex [+25 points to 200 max]. Their loyalty as a useful sink hole for luring barbarians along the Danube would remain undoubted.

S.A. Barbula reached Vettones on 22 June and split off 10,000 troops of his now 23,000-strong legion to take with him to Brigantia, not wanting to expose more troops than necessary to the attrition he knew would follow in the primitive country [supply limit max 3]. He hoped he would have enough men left to defeat the barbarians when they finally rose as he pulled into Brigantia with his ten cohorts on 2 July [5% attrition/month].

Things were quiet until September, when the Seleucids launched a quick war to liquidate the last Parthian enclave. It was all over in less than two months and Rome was never asked to join it.

The Luggones rose in Brigantia in early December and proved a bigger handful than the slightly outnumbered Romans had hoped, though a victory was still had. They would remain a problem for a few months yet.

Back in the East, on 19 December 4,000 Dioni warriors revolted in still-touchy Buridavensi. Legio II was sent from Tyras to administer the traditional Roman justice: harsh and summary.

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589 AUC (164 BC)

With the Luggones temporarily to the north and on their way back to Lusitani now rather than Brigantia, settlers were sent to the latter on 2 February 589 AUC to get the latest Hispanian colony started. Meanwhile, the rest of Legio XII (13 cohorts) that had been left in Vettones were given a temporary and not very competent commander (former Consul M.C. Lepidus, Martial 1) and set off to intercept the barbarians while the rest of Legio XII guarded Brigantia.

On 6 February, G.P. Albinus (Legio II) made short work of the rebel Dioni in Buridavensi, wiping them out in a day (Rome 294/14,000; Dioni 4,000/4,000 killed).

It wasn’t until 15 March that Lepidus [Martial 1] arrived to find the Luggones already in Lusitani. He attacked, but made a rather poor showing, repeatedly outmanoeuvred by his opponent Caisaros Ambonid [Martial 5]. A victory was found, but only after disproportionate Roman casualties had been suffered (Rome 3,002/13,000; Luggones 2,190/6,708 killed).

In mighty Roma, once more the Merry Month of May brought back the Blessing of Cupid after the previous harsh year.

The next battle against the Luggones in Lusitani was far briefer and less bloody than the last, the Romans winning on 3 June after only four days of fighting (Rome 283/11,211; Luggones 347/4,518 killed). With Brigantia successfully colonised the same day, Legio XII could be now re-united in Lusitani – under a more competent commander.

3 June also saw the Chatti tribe rise in Chatti – and the veteran I.A. Dives showed how it was done against the unfortunate Germans in just five days (Rome 23/10,000; Chatti 1,478/5,000 killed).

Legio XII was re-united in Lusitani under S.A. Barbula [no star but competent at Martial 5] on 13 July. Comfortably in time for the next Luggones attack, which was all over in a day on 2 August (Rome 55/20,481; Luggones 3,971/3,971 killed), ending the campaign. Also that day, Chatti was temporarily free of barbarians and colonists were sent to the wild border region.

Another new colonisation prospect soon came up, this time in Taurisci, up until then a barbarian salient into Roman territory on the south of the Upper Danube. There was a strong barbarian presence there [13 pops] to be lured out. Legio IX (S.C. Maximus, 11,000 men) was given the task on 13 August.

Meanwhile, the Chatti tribe returned to their home ground on 19 September but were again soundly beaten by Dives over four days, who wiped them out with very little fuss (Rome 12/10,000; Chatti 3,522/3,522 killed).

In mid-October a tribe of 6,000 Orniacos rebelled in Lusones and the full Legio XII was sent across to ‘do the honours’. Over in Taurisci, the Lingones rose almost as soon as Maximus arrived, with a battle fought out between 5-17 November. The Roman legate used his much better tactical skill to win a no-fuss victory (Rome 230/11,000; Lingones 4,994/12,000 killed).

A minor rebellion in Tyras, where Legio II was garrisoned, saw the 1,000 Odomanti warriors killed the day they took up arms on 2 December, for no Roman loss. The same day, the Roman colonists arrived in Chatti, their first task being to begin work on a stockade.

Next came a seemingly minor diplomatic incident that, against the will of Consul Laevinus, would ultimately lead to the alliance with the Seleucids being broken. They had declared war on the hapless Colchis on 24 December and Pontus soon followed them in. But Rome held off, hoping the Seleucids would not call them to arms.

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Early 590 AUC (163 BC)

But the call to arms eventually arrived on 4 January 590. Although Laevinus put off replying for a few weeks – ‘hastening slowly’ – letting it expire would amount to a rejection anyway. Laevinus finally asked the Senate to approve a Roman declaration, purely for expediency, so as not to risk the alliance over such a minor matter. But the Senate was intransigent in not supporting a Seleucid war of aggression (a poor precedent for Rome, one would have thought) and vetoed the declaration on 21 January, leaving the Consul no choice in the matter.

The Seleucids responded by deeming the alliance voided, declaring Roman infamy and lowering mutual relations, although existing trade and military access rights remained in force.

Over in Hispania, S.A. Barbula led Legio XII to the attack on the Orniacos in Lusones on 10 January, outnumbering the lightly armed tribesmen by almost four-to-one. It did him no good and he was thoroughly outmatched by his more wily opponent for twenty days, until sheer force of numbers and Roman discipline finally overcame the tenacious barbarians. It was a victory – but a disastrous one in terms of Roman blood needlessly shed.

On 30 January, scouts from Legio IX reported the Lingones had turned around in Quadi and had picked up reinforcements while there. They would be returning with 16 regiments, though of course many of them would still be be under-strength. Legio IX had 10,732 men by then and prepared their defences. They were confident enough to still order the colonists forward, who would arrive on 30 May 590: hopefully not to find a bunch of filthy and angry barbarians in charge!

In recent years, foreign trade had expanded as Rome did, in addition to internal commerce. Both Massilia and the Seleucids had offered deals that had been readily accepted.

And two more major technology advances had occurred in recent years, though no immediate bonus effects were expected from them. The next advances would, as usual, take many years to research.

On the Republic's frontiers in the north and east, a mixture of barbarian invasions and risings, plus some rebellions in the east, had fluctuated in intensity from year to year during the last three Consulships since the end of the war with Pontus.

The biggest challenge had been the Anglii invasion of Parisii and northern Gaul in 586 (167 BC), but otherwise the fighting had been relatively easy for the Roman legions engaged. Rome had expanded into four new border provinces and consolidated its grip on those gained recently.

Northern and Eastern Rome, August 584 to February 590 AUC.

The fighting in Hispania had been far more bloody for Rome, with the major invasions of the Veteres in Lusitani in 585 and the Luggones, roused in Brigantia in December 588 and then invading Lusitani in 589. And the recent bloody battle in Lusones had provided a nasty end-point for Laevinus' consulship.

Hispania, August 584 to February 590 AUC.

So things stood as the (qualified) citizens (Senators in-game) of Rome began to cast their ballots for the next Consul on 12 February 590 (163 BC).

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Endnote: There is a supplementary handover brief for the new Consul that I will provide as an annex to this chapter shortly, that gives a wider overview of where things stand, progress in military expansion and known Egyptian dispositions as the next Consul comes to office and contemplates Rome’s next moves. And perhaps stringent new knife-control laws to stop the cream of Rome’s military leadership from being assassinated!

§§§§§§§

Finis

Bullfilter · May 16, 2021

Chapter XCVII-A: Consular Election and Hand-over Brief
(12-14 February 590/163 BC)

The new Consul for 590 AUC was the same M.A. Lepidus who had just butchered his command in Lusitani the year before. It seemed it didn't matter how he had won - just that he had.

Helping him was the fact the Mercantile faction in the Senate was back in the ascendant, now eclipsing all but the ever-strong Religious party. And Lepidus had been one of the two Censors before being elected and in this case he simply swapped positions with the outgoing Consul Laevinus.

The progression of Consuls in recent years had been orderly, with no death in office since 576 AUC.

Lepidus came to power at a watershed in Rome's expansionary period. Until the recent alliance (now ended) with the new Seleucid Empire following the Great Eastern War that had broken the old Tripartite Pact, alliance with Egypt had been the foundation of Roman foreign policy.

Now, the Senate was agitating to begin clipping the Ptolemys' wings and the long-tolerated Egyptian enclaves in southern Hispania, Carthage and Malta were in Rome's sights. Almost six years of military renewal had now brought Rome to parity - or more - with Egypt along theor shared borders, noting Rome also had a vast northern frontier and an outpost in Asia Minor it must still defend.

The first report Humphronius and Bernardius presented came from the Army and Navy Quaestors. Since August 584, Rome's Army had grown in net terms by 101 cohorts and its troop support limit from 440 to 463. Manpower reserves had risen to 141,000 despite this massive recruiting campaign and losses to combat and attrition over these years. Monthly recruiting was now up to 2,570 men.

Meanwhile, the naval building program had seen the Navy grow by 65 from 171 to 237 ships during the same period.

Facing Rome in Hispania and Africa were the same Egyptian armies and strengths that had been deployed back in 584: they had sunk their manpower growth into the reserve, it seemed. But now Rome had 164,794 men (including Legio XII, currently fighting barbarians in Hispania) and against the estimated Egyptian strength there of 112,000 (not counting their reserve armies in Egypt proper).

In the East, the two forces were separated by either sea or the currently neutral Seleucid Empire (though Rome hoped to lure them back into alliance again before declaring war on Egypt). But a recent naval recon conducted in January before the Seleucid alliance broke down had (apart from verifying the reserve armies in Egypt were still in place) confirmed a very large Egyptian fleet - even bigger that the one in southern Hispania - was based in Alexandria. Some exchanges between the eastern and western Roman fleets would need to be considered, as would a renewed large fleet expansion, which had tapered off somewhat in the last year or two.

The position in the north remained stable, with veteran garrison legions stationed hopefully in large enough numbers and coverage to deal with any large barbarian invasions and war in Asia Minor (whether through Seleucia to Lycia and Lydia or Egypt proper). But unless in dire need, those numbers would need to be maintained to hold the north during any future war with Egypt.

Politically, the Senate's mission to 'conquer Nassamones' remained in force. It still had another four years or so to run, so fulfilling it was not yet urgent. Failing would lower national stability [by 1].

On the diplomatic front, the recent lapse in the Seleucid alliance could perhaps be repaired, whether that may require a few 'gifts' to be paid first was unclear. But waiting until the latest war with Colchis was over may help gain Senate approval to renegotiate it. The bad blood over Rome's failure to answer the recent call to arms still affected relations, though they were still improving again slowly.

At least Rome remained generally well liked and without obvious enemies!

The slow march of Roman research over the last century-plus and current appointments had conferred some bonuses for the Republic's armed forces and in other pursuits.

Bernardius also provided a comprehensive overview of Rome's religious and cultural make-up, the balance of resource production and the proportion of provinces that were not yet 'core' to the Roman patrimony.

"There you have it, Consul," concluded Humphronius. "We will await your guidance on where the Republic might venture next and when we might begin that journey."

"That is a lot to consume in one sitting, my dear Humphronius," replied the Consul. "Perhaps we might wash it down with a little drinky or two? I hear your cellar is very well stocked."

"Yes, yes and yes, Consul," beamed Humphronius.

Bullfilter · May 31, 2021

Chapter XCVIII: What are you Ptolemy?
(14 February 590/163 BC to 31 December 592/161 BC)

Foreword

Marcus Aemilius Lepidus had just been elected Consul on 12 February 590 AUC (163 BC). He took over the long work of preparing for the daunting war with the great Egyptian realm of the Ptolemies. Lepidus was by no means a military man, but had both finesse and charisma. It would be his job to guide the Republic on its next stage. Despite being the leader of the Mercantile party in the Senate, Lepidus was a devout man, which all hoped would help with the taking of the auspices.

Despite being 67 years old, he hoped for a full and successful magistracy. For Humphronius, the Consul’s character traits made him a difficult man to serve: Lepidus was proud, arbitrary, suspicious and deceitful. While Humphronius complained accordingly, Bernardius was by then too astute to blurt out the true but career-limiting observation that those traits could have aptly described Humphronius himself!

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Part I: The Consulship of Marcus Aemilius Lepidus

February-April 590 AUC (163 BC)

The first direction of the new Consul on 14 February was to resume large-scale shipbuilding, given recent revelations of the size of the two fleets the Egyptians held in both Hispania and at Alexandria (around a hundred ships in each). In addition to two triremes that were about eight weeks away from completion, another 18 keels were laid down all around the ports of the Republic. Most would take up to six months to complete.

Classis IV (Baleares, no Prefect) detached 26 ships to send east to Crete (Classis I, S.M. Vitulus), which had 81 ships at that time, which would leave Classis IV with 116. Both fleets would be topped up through the major new building program, until a good margin was to hand against the Egyptian navy at both ends of Our Sea.

On 12 March, the Lingones returned to Taurisci but were no match for S.C. Maximus (Legio IX), who had killed the majority of the tribesmen before they fled on 22 March (Rome 613/10,968; Lingones 6,201/11,006 killed). The Roman colonists, due to arrive soon, would be safe after all.

A revolt by a few thousand Allobroges warriors in Pictones broke out on 9 April. The nearby Legio III (L.A. Barbula, 17 cohorts) was sent to destroy the upstarts. But when the Orniacos in northern Hispania (fleeing from an earlier defeat by Rome further south) were seen heading for Volcae in southern Gaul, Barbula diverted south with nine cohorts to deal with them, while Consul Lepidus himself (no other Legate was spare) took a detachment of eight cohorts to “teach the barbarian swine the meaning of Roman justice”. He swore he would never be defeated by a “rag-tag bunch of hairy savages”.

And this prediction proved true – though not in the way Lepidus might have hoped.

He died ‘in the saddle’ on the road from Bituriges to Pictones on 18 April. Lepidus was succeeded at the ensuing special election by his successor as the leader of the Mercantile faction, Lucius Cornelius Scipio. Who, by a somewhat extraordinary coincidence, also had a reputation of being proud, arbitrary, suspicious and deceitful! [I double-checked, too!]

For once, Humphronius was speechless. And Bernardius again said nothing, though did smirk a little behind his hand.

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Part II: The Consulship of Lucius Cornelius Scipio

April-August 590 AUC (163 BC)

Scipio decided he should step right into Lepidus’ boots, as it were, and take over command of the detachment marching to confront the Allobroges. He was a slightly more competent commander than his predecessor had been [Martial 3 v 1 for Lepidus], but was hardly a convincing legate.

“I must say that is a remarkably courageous choice, Consul,” intoned a doleful Humphronius.

Bernardius almost cringed at this strong language.

“Bah, fear not, my good man, for I do not for myself!” Scipio proclaimed loudly and proudly. “With four times the number of troops up against a barbarian rabble, what is the problem? It’s my decision and that’s the end of it.”

“Yes, Consul,” said Humphronius, having done his duty as he saw it. He looked like a Pontifex officiating over the funeral rites of a family acquaintance.

The first event of Scipio’s term was the calling of the annual omen. And it didn’t go well. The aroma of roasting chicken was soon wafting through the temple where the poultry had refused to peck appropriately.

Ten days later it was time for Consul Scipio to face the barbarians in Pictones, who fielded just one regiment of light infantry and another of cavalry. Which, under the leadership of their brilliant warchief, proceeded to run rings around the hapless Scipio, as he blundered over a river to conduct his attack. In which Scipio himself – braver than he was competent – suffered a serious wound.

But he fought on regardless, despite a terrible roll of the metaphorical [for him; real for me] dice on 11 June. He gradually fought back and finally managed to win the battle which dragged all the way up to 7 July, despite a last-minute counter-charge by the wily Andecombogius Iacid.

And although Scipio’s wound would prove a permanent detriment to his command ability, he did learn well from his lesson in the small but epic Battle of Pictones. Though at the cost of more of his own men killed than the entire enemy army had fielded! When he heard the news, Humphronius could only muster a raised eyebrow and a slight shake of the head.

While that battle had been going, Taurisci was successfully settled by Rome on 31 May, as Legio IX waited for the inevitable return of the Lingones in mid-July. A few days later, Roman religious research progressed.

S.C. Maximus easily destroyed the last Lingones attack on Taurisci on 22 July, thus securing the new colony (Rome 110/12,970; Lingones 4,805/4,805 killed). That same day S.A. Barbula [Martial 5], commanding Legio XII in Hispania, became known as ‘Bribula Minor’ when his loyalty came into question. But in this case his recent exploits were enough to justify a triumph, with the 51 gold to pay for it gaining his unswerving (for now) loyalty [+50 to 97.6%]. He may not have been Rome’s brightest military star, but they needed every one they could get at that time.

L.A. Barbula [Martial 9] made it down to Volcae in late July, taking until 5 August to oust the well-led Orniacos [Luxinius Culchid, Martial 8] from their siege after a sharp battle (Rome 591/9,000; Orniacos 2,390/4,038 killed).

By mid-August, two marine detachments of four cohorts each were positioned in Argolis with two four-ship flotillas for amphibious operations in the Eastern Mediterranean against Egypt, when the call came. But more shipbuilding was deemed prudent, with another round of ships laid down as the previous order was completed and began sailing to their new bases. The declaration against Egypt would not be coming yet.

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September-December 590 AUC (163 BC)

After they retreated north, in early September 590 AUC the Allobroges mercifully turned to the territory of the Parisii. A privately relieved but outwardly contemptuous Consul Scipio was not troubled by them again.

At the end of September, Bribula Minor was called on to fulfil his obligations once more when a rebellion by the Paesuri erupted in nearby Sedetani (Hispania). He was soon on the march with 23,000 men to “sort the stinking savages out”.

Before that happened, the Orniacos returned for their final accounting with Legio III in Volcae, where L.A. (not Bribula) Barbula destroyed them on 7 October (Rome 337/8,967 killed; Orniacos 4,648/4,648 killed). On 24 October, Bribula Minor made light work of the Paesuri in Sedetani (Rome 27/23,000; Paesuri 1,812/6,000 killed).

All this barbarian irritation in the West was interrupted on 30 October by significant diplomatic news from the East: Pontus had won the final war against the doomed Colchis.

With the war (which the Seleucids had been involved in as allies of Pontus) over, Scipio sounded the Senate out about the prospects for renewing the Seleucid alliance. But they were not interested, with only his own Mercantile faction and some Military senators willing to back a proposal. A gift was sent instead to boost relations for when a future attempt became possible.

On 2 November, G.P. Albinus (Legio II, Tyras, 14 cohorts) was made aware of a large band of Budini (nine regiments) advancing on Dacia from the north. Knowing their tributary would be unable to handle them and that the barbarians would eventually threaten Roman territory, Albinus started marching west to intercept them.

Meanwhile, in northern Gaul rumours of a large barbarian invasion against the Parisii reached A.I. Dives (Legio VIII, 19 cohorts, Carnutes) on 10 November. The Parisii had just been defeated in their capital, which was immediately north of Carnutes. Dives soon had his men on the march to assist their Gallic tributary.

A colonising opportunity arose Astures (north-western Hispania) in early December and M.J. Bubulcus was soon taking a detachment of Legio X up there to see if it could be pacified and settled before the coming war with Egypt.

On 11 December, Dives attacked nine partly depleted regiments of the Teutones in Parisii, who were defending in forested terrain and behind a river [-2 die roll]. Dives had his victory by the 15th, though at some cost (Rome 360/19,000; Teutones 786/6,642 killed).

This was followed by the destruction of the Paesuri in Sedetani by Bribula Minor (Legio XII) on 17 December in the one and only ‘return bout’ of their rebellion (Rome 127/23,000; Paesuri 4,068/4,068 killed).

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January-June 591 AUC (162 BC)

The new year began with an irritating rebellion by 5,000 malcontents in Piephigi on 1 January 591 AUC. Albinus was about to attack the Budini in Daci at that point and heading south to Roman territory, so Albinus would have to bet the town walls of Piephigi could hold while he saw to the Budini first.

The Battle of Daci was fought from 22 to 29 January and proved a tough fight (Rome 958/14,000; Budini 2,827/8,832 killed). The barbarians started well [die roll 2 v 7] despite Albinus being the easily superior commander [Martial 7 v 2, +2.5 die roll]. He felt compelled to wait around for the return of the barbarian warband.

In early February, Roman agents in Egypt reported Ptolemies had a manpower reserve of 212,000 men, no alliances and a casus belli on Rome. They had just 41 gold in the treasury and retained a very stable government [+3 = max stability]. Rome’s manpower reserve was only 154,000 by that stage, so it was another reason to delay the start of any war, which was bound to be very expensive in lives.

On 23 February, the last serving Naval Prefect, S.M. Vitulus, died aged 49. Although a rival rejoiced in his demise, it was unclear what the cause of death was and whether it had been an assassination [no plot event was triggered, which you normally get with an assassination]. For now, no replacement was appointed to Classis I in Crete.

Early March brought a significant discovery that would give a great and permanent boost to all Roman research.

Onj 28 April, the Budini foolishly returned to Daci, onto the waiting gladii of Legio II: it was over in a day and the barbarians were duly destroyed (Rome 10/12,410; Budini 6,005/6,005 killed). This allowed Albinus to march his men back to relieve Piephigi from the rebels, who had advanced their siege in the interim [25%].

By 6 May the barbarian threat in Parisii had been extinguished (finished off by Rome’s tributary this time), so Legio VIII marched back to their new garrison station at Turones, in southern Germania.

As May ended, it was time for the national omen and the battle-scarred Consul Scipio presided over a successful running of the chickens that year.

The good news continued in mid-June, with Lusones in northern Hispania becoming a fully Romanised province. In the province to its immediate east, S.A. Barbula confronted a new barbarian uprising in fractious Sedetani, this time by just 2,000 Arevaci warriors. They were wiped out and their camp followers enslaved in two days, with not a single one of Legio XII’s 23,000 legionaries lost.

June ended with the defeat and dispersal of the rebels and the relief of Piephigi by Albinus on 24 June (Rome 231/13,346; Rebels 2,313/5,000 killed).

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July 591 AUC (162 BC) - March 592 AUC (161 BC)

July and August remained peaceful and uneventful around the Republic. In early September, a tiny rebellion by the Nemetati in Brigantia (Hispania) was snuffed on out 3 September by the remainder of Legio XII stationed there. They were commanded by Consul Scipio, who had relocated there in the months prior, while Bubulcus was up trying to stir Astures. This time all the barbarians were wiped out with no Roman casualties among their 16,000 troops.

The next general to start agitating was Septimus Caedicius Primus [Martial 7], commander of Legio XI in Laguatan (on the Egyptian border). He was the previously maimed general, now 43, who led the second legion there and was needed. And Rome probably owed him a bit, so two bribes [+8, +31%] saw him loyal again.

On 1 November, the prisons were scoured for potential commanders. The former leader of Macedon was discovered rotting away and was released. At 80 years old, not much service could be expected of him, but he was able to command a fleet, so was assigned to Classis IV in Hispania.

As November was drawing to a close, Roman units in Hispania began redeploying towards their starting positions for the coming attack on Egypt, though Bubulcus left 7,000 under a senior centurion in Astures to see if they could provoke anything.

Many command appointments were shuffled around the front lines with Egypt, trying to get the best men in charge where it would count the most.

The Senate helped with that process when in early 592 AUC they made a brilliant suggestion for a new field promotion of the ‘under age’ A.C. Caudex. He was drafted in to replace M.O. Crassus in Legio V (Asia Minor) – despite the slight, Crassus was still very loyal and would soon be given a new command.

On 10 February Scipio again tested Senate attitudes to a renewed Seleucid alliance, but they were still opposed (32/99). It was clear that task would have to be left to a new Consul who could command more Senate support.

22 March saw yet another barbarian revolt in Sedetani, this time a new band of the Paesuri. Legio III (nine cohorts, now with A.I. Dives in command) was sent down from Volcae in southern Gaul to deal with it, as the Hispanian legions were all then heading to the Egyptian border.

On 30 March, Legio VI (S.C. Primus, 24,000 men) was in Seleucid Pisidia, poised to attack Lycia. Lydia had been avoided due to a Seleucid army being present and the likelihood of attrition from overcrowding.

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Part III: The Consulship of Numerius Fabius Pictor

April-September 592 AUC (161 BC)

Scipio served out his term safely and was replaced by the unremarkable N.F. Pictor, administratively competent and militarily average, though lacking in charisma. Not the best possible choice for a wartime Consul, but not the worst either.

New blood was brought in as Pontifex Maximus the next day, young and militarily gifted Secundus Valerius Maximus [Martial 8] was being groomed for subsequent command. He replaced the powerful and charismatic former Consul and Religious faction leader Q.A. Papus, who was given two bribes before he was ushered out, to ensure he did not revolt [a test showed he would have taken half the Republic with him into civil war if I hadn’t].

Pictor was able to garner just enough Senate support – at some cost to his popularity – to ensure an alliance with the Seleucids would not be vetoed. The proposal was made and soon accepted by the Seleucids on 10 May. The way to war with Egypt was being steadily prepared.

The omens were good too, with another successful invocation made in early June.

Dives (Legio III) defeated the latest Paesuri warband to rebel in Sedetani on 15 June, though they would need to be defeated again in due course (Rome 385/9,000; Paesuri 850/2,000 killed). A few weeks later, two colonising opportunities became possible in northern Hispania, with no local barbarians needing to be expelled. This would finally link Hispania directly by land with the bulk of the Republic. So colonists were sent, and Dives started chasing the Paesuri to Ilergetes, where they were retreating to.

Poor old Sosiclid died as war approached, so Consul Pictor himself took command of Classis IV (no-one else being available – graduates of the Pontifex Maximus path could only command armies, not fleets, hence the difficulties getting Naval Prefects). Surely, he thought, with his large advantage in ships, he’d be a sufficient match for any Egyptian opponent he might face in the West? Humphronius was not so sure, but bit his tongue this time, there being no real alternative.

In what amounted to a week-long skirmish in Ilergetes from 2-9 August, Dives defeated the Paesuri again (Rome 257/8,983; Paesuri 258/11,150 killed). Then in mid-August, the new colony of Taurisci promptly became fully Roman – a very quick turn-around 'from savagery to civilisation', as the Romans viewed it.

While a majority of Senators was in favour of declaring war, to do so without having first revoked military access would result in a catastrophic drop in stability from such a perfidious move. The revocation also had good support, so was made on 23 August.

As the time for the sneak attack on Egypt approached, by 13 September all three amphibious expeditions were in position to land – even if it meant attrition was suffered (because of the lack of Naval Prefects for the flotillas).

On 24 September 592 AUC, all the diplomatic niceties were in place and the Republic declared war on the Ptolemaic kingdom of Egypt. Calls to arms were simultaneously sent to Rome’s two allies.

As military operations were in their first few days, the responses from Massilia and the Seleucids were received.

And the Seleucid alliance was broken again, so soon after its re-launch. But at least Rome still had military access, while Egypt did not.

The impact of war with Egypt, after decades of intertwined links, was catalogued on 1 October with a list of cancelled trade deals. But this would be worse for Egypt, whose treasury was near empty, than for Rome, where the Aerarium was overflowing.

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Part IV: War with Egypt – September to December 592 AUC (161 BC)

The West: Hispania and West Africa

Initial moves were made as soon as war was declared.

Legio X, a little outnumbered by their counterparts in Cynetes (due to supply limitations in Olissippo), initially held in place, while Legio XII advanced into southern Hispania. Consul Pictor took Classis IV to blockade the Pillars of Hercules and thus cut possible Egyptian movement between Hispania and Africa. And Legio XIII, with a good margin of numbers on the Egyptian 13th Army in Tingis, began their lengthy approach march to attack.

By 27 September, the 13th Army was trying to cross over to Gadira to escape from the approaching Legio XIII. But the arrival of Pictor in Herculis Columnae on 7 October foiled their plan to link up with their comrades. Instead, they headed south to Mauretania, which they would reach before Legio XIII could catch them.

Legio XII arrived in Turdetani on 25 October and began marching for Cynetes. But the Egyptians were already moving north to attack Bubulcus in Olissippo and would do so before Legio XII could reach them. Therefore, Legio X hunkered down and hoped they could weather the storm while M.C. Rufinus (now commanding Legio XII) moved to assist them and bring the Roman overall numerical advantage to bear.

The Battle of Olissippo began on 27 October – and Egyptian military prowess was soon on display. The 9th Army commander Philotheos Proctid was a military star and would no doubt prove a difficult customer for the Romans to handle. It didn’t help that Fortuna also consistently favoured the Egyptians. Already in some trouble, Bubulcus valiantly attempted to turn things around on 11 November, but it proved too little too late. The battle was lost with heavy Roman casualties a week later.

The 13th Army had Mauretania under siege on 28 October, with Legio XIII still eight weeks away from arriving in Tingis, which they would do on 20 December and then turn south to proceed to Mauretania.

Meanwhile in Hispania, Legio III was summoned from Volcae and the seven cohorts still in Astures were all ordered to begin marching towards the front on 16 November: it seemed every man would be needed after the bad loss in Olissippo.

Then from 2 to 6 December, the Egyptians unsuccessfully assaulted the walls of Olissippo. It wasn’t beaten off until just 105 of the 2,000 man garrison was manning the walls – a very close run thing, which also badly sapped enemy morale as well as costing lives.

After receiving this news, when Rufinus arrived in Cynetes with Legio XII on 21 December, he started to march due north to confront the Egyptians while they were still weakened, where he would arrive on 15 January 593. Proctid broke his siege of Olissippo and began marching south-east back to Egyptian territory in Turduli, but the Romans would catch him before he could evade them. Bubulcus was due to finish his retreat to Lusitani from Olissippo on 1 January.

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Africa: Carthage to Egypt

Rome’s initial moves in the African theatre were aggressive.

The naval landing on Malta would be completed unopposed on 30 September, though attrition had already killed 600 men of the detachment. Legio VII advanced on Carthage, Legio I to attack the Egyptians in Corniclanum and Legio XI to Nassamones – the ostensible target of the war as far as the Senate was concerned.

The Egyptian 3rd Army marched south from Carthage as Caepio approached, reaching Thapsus on 28 October and assaulting it straight away.

The assault lasted for nine days, but the walls held, albeit with a much-depleted garrison. The Egyptians now had low morale, losses from the assault and attrition on foreign territory. Caepio sensed blood.

Further east, Legio XI reached Nassamones and put it under siege on 31 October – the same day Legio I struck the enemy in Corniclanum. The battle was comparatively short but very savage. M.C. Maximus was one of Rome’s finest legates – but his opponent, the old Egyptian Royal Treasurer Leonippus Adonbaalid, was a military genius of Pyrrhic stature!

Adonbaalid also had the better luck while the battle lasted, commanding a force very heavy in cavalry, while the Roman strength, as ever, laid in its principes. Despite taking the heavier casualties, it was Adonbaalid that broke contact on 9 November. A hard victory for the Romans, but better than a loss.

There would be no further combat in that sector for the rest of the year, though rumours of an Egyptian counter-attack reached the Romans as December ended.

Legio VII arrived in Carthage on 29 November and made south straight away to try to catch the 3rd Army before it could regain its full composure – and to avoid the attrition from being in enemy territory (2,150 men had already been lost of their original 43,000). But The Egyptian commander Isocrates Penamid broke his siege as the Romans approached and headed west for Theveste, which he would reach on 27 December – just four days before Caepio could catch him in Thapsus.

“The rabbit can run, but we’ll snare him eventually!” declared Caepio as the chase went on.

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The East: Asia Minor and the Naval War

Rome’s first moves in the East were perhaps less dramatic than in the West and Africa.

The Egyptian army in Caria only fielded five regiments, so would present little challenge. Legio IV would jump into Lycia early while Legio VI marched from Pisidia, followed by Legio V. The other detachment of Legio IV would invade Cyprus, which was under siege by 30 September. The main Roman fleet in the East – Classis I – was given one of Rome’s ablest commanders (who qualified as a former Consul) and went on patrol in case the main Egyptian fleet sortied.

P.V. Laevinus was ashore in Lycia on 4 October – the delay of a few days costing more in attrition, with 800 of his 4,000 men perishing at sea.

Barbula got his naval battle on 11 October, when the the Egyptian Admiral Psherenptah Senuid made the mistake of heading to Mare Aegyptiacum with less than half their fleet, the rest remaining in Alexandria. Barbula pounced and despite starting with lower morale [must be more advanced Egyptian naval tech] and poor winds, his great advantage in numbers told and Senuid broke off the engagement on 1 November, having lost five ships.

Legio VI passed through Lycia and attacked the Egyptian 18th Army in Caria on 24 November, winning a comfortable victory by 3 December (Rome 634/22,206; Egypt 2,742/5,000 killed). What would prove a very long siege began. The 18th Army retreated east to Lycia, but would face the full strength of Legio V there by the time he arrived in early January.

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The North

Chatti (on the border with Germania) became a fully Romanised province on 27 September 592. This would make it a more resilient centre of defence on the ‘barbarian frontier’.

The long-awaited land link between Hispania and Gaul became a reality on 2 November, with the founding of two new colonies, even as the war raged in southern Hispania.

On the German border, a large revolt by a Sugamnbri warband in Hermunduri on 7 November required Legio VII (now under the command of Publius Valerius Falto) to march east from nearby Turones to confront them, in a battle that would be fought early in 593.

On 9 November, the meagre remnants of the Paesuri warband made their final hopeless sortie on Volcae, where they were duly wiped out by A.I. Dives, leading Legio III (Rome 0/8,994; Paesuri 892/892 killed).

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Manpower

When war was declared on Egypt on 24 September 592, Rome’s manpower reserve stood at 194,000 men, around 20,000 less than the Egyptians. By early November, this had risen slightly to 195,000 but the heavy casualties of the first few large battles in the West and Africa, plus a good deal of attrition from venturing into enemy territory, already had the replacement requirement sitting at 19,491 men.

On 2 December, the reserve sat at 192,000, but now 34,233 replacements were needed. It seemed this war would see a great effusion of blood and many tens of thousands from both sides making an early journey to the Underworld.

So ended the first exchanges of the first war between the two great powers of the Mediterranean. Rome had met with some success but also a significant reverse in Hispania and all at a high cost in men’s lives. The Egyptian commanders were largely brilliant and their forces strong in the field. The failure of the renewed alliance with the Seleucids to bring them into the war on Rome’s side was something of a disappointment, but at least they provided a secure southern flank for Rome’s attempt to conquer the enemy’s holdings in Asia Minor. One thing was certain – the war was unlikely to be over before the following Saturnalia in late 593.

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Finis

End Note: I’ve played through quite a bit of the war, but it isn’t finished yet. To give you a rough indication, this chapter covers 229 of the 970 screenshots taken for the last session.

Bullfilter · Jun 26, 2021

Chapter C: Vae Victis
(1 January to 31 December 594/159 BC)

Introduction

Consul Numerius Fabius Pictor was approaching the end of his two-year term as Consul. The first full calendar year of the war with Egypt had proven a tough but reasonably successful one. Some progress had been made in the West, with the Egyptian 9th Army finally forced into retreat, Cynetes taken by Rome and a large Massilian army coming to assist operations.

In Africa, the tide of war had ebbed and flowed, an initial advance by Rome on the main border with Egypt being pushed back. But the Egyptian 3rd Army had been destroyed at Thapsus in August 593 and Rome had reversed its earlier huge loss at Corniclanum in April 593 with a series of victories later in the year. As 594 began, they were ready to invade Egyptian territory again.

In the East, the long-running sieges of Caria, Lycia and Cyprus dragged on, while success at sea had come to L.A. Barbula in late November 593, with a big victory in Mare Aegyptiacum.

The 100th chapter of this chronicle will see the tears of the vanquished shed in abundance, along with their blood. But whose shall it be?

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Part I: The West

January-April 594 AUC (159 BC)

The year started well enoughin Hispania, with the Massilian 2nd Stratos taking Turdetani for Rome on 10 January. The Egyptian 9th Army was bottled up in Gadira, while Rome continued to besiege Turduli to the north.

Legio III recovered in Bastetani, after its recent defeat and the subsequent death of its Legate, the experienced A.I. Dives. On 24 January, the Senate obliged by suggesting a new commander for Legio III – Decimus Leukus Tertulus [Martial 6] from the Military faction. He would be better than nothing, so the Consul accepted the appointment.

By mid-February, men were on the march again in Hispania. The Egyptians (led by the brilliant Philotheos Proctid) were sortieing from Gadira and the Massilians were trying to escape east: perhaps they had assaulted Turdetani to take it and were still suffering the effects?

Legio XII stayed back to finish the well-progressed siege of Turduli, while Bubulcus took the main force of Legio X south to confront the Egyptians, due to arrive there 18 days after the 9th Army hit the Massilians in Turdetani. A long stream of reinforcing Massilian regiments was strung out on the road leading from their capital.

On 22 February L.A. Barbula took 76 ships of Classis I to sea west from Rhodes towards Syracusae, with the plan being to join Classis I in the west and confront the large Egyptian fleet based in Gadira. 63 ships were left behind making repairs after the great battle in November, with more new boats on their way from Rome’s shipyards to bolster their numbers.

The same day, Consul Pictor took Classis IV to sea again from Bastetani with 95 ships to hunt down an Egyptian fleet of 12 galleys on their way west to join the 16th Navy (70-plus ships) at port in Gadira. The ensuing battle in Mare Ibericum five days later was a great success, all the enemy ships being sunk quickly for no Roman loss (despite unfavourable winds). Pictor headed straight back to port.

The Egyptians and Massilians fought in Turdetani from 2-8 March and it was difficult to tell who won, as both armies seemed to be in retreat afterwards (the 9th back to Gadira, the 2nd Stratoc continuing their previous move east to Oretani). Bubulcus, full of confidence, pressed on.

While that battle was observed from afar, Turduli fell to Rome (M.C. Rufinus, Legio XII) on 5 March after a 253 day siege. Legio X arrived in Turdetani on 23 March – before Proctid had made it to Gadira. But no battle ensued, so the Egyptians must have lost after all and were in retreat. Confidence mounting even higher, Bubulcus gave chase, seventeen days behind the fleeing 9th Army.

Classis I arrived in Mare Siculum on 10 April and kept heading west, hoping to catch some smaller Egyptian fleets strung out along the African coast, some of which had been skirmishing at sea with similarly sized Massilian fleets. That same day, the Egyptian 3rd Navy sailed out of Gadira for Herculis Columnae with 80 ships.

By 18 April, the Massilian 2nd Stratos was back in Turdetani, now with 33 regiments, and was following Legio X to Gadira, three weeks behind. The Egyptian 9th had arrived in Garira a few weeks before and had now turned around and was heading back to Turdetani: but Bubulcus would find him first in Gadira three days later. He decided not to halt and wait for the Massilians; the glory would be all his.

In the event, Bubulcus’ confidence was well enough founded. He attacked Proctid’s 9th Army in Gadira on 21 April, but the battle was little more than a skirmish. The Romans were a little outnumbered but had the better starting morale and after four days Proctid retreated (Rome 1,064/17549; Egypt 1,041/18,135 killed).

Proctid was trying to flee south to Tingis across Herculis Columnae, as Legio XIII had left it to head east by that time. The Egyptian fleet was back in port and Pictor sortied again from Bastetani on 25 April with all 110 ships of Classis IV, heading for the strait to block this escape.

To the west, Classis I was still making its way west and encountered a flotilla of four Egyptian ships in Aegates Insulae (north of Sicilia) which were wiped out in a day, on 30 April.

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May-December 594 AUC (159 BC)

Another four Egyptian ships were destroyed in similar fashion in Mare Africanum on 11 May after they were flushed out of Carthage when that city was taken by Rome (see Section II). By 15 May, Classis IV was blockading Gadira from Herculis Columnae, forcing the 9th Army back. The 80 ships of the Egyptian 3rd Navy did not contest the blockade, for now anyway.

On 21 May, Classis I reached Sinus Caralitanus (above Carthage), where they helped a Massilian fleet destroy another four Egyptian galleys they had been fighting there (the Massilians had already lost two of their own eight ships). Classis I continued west.

The forcing back of Proctid from his crossing led to another battle in Gadira on 25 May, which was much harder fought than the last. Fortunately for Bubulcus, the Massilian 2nd Stratos had arrived by then and together the allies he had double Proctid’s numbers. This was boosted even further on 28 May when Legio XII reinforced as well. Which was probably a good thing: the Egyptians retreated again on 2 June, but not before causing over a thousand more casualties than they had lost.

As Proctid escaped to Turdetani, Legio X and XII remained in Gadira, while the rested Legio III was sent across from Bastetani to intercept the Egyptians. That battle began on 20 July, as Tertulus attacked in his first outing as a legate. He had a clear advantage in numbers and morale. The tactical situation was quite even to begin with, though he conceded much to Proctid in expertise.

There is no surviving record of what happened between that bright start and the disaster that befell Legio III by the battle’s end on 1 August [much was happening around the various theatres at the time], but at least Tertulus salvaged his reputation as a brave, if not brilliant, commander.

In the aftermath of this expensive defeat, Bubulcus set off once more to chase down his elusive rival. He now regretted not combining with Legio III in Turdetani, but had thought his colleague had the matter in hand and had wanted to rebuild his half-strength legion. It was not to be.

By the beginning of September, the Egyptians were in Turduli, Legio X in Turdetani and Legio III in Oretani. Bubulcus decided to forge ahead with his advance on the enemy after having received a draft of replacements. Tertulus would follow up, either reinforcing the battle if it was still going or, if it should be lost, hitting the enemy again before they could recover.

Meanwhile, a Massilian-led assault on Gadira, which Legio XII was caught up in, failed on 4 October.

The next battle at Turduli was a hideously sanguinary affair. Bubulcus attacked with confidence, having bested Proctid under similar circumstances twice that year. But Egyptian morale had recovered significantly by then, Proctid had an edge in numbers and the Romans, attacking across a river, were caught in a devastating counter-charge in the opening exchanges. Bubulcus fought back bravely on 10 October, but the first five days of the battle had seen well over 5,000 legionaries slain.

By the time it was over, Bubulcus had lost almost half his force. And due to the intensity of the fighting, against his expectations he had not been able to stay in the field until Legio III reinforced to deliver the hoped-for killing blow.

Tertulus, by now regarded as braver than he was effective, still went in to the attack five days after the first battle of Turduli had been lost, hoping to take advantage of a tired enemy. The Romans discovered that Proctid, the Nemesis of Hispania, was not in command – his whereabouts and that of the 9th Army were unknown. It was speculated that he had moved on to Cynetes, been transferred or even killed in the recent battle.

Instead, the Egyptian Chancellor Manetho Omirid had command, leading the 29th Army (though it was not the largest in the group that defended Turduli). He was still a very competent commander, as he soon demonstrated by trouncing the hapless Tertulus and sending him off in rout following Bubulcus to Carpetani! And Omirid had barely raised a sweat achieving it.

The whole Roman plan for subduing Egyptian Hispania had now gone awry and their morale and confidence were badly shaken, although they did still occupy most of the Egyptian territory there.

An Egyptian assault on Cynetes, where the bulk of their army had relocated, failed on 2 November.

Rome reacted on 10 November by summoning the 19,000 man Legio VIII (P.V. Falto) from its border duty in the north at Hermunduri all the way to southern Hispania – a long march indeed.

By 28 November, Legio III (11,858 men) and X (8,131 men) were both in Carpetani, slowly recovering from their recent savaging. No further events of note occurred in the west before the end of the year: Egypt besieged Cynetes, Rome and Massilia invested Gadira, while Classis IV’s blockade remained unchallenged. But a year that had started with much promise had ended in bloody misery.

Summary of battles and casualties in the West, 594 AUC.

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Part II: Africa

January-July 594 AUC (159 BC)

In Africa, the reinforced Roman presence, which now included three legions (I, VII and XI), was looking to go back on the offensive, having reversed the recent Egyptian counter-invasion. On 14 January, Legio I (M.C. Maximus [Martial 9]) attacked the Egyptian 8th Army (Psherenptah Senuid [Martial 8]) in Corniclanum. After a short, sharp battle [Rome 7.5 v Egypt 5 adjusted die roll], the Egyptians fled as soon as they could on the 18th (Rome 1,880/26,115; Egypt 3,800/23,682 killed). The offensive was off to a good start, with Nassamones still under siege by Legio XI.

The next day, the 17th Army (A. Zagreid) was spotted heading west to Corniclanum and would have arrived four weeks later, but they soon halted in Cyrenaica after they saw the Romans had won.

The next ‘tidying up’ battle came around a week later, when S.S. Caepio (Legio VII, 29,000 men) attacked the Aratos Setnid (1st Army, 9,000 men) in Leptis Magna. Rome took 1,029 casualties and Egypt 2,154 before the latter retreated as soon as they could to Corniclanum (now under Roman occupation), chased by Legio VII. A thousand recruits were discovered and massacred in Corniclanum the same day, for no Roman loss.

An unwanted distraction came in Sabratha soon afterwards, with local malcontents revolting. Rather than breaking the long siege of Carthage or diverting troops from the front, Legio XIII began a long redeployment from Tingis to deal with this irritation and then eventually reinforce the invasion of Egypt proper.

Leaving a detachment behind of the weakest cohorts to continue the siege of Corniclanum, on 9 February Maximus marched the rest of Legio I (18,731 men) north east to Barca, then unoccupied by the Egyptians, as Legio VII continued on to Corniclanum behind them.

Another ‘routine’ battle was fought from 5 to 10 March, when the retreating 1st Army ran into Legio I (yet to exit to Barca) in Corniclanum, joined by Legio VII on the 6th. The equally matched generals were matched also in their opening tactics, with Senuid retreating in good order after four days of skirmishing, despite being massively outnumbered (Rome 408/51,250; Egypt 667/5,946 killed).

By 12 March, Legio I (17,609 men) was almost in Barca, but the 17th Army (32 regiments, strength unknown) was now also marching there from Cyrenaica, due to arrive on 23 March. Maximus decided to press on, trusting in the superior morale of his men and his prowess as a commander.

Battle was joined and unfortunately for Maximus, things got off to a poor start in Barca, which persisted on 29 March, at which point he pulled Legio I out of what was clearly becoming a losing battle, despite failing Egyptian morale: the casualties were mounting too quickly. He took his battered force back to Corniclanum, even as Legio VII – still almost at full strength – came the other way.

With April remaining comparatively quiet in Africa, May began well with the fall of Carthage on the 2nd after 225 days of siege.

Legio VII had arrived in Barca in April to find the 17th Army gone. With the Egyptian 8th Army due to hit Barca on 5 June, Caepio had instead struck south to attack Cyrenaica, where the 17th had withdrawn. There, they had linked up with Setnid’s (previously defeated) 1st Army, with Caepio getting word of a barbarian rising in the enemy’s rear in Libya.

Caepio boldly pressed the attack, but he had lost a good number of men through attrition by then, while the Egyptians seemed to have picked up reinforcements, so Legio VII found itself significantly outnumbered. Despite an even start to the battle and comparable morale, things went badly from there.

No detailed record of the middle part of the battle exists, but by 2 June Caepio had lost about 6,700 men. It seems the Egyptians received reinforcements from the east between then and when the battle was lost on 10 June, with over 11,500 legionaries slain and Caepio retreating in disarray. As in Hispania, early promise had turned to consternation for Rome in Africa by the summer of 594 AUC.

The situation after the decisive loss in Cyrenaica was complex and bad for Rome. The Egyptians were now pressing towards Corniclanum from Barca, and they would catch the still under-strength Legio I just two days before they could escape to Leptis Magna, forced to abandon their siege, while Legio VII would find Senuid in position when his rout finished there on 26 July. 17th Army had not yet moved from Cyrenaica, but if they followed too, the whole Roman position was in danger, even as the rebel siege of Sabratha progressed.

As May was ending, the long siege of Malta had only made minor progress [13%], so troops released from the successful siege of Cyprus (see Section III) arrived to bolster the besieging force from four to eight cohorts. By 10 June, more progress had already been made [to 25%].

Legio I was caught and bloodied in Corniclanum (13-17 July), before Maximus retreated as soon as he could, chased by Senuid to Leptis Magna (Rome 2,991/14,754; Egypt 756/27,755 killed). Maximus arrived there on 20 July, with Senuid due a month later.

Caepio’s retreating Legio VII arrived in Corniclanum on 26 July, hoping to fight off the 8th Army quickly and escape, but after a day or so the Egyptian 17th Army reinforced the fight, outnumbering the Romans by over four-to-one. Caepio was lucky to get away on 30 July with most of his remaining troops still alive (Rome 2,759/12,303; Egypt 1,347/51,771 killed).

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August-December 594 AUC (159 BC)

With their position in Leptis Magna assessed as hopeless, on 7 August Legio I was ordered to head west all the way to Sabratha to relieve it: the town was almost lost [100% progress] and Legio XIII was still far too distant to intervene soon enough.

Legio XI (M.O. Crassus, 19 cohorts, 10,487 men) had meanwhile not been bothered in Nassamones, which fell to Rome on 27 August after a 253 day siege. He immediately withdrew west towards Roman Laguatan.

Unfortunately for Legio I, the roads out of Leptis Magna were slow and he was caught there by the 8th Army on 29 August. But he waited until the badly reduced Legio VII joined from their retreat, which was accompanied by the chasing 17th Army on 5 September. Despite the odds, Maximus fought a skillful rearguard action, before withdrawing deliberately on 9 September. Still, Rome had once again suffered more casualties than it could afford to sustain.

Adding insult to injury, Egypt assaulted Leptis Magna on 10 September and took it after a five day battle on the walls. The bad news kept coming with the fall of Sabratha to the rebels on 30 September, who then headed to Cinithii to spread the mayhem.

The Roman retreat continued with Legio XI arriving safely in Laguatan on 3 October and continuing on west towards the Roman rallying point at Oea, which had not seen any combat since the days of the earlier Punic Wars.

But Crassus had been chased by Zagreid’s 17th Army, which attacked them in Laguatan on 14 October. The commanders were evenly matched [8 Martial each], but once more Fortuna abandoned the Romans as the battle began [1 v 4 die rolls], the heavily outnumbered Romans withdrawing as soon as they could, but not before suffering heavy casualties and inflicting few on their tormentors (Rome 3,579/12,463; Egypt 651/24,815 killed). Vae victis indeed!

At least the troop boost in Malta seemed to have worked, with it falling after a mammoth 759 day siege on 26 October. A week later, the detachment (eight cohorts) from Carthage was in Thapsus and making for Sabratha, while Legio I tried to recover in Oea. Then on 2 November, the small Roman garrison left behind in Nassamones was overcome after just 23 days of siege. And three days after that, the rebels were besieging Cinithii.

The situation in Africa remained grave, though Legio XIII was by now in Numidia and marching to destroy the rebels in Cinithii. An Egyptian assault on Laguatan saw it fall on 10 November. Legio VII was in Oea and trying to rebuild: they had crossed the border into Egypt with 29,000 men earlier that year; now they only had 4,714 left!

By 17 November, Legio XI had joined the others in Oea. They had 86 cohorts between them, but only 27,948 men, more than half of which were in Legio I. On 26 November, S.A. ‘Bribula Maximus’ Barbula took command of the eight cohort detachment of Legio IV in Malta and took ship, headed for beleaguered Africa as Rome tried to stabilise its precarious position there.

The rebels were dispersed in Cinithii over four days of fighting by Legio XIII on 11 December (Rome 1,066/22,000; Rebels 2,976/8,000 killed). S.C. Maximus then marched his men east, heading for Laguatan via Phazania, to begin a counter-offensive to rescue Rome’s lost border provinces.

S.A. Barbula then landed unopposed in Leptis Magna on 17 December and tried a quick assault against the small garrison the Egyptians had left there. Naturally, this failed abjectly, Barbula losing 324 men into the bargain by Saturnalia.

With the Egyptians having failed to press their advantage – there was speculation they may have diverted forces to face the Seleucids in the east – Legio I advanced east on Leptis Magna on 24 December, even as the Barbula’s assault was failing.

The events in Africa during this annus horribilis ended with the Carthage detachment arriving in Sabratha to begin a siege of it on 26 December. The Roman commander D.C. Otho dared not risk an assault with their 7,733 men, even though only 400 rebels manned the walls.

Summary of battles and casualties in Africa against Egypt (rebels not included), 594 AUC: a litany of woe!

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Part III: The East

January-December 594 AUC (159 BC)

Some good news came on 15 February with the fall of Cyprus after 505 long days of siege [warscore to +20]. These troops were then sent over to Malta to aid with the slow siege there.

By 21 February, the Seleucids had lost the border province of Dumah to Egypt [warscore -1 in Egypt’s favour].

On 19 May, T.A. Barbula [Martial 7] took the newly re-formed Classis II (the former repair fleet left behind by L.A. Barbula) from Rhodes with 31 ships to hunt pirates off Aetolia.

By June 594 AUC, progress on the siege of Lycia was good, but that of Caria dragged on very slowly. Egypt still held Dumah, but the Seleucids had taken Phoenicia.

T.A. Barbula (who was Consul by then) used his experience fighting the pirates to gain a reputation for being a disciplined commander on 25 June [allowing the ‘wedge’ combat event]. And a month later, as he was passing through Sinus Messianicus while returning from the destruction of the pirate nest, he received reports of renewed naval action in the Eastern Mediterranean. Two Egyptian fleets totalling 68 ships were heading his way from the east towards Mare Myrtoum. He decided to sit this one out, diverting Classis II (which had grown to 45 ships by then) quickly to safe harbour in nearby Sparta. A Seleucid fleet – the 2nd Nautikon – was also active in the area.

Barbula’s patience was rewarded when on 21 August it became clear that the Egyptian fleets had split up. The 5th Navy was in Sinus Messeniacus, while the 1st was to its south and heading east to assist another smaller Egyptian fleet fighting the Seleucids in Hermaeum Promonturium. The Repair Fleet in Rhodes was summoned while Barbula sortied from Sparta to ambush the Egyptian 5th Navy.

The naval battle began on 25 August and was to prove a long and difficult tussle. The Romans battled fierce headwinds for the first ten days and began losing more ships than the Egyptians. This was turned around with fair winds and the arrival of the reinforcing repair Fleet on 17 September. By that time, Barbula had lost seven galleys, the Egyptians only two.

The Romans saw barely a breath of useful winds from that point, Fortuna forsaking them well and truly. Only their superior numbers helped them ‘win’ the battle, though losing more than twice as many ships as their opponents. Gods preserve us if this is what victory looks like! was all Barbula could utter after he surveyed the cost of his victory and took the battered fleet back to port in Rhodes for extensive repairs.

Thus stood the state of affairs in the East as 594 AUC drew to a close.

Summary of naval battles in all theatres, 594 AUC.

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Part IV: The North

January-December 594 AUC (159 BC)

Blessedly for the Republic, there was only one small outbreak of barbarian violence on the northern borders during the entire year and no local revolts. A small band of Anglii rose in Hermunduri on 23 March, with P.V. Falto’s Legio VIII just to their south in Marcomanni and soon on their way.

In four days between 22-26 April, the Anglii were wiped out, a little loot recovered and 2,000 slaves taken (Rome 186/19,000; Anglii 2,000/2,000 killed).

Late in the year, Legio VIII would be ordered to Hispania to help recover the disastrous situation there.

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Part V: Politics, Manpower and Religion

January-December 594 AUC (159 BC)

As alluded to above, in mid-April another of the Barbula clan was elected Consul – just as things were turning bad in the Egyptian War.

Barbula’s scepticism would prove to be a drag on Roman research, but he was at least a good military and administrative operator. Humphronius was not so impressed by his righteous stand against corruption, but knew he would be able to circumvent that easily enough as he looked to retire from his advisory post and seek a nice sinecure (or two) somewhere.

Humphronius planned to move on some time in the new year.

Unfortunately for Barbula, within three days the delays in securing Nassamones (which would not finally be taken until later in the year) meant the Senate’s mission lapsed. But the loss of confidence in the state was soon remedied by a massive program of ‘sacrifices, bread and circuses’, funded via the very ample Roman Aerarium at that time.

A new mission was soon on the books: revisiting war on the old enemy Pontus. Fortunately, fifteen years was allowed for it, as their continued alliance with the Seleucids would cause complications down the track if not neutralised before any declaration of war was made.

Despite fears to the contrary, the annual omen of 594 AUC was a favourable one.

By that time, and despite battlefield losses, recent conquests had advanced the territorial balance of the war with Egypt in Rome’s favour [to +39%]. But this had deteriorated somewhat by 9 September, after the Egyptian incursions on Roman territory in Africa [+32%].

Another decent military appointment was made and accepted by Consul Barbula on 26 November: Titus Fabius Gurges (Military faction, 25 years old) [Martial 7] would no doubt be a useful addition to the officer list.

The drastic bleeding of the cohorts in 594 had, by early December, accelerated the trend of 593 until the replacement bill at one point topped 100,000 men and the net position was in deficit.

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This parlous state of affairs had, by year’s end, caused some Senators to question whether the war should continue any further. But the hawks only wanted the chance to redeem the position, avenge the losses and ensure the price paid so far in blood was recovered in territory.

Per Wikipedia: Vae victis (ˈwae̯ ˈwɪktiːs) is Latin for "woe to the vanquished", or "woe to the conquered". It means that those defeated in battle are entirely at the mercy of their conquerors and should not expect—or request—leniency.

According to tradition, in 390 BC, an army of Gauls led by Brennus attacked Rome, capturing all of the city except for the Capitoline Hill. Brennus besieged the hill, and finally the Romans asked to ransom their city. Brennus demanded 1,000 pounds (329 kg) of gold, and the Romans agreed to his terms. According to Plutarch's life of Camillus and Livy's Ab Urbe Condita (Book 5 Sections 34–49), the Gauls provided steelyard balances and weights, which were used to measure the amount of gold. The Romans brought the gold, but claimed that the provided weights were rigged in the Gauls' favor. The Romans complained to Brennus, who took his sword, threw it onto the weights, and exclaimed, "Vae victis!" The Romans thus needed to bring more gold, as they had to counterbalance the sword as well. Livy and Plutarch claim that Camillus subsequently succeeded in defeating the Gauls before the ransom had to be paid, although Polybius, Diodorus Siculus, and a later passage from Livy contradict this.

Most of the events related by ancient historians about early Roman history are considered legends, while the Gaulish sack of Rome is one of the first events which modern scholars are confident actually occurred, although the colourful incidents reported by tradition are not accepted.

All accounts of this story, with whatever variations, were written down when the Romans themselves were in the ascendant, conquering various peoples and countries far and wide and imposing terms on them. Thus the implicit lesson of the story was that those conquered by the Romans had no choice but to act as the Romans had acted towards the Gauls - i.e. submit to the victors and accept their terms.

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Finis

Civis Romanus Sum (An EU-Rome Vae Victis AAR)

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