• We have updated our Community Code of Conduct. Please read through the new rules for the forum that are an integral part of Paradox Interactive’s User Agreement.
Chapter LXXXII: Bellum et Pax (18 July 544/210 BC to 31 July 546/208 BC)
Chapter LXXXII: Bellum et Pax
(18 July 544/210 BC to 31 July 546/208 BC)


bMmepf.jpg
I hope this Google translated word construction for ‘War and Peace’ is correct: if not, Latin scholars please let me know and I will adjust it. Edit:thanks to @GulMacet and @HistoryDude for suggesting and explaining the more applicable ‘Bellum et Pax‘ rather than Belli et Pacis. :cool:
Foreword. The last chapter ended with Consul Mamercus Valerius Maximus deriding a Pontic peace proposal that would have seen two provinces in Thrace ceded to Rome. With Zagreid defeated in Pontus itself, more Roman legions marching east, and a number of sieges approaching conclusion or about to start, the Consul wanted to extract as much territory from Mithridates as possible. And with only a couple of weeks until the next Consular election, he didn’t want to be the one accused of selling Rome short at the end of the long and bloody Great Eastern War, that had begun back in late February 540 AUC.

§§§§§§§

Part I – Politics and Religion

With the Great Eastern War now in its fifth year, the Roman army was considerably smaller than it had been at the start, after heavy casualties and the consolidation of many cohorts in the last few years – in large part to minimise the effects of attrition and ensure surviving cohorts could be reinforced from the dwindling manpower reserve.

On 18 July 544 AUC, the Roman army fielded 147 cohorts (both regular and auxiliary), with another two in training, against a maximum notional ‘troop support limit’ of 225 cohorts. This represented a net loss (after any new additions during that time) of about 60 cohorts in four and years and four months throughout the Republic. Manpower reserves were at net total (available men less replacements needed) of 35,000. In terms of total troops fielded, there were around 185,000 men in the field, training or reserve, with 14,600 replacements required.

hUqQZt.jpg

The current fleet strength stood at 79 ships, but there was now relatively little naval combat taking place in the East.

Aside from the main war front, the risk of revolts was greatest in the four most recently acquired provinces – three in Greece (taken from Macedon in a separate settlement) and one (Lemovices) in Gaul. The rest were either under occupation in the current war, or scattered around Gaul, Hispania and Illyria – and funnily enough in Roma itself [the proles must have been restless – I only noticed this as I started writing this up].

j0CZi2.jpg

This was the general situation as the elections of 546 AUC took place. The Military faction, despite its now small numbers in the Senate, managed to get their candidate up in time of war. Religious Senate strength remained pre-eminent, while the dreaded Populists now formed the second largest bloc. The new Consul Drusus Cornelius Scipio would – barring accident or misadventure – govern the Republic for the next two years.

UqnpC7.jpg

As usual, Humphronius was patronisingly dismissive of their new political master.

“He has many redeeming qualities Bernardius,” the senior civil servant observed. “Alas, he is not a capable administrator and will no doubt get in the way of good government. But it could be a lot worse.”

Scipio soon arrived for his brief as incoming Consul.

“Ah, Humphronius Obscurus, I hope we will have a fruitful partnership over the next two years.”

“Yes, Consul, may the Gods make it so.”

Of course, exactly what would constitute a ‘fruitful partnership’ was likely a very different thing in each man’s mind. In Rome, it was ever thus.

Over the next two years, the Gods too had a typically ambivalent view of fruitful partnerships with the leaders and people of the Republic.

XrU6zw.jpg


§§§§§§§

Part II – The East

July-December 544

On 18 July, the siege of Rhodes was almost finished [100%], that of Paphlagonia about half-way through [50%] and Pontus barely begun [0%]. T.F. Gurges was en route from the recently successful siege of Crete to Greece, getting in position to confront the disloyal Theodoric Geroldid, who commanded 6,000 troops in Achaea and posed a revolt risk.

By mid-September, the sieges were progressing well [Paphlagonia now also 100%, Pontus 38%], and Legio II (the loyal Huneric Geroldid, 7,000 men) was in Bithynia and moving further east. Then on 16 September, Legio VI (Q.M. Vitulus) arrived in Pontus but – with attrition now too high there (decimation - ie 10%) – was moved onto Trapezus, to put it under siege, leaving Legio IV to besiege the Pontic capital.

eyv3FO.jpg

That same day, Gurges arrived in Achaea, but T. Geroldid remained too disloyal to agree to the transfer of any cohorts to his colleague. Numbers would instead be built, so Geroldid (a not very competent Senate appointee) could be confronted immediately if he chose to resist the relief of his command.

Over in the east, Zagreid finished his retreat to Trapezus (well ahead of Vitulus’ arrival there) on 28 September and began heading south to Armenia with his 21 regiments (of unknown strength). More good news followed for Rome on 7 October, with the fall of Paphlagonia to Q.F. Flaccus’ Legio V after a 343 day siege. Flaccus was ordered north-east to Amisus with his five under-strength cohorts (3,70 men) to put it under siege as well. Then just ten days later, Rhodes fell after a 229 day siege.

The Roman plan continued methodically, with Flaccus arriving in Amisus on 31 October and wiping out a 1,000 man regiment there in four days for the loss of only eight men, after which he prepared his siege lines. In Rhodes, M.C. Dentatus’ 3,000 man detachment was embarked from Rhodes and ferried back to Greece, where he would reinforce Gurges and allow the disobedient T. Geroldid to be confronted. Then a day later, Legio VI arrived in Trapezus, finding Zagreid gone and just a 1,000 man Pontic regiment encamped. They were wiped out for no loss the day Vitulus arrived, allowing the siege to commence straight away.

A little surprisingly, Rhoxolani allowed Pontus to escape with a white peace agreement on 18 November, even though they had been occupying three Pontic provinces. But this left more for Rome to potentially occupy, so Legio II was ordered back to Tomis to see if they could put that in the bag as well.

xUx3Mr.jpg

Back in Illyria, Caudex had been waiting for the last of a series of barbarian attacks from the Treviri, who arrived in Autariatae on 25 November, where they met their doom. They lost their last 1,142 men for no Roman loss the day they arrived, surrendering 0.87 gold and 2,000 slaves. Legio I then started marching towards Peiphigi in northern Thrace, the last Pontic province ‘up for grabs’. All remained according to the ‘grand plan’ to end the war favourably.

But in early December, the situation in Asia began to heat up. Zagreid was spotted with his 2nd Stratos (strength and morale unknown) in Armenia, making for Pontus. Attrition had reduced Legio IV to a little less than half its paper strength (21 cohorts, 10,354 men). Vitulus was ordered to break the siege of Trapezus (where no progress had yet been made) and head back to Pontus, though they would be due to arrive about four weeks after Zagreid. With the siege of Pontus well-progressed, the Romans did not want to let it go without a fight.

bvrugz.jpg

Of interest, the Seleucids and the Rebels were at that time fighting a large battle nearby in Meskhiti, with around 30 regiments committed on either side. Five days later, the small Legio V was also ordered to march from Amisus to Pontus, where they should arrive with a day of Legio VI.

As the latest clash in the East approached, Gurges was sent into T. Geroldid’s camp to arrest the recalcitrant legate. As it happened, Geroldid did not resist and was marched off to prison. All the troops present were merged into Gurges Legio VIII. There was a little grumbling among influential Romans of the ‘tyranny of the state’. After all Geroldid had not actually revolted at this stage (he was technically just refusing to relinquish his command), but this would wear off in time.

STGVqJ.jpg

Consul Scipio deemed it appropriate to conduct a loyalty assessment of his most accomplished commander at this point.

Very prudent, Consul,” murmured an approving Humphronius when Scipio let him know what was afoot. High praise indeed!

“He deserves a triumph after all his good work in this war, even if his loyalty is not in immediate doubt, Humphronius. Please Make the arrangements.”

“Yes, Consul.”

ND4GEY.jpg

At this crucial time, Parthia made the fateful decision to strike the Seleucids while their backs were turned, dealing with their long civil war. Q.A. Papus (a scion of the famous Roman family) was sent to see if the relationship could be improved through the reciprocal granting by Parthia of military access for Roman troops. A symbolic gesture to be sure, but one deemed worth making. Alas, when he got there, the resident plenipotentiary Davidius Brentatius Officialis insisted on ‘helping’ the mission. Which evidently turned a ‘likely’ proposition into a refusal.

RqeCxw.jpg

Just a day later, the 2nd Battle of Pontus erupted. Not only had Zagreid recovered a good proportion of his strength by then, if not all his army’s morale, but he completely outsmarted G.F. Licinus in the opening attack. It was an abject disaster. The Romans retreated as soon as they could, but lost a staggering 4,300 men in just four days, Pontus losing only 180 men in cutting them down, as a scythe through ripened wheat.

wowZgE.jpg

Licinus placed himself in danger in the rear guard to assist his troops’ escape [Brave trait gained from the bravery event], but the steady Roman momentum of the past many months had been suddenly overturned. Though the Romans weren’t quite ready to give up on Pontus yet. Legio VI still approached from the east, with Legio V converging from the west. However, the failure of Licinus to delay Zagreid, cause appreciable casualties or degrade the morale of his troops was a serious setback to the plan for a revenge strike.

§§§§§§§

January-December 545

To make matters worse, H. Geroldid’s Legio II was attacked in Bithynia on 20 January 545 AUC as it made its was north to Thrace by a similarly sized Pontic force approaching from Phrygia. The opening exchanges were fierce though even. The following day, Vitulus (Legio VI) attacked Zagreid in Pontus, with Legio V arriving the day after on 22 January. The result was only somewhat less disastrous than the previous battle, with Vitulus significantly outnumbered, attacking over a river, and his tactics no match for Zagreid, who was clearly ‘back in form’. This battle too was called off as soon as it could be, with another 3,100 legionaries lost, though at least they had put up more of a fight than their colleagues had the month before.

SnpXfQ.jpg

The day the battle ended, a truce was called. The Roman peace proposal was put and accepted the following day, bringing the whole Great Eastern War to an end (it was binding on the Seleucids as well, who remained in their civil 3war and at odds with Colchis, Rhoxolani and now Parthia). The battle in Bithynia finished with no result.

UeejpN.jpg

A month short of five years and costing hundreds of thousands of lives in total, Rome secured three crucial provinces in southern Thrace, including Thracia itself. It may have cost a good many more Roman lives, but the extension of the war had allowed that third province to be added, Rome choosing to cut off Macedon and the rest of Pontic Thrace to the north from Asia itself. The whole war had seen six provinces taken from Macedon and Pontus in Greece and Thrace, Macedon broken as a first rank power and scores of Pontic regiments completely destroyed along the way, even if Rome became over-extended at the end.

The three bedraggled legions fleeing from Pontus were now suffering bad attrition [10% per month] on top of the grievous losses they had taken (around 15,000 men left from approximately 40 cohorts). More would die on the march back to Thracia.

The following day, the Senate declared the previous mission (the always highly improbable taking of Kirkuk) to have failed. As the incumbent Consul, Scipio’s Military faction wore the political cost of this failure. Once again, the Senate’s eyes turned to Macedonia, which should prove a far more practical and attractive proposition in due course (with 15 years allowed for it). But there were still a few years left on the treaty with Macedon to run, and it would likely take longer than that before Roman manpower had rebuilt to an acceptable level.

buDQj8.jpg

Of course, the addition of newly conquered provinces meant more risk of revolt, though adequate garrisons remained nearby. And there were vast gaps in the ranks or returning cohorts.

5hop1u.jpg

As units began returning to Roman territory from Asia, in June a program of further cohort rationalisation continued. But now, it was decided that no regular cohorts would be merged: instead, there was a deliberate program of disbanding auxiliary cohorts, to decrease long term maintenance costs in an expected period of peace. And, despite the drain on already lowered reserve manpower levels, all new cohorts to be raised subsequently for the foreseeable future would be regular Roman legionaries. New auxiliary troops would only be raised again in the future if another surge was required, similar to the lead-up to the recent Great Eastern War. In June alone, 6,500 auxiliary troops were dismissed (they had to be paid off as well, costing around 18 gold).

With discontent running high in the new Greek provinces, a revolt broke out in Paeonia on 2 August 545. The 5,000 rebels were defeated and dispersed for the loss of 183 soldiers from Legio II, who were by then on garrison duty there. Nine days later, barbarian stragglers arrived in Liburni (fleeing from an earlier defeat by the Massilians as they passed through Histri). Legio IV (back up to around 10,200 men in 16 cohorts under Licinus) was sent from Dardania to intercept them before they did any appreciable damage.

Yet another revolt broke out in Paeonia on 3 November 545, this time taking a week and 361 Roman casualties for Geroldid and Legio II to despatch the 5,000 rebels. By 18 December, recruiting began again in Illyria, with two principes (heavy infantry) and one equites (cavalry) regular cohorts put into training. This gradual build-up would continue in the coming months, to replace lost auxiliary troops and eventually replenish the five eastern legions to between 16-20 or more cohorts each.

On 24 December, Licinus took out his frustrations on the Veneti tribe in Liburni, taking three days to wipe out all 3,516 of their warriors, pocketing 0.49 gold and 4,000 slaves, for the loss of 492 of his by then 14,500 troops. [The Veneti leader had 9 martial skill and got a 7 v 5 die roll, so it cost more than it might.]

§§§§§§§

January-July 546

Things remained quiet in the East over the coming months, until news came through in March 546 that the Seleucid rebellion had finally collapsed after a six year civil war. At that point, Parthia had taken a province back off the Seleucids, but the Greeks would now be able to give their undivided attention to the Parthian threat. Of the (still extant) Eastern Pact, Macedon remained rich and stable but short of men; Pontus was broke and only barely stable, but had a large manpower reserve; and the Seleucids lacked stability, but had reasonable financial and manpower reserves – and an enormous research capacity.

ETPjHd.jpg

From March through to the end of July 546, another four cohorts (three principes and one equites) were raised in Illyria and Greece, with reserve manpower hovering just under 30,000.

§§§§§§§

Part III – The West

As the war first meandered on in the east until the end of 544, before hotting up again in December, barbarians and revolting locals kept the Western legions busy. One campaign was against the Hermunduri tribe, a large group of barbarians (with 19,600 warriors at that time under Catualda Andicid, [Martial 6]) who had invaded Raetia in mid-544 AUC. Legio XI (S.S. Paterculus, [Martial 8]) had been sent with 16 cohorts (at around 14,000 strength to start with) to evict them. He would fight five battles against them between April 544 and August 545: one in Raetia and the rest in Gallia Cisalpina before they were wiped out. Rome lost a total of 5,647 men in killing 17,519 barbarians, taking 1.51 in gold and 18,000 slaves.

Overlapping with this campaign, the Senones tribe rebelled in Gallia Cisalpina, requiring Legio XI to deal with them in between battle against the Hermunduri between January and April 545. In two battles in Gallia Cisalpina, 3,920 rebels were killed for the loss of 508 legionaries, with 4,000 slaves taken when these barbarian rebels were finally defeated.

Over in Gaul, malcontents rebelled in Lemovices in December 544, put down by Legio III (H. Magoid, 12 cohorts) in a rather bloody two-week battle, 1,646 Romans died killing 1,703 of 5,000 lightly armed rebels [Roman (2)1 (-1 for a river) v 7 Rebel initial die roll].

In Hispania, Legio X (M.C. Scipio, 10,368 men) fought a successful campaign against the Luggones tribe (15,434 warriors) in five battle in from September 544 through to April 545. In the fighting, Scipio lost only 448 men in killing 15,234 of the barbarians, taking 14,000 slaves into captivity after their final defeat. In between battles, colonists were sent into Saguntum on 23 November 544, establishing a new Roman settlement on 24 March 545. Naturally, construction of a stockade was begun immediately.

Y6fCf1.jpg

In April 545, diplomatic overtures were made to the two tributary tribes of northern Gaul (the Atrebates and Parisii) and the independent Aulerci, requesting military access. Partly for practical reasons, but also because such arrangements promoted better relations. Only the Parisii responded favourable, sending the relationship into positive terms and speeding up its improvement.

ZaiyzD.jpg

In Hispania, with Saguntum now settled and Legio X back in Carpetani, Scipio had orders to build his legion from 11 to 13 cohorts through local recruiting (a cohort each of regular principes and horse archers began training on 29 August 545). As soon as the new troops were trained and integrated, he was to strike north to defeat and annex the small independent kingdom of the Cantabri.

A revolt in Cadurci by the rebellious Orgonomesci tribe broke out on 12 September 545, but Legio III was in garrison there at the time. Magoid snuffed out the uprising in a single day, putting all 2,000 rebelling barbarians to the sword, taking 0.34 gold and sending 2,000 camp followers into slavery, for the loss of five soldiers.

To the north of Italia, Rome had its covetous eyes on two potential new provinces: on 12 September (the day the rebels were put down in Cadurci) colonists were sent to Vindelicia to bring it into the Republic. At the same time, Paterculus was put on notice to be ready to attack the Helvetii, directly north of Gallia Cisalpina (where Legio XI was currently recovering in garrison quarters after the recent barbarian campaigns) and west of Vindelicia.

The declaration of war came against the Helvetii on 29 September. The envoy, A. Magoid (considered by the Establishment to be an expendable Populist troublemaker) delivered the declaration. Unfortunately for him, the reply came back to Roma in carved box: the poor man's head!

aELfhE.jpg

“Tut, tut, an outrage!” said a clearly not outraged Consul Scipio.

“Yes, Consul,” mumbled a rather shocked Bernardius, who had just delivered the report of the execution (not the head itself, of course) to the Consul.

In the battle for Helvetii, the local commander put up a very strong fight, losing just 274 of 2,000 Helvetii warriors to 661 of Paterculus' 14,000 men. But they were forced to retreat and Paterculus began his siege on 13 January. The same day, word came that the colony in Vindelicia had been established and a stockade begun.

In Hispania, M.C. Scipio had his reinforcements ready: war was declared on the Cantabri on 22 January 546 and Legio X marched north to Vaccaei.

ZqS6W2.jpg

A single Cantabrian regiment was attacked and destroyed in Vaccaei for no loss on 14 March, with Scipio beginning his siege. The Cantabri responded by sending an army of four regiments through unsettled barbarian country to the east of Vaccaei, no doubt hoping to avoid a direct battle with the superior Roman legion and do some raiding in Rome’s undefended southern Hispanian provinces.

Once the Helvetii finished their retreat to Lingones on 15 March, they made for Roman Sequani rather than their heavily occupied homeland. Paterculus broke off a detachment of five cohorts to deal with them, while the rest of Legio XI stayed to conduct the siege of Helvetii. But before the Helvetii could get out of Lingones, on 3 April they stirred up a barbarian uprising 10,000 Tarbelli tribesmen. When this happened, Paterculus had no idea how the fateful Tarbelli invasion would finally become. The Helvetii were soon defeated and headed north to Remi, while the Tarbelli made straight for Helvetii. And Paterculus recalled the detachment to re-form Legio XI in full, as Sequani was no longer under direct threat.

As Paterculus waited for the Tarbelli to arrive in Helvetii, Vaccaei fell to Scipio on 2 May. The same day, the main Cantabrian army (five regiments) was moving to the east through Arevaci; they stirred up the Lusones tribe (two regiments) and the two sides started fighting. At that point, with the barbarian and revolt threat diminishing in Africa, Legio VII was split up in Mauretania. M.V. Maximus kept 11 cohorts, while a re-formed Legio V was allocated four cohorts under the venerable Q.F. Flaccus, who started marching up towards Oretani, across the Pillars of Hercules.

At the same time, in Vaccaei Legio X split off four cohorts, who would head south to eventually join up with Flaccus to secure the Hispanian holdings against any Cantabrian or barbarian attacks. Scipio kept nine cohorts to complete the conquest of Cantabri.

Earlier, Legio III had started across from Cadurci in southern Gaul to help with the invasion of Cantabri, but was turned around in (barbarian) Aquitani when the troops were sent up from Mauretania. But before they could return to Cadurci, they stirred up yet another new barbarian tribe: the Vadiniensi, who fielded 9,000 men and attacked Legio III in Aquitani on 1 June 546. Magoid defeated them by 14 June, losing 334 men while killing 3,407 barbarians. But the Vadiniensi would be back, so Legio III would have to stay encamped in southern Gaul for some months yet.

At exactly the same time (1-14 June), Paterculus [Martial 8] was fighting the Tarbelli in Helvetii. It turned out that the chief of the Tarbelli warband, Drappes Marganid, was something of a military prodigy [Martial 9], meaning they would be a difficult foe to defeat without absorbing comparatively heavy casualties. But the 9,400 warriors Marganid brought to Helvetii were indeed defeated, the Romans losing 755 soldiers in killing 2,165 Tarbelli warriors.

Given the two battles going on simultaneously and previous large scale barbarian invasions of Gaul and northern Italia, two more regular cohorts began training in Gaul on 1 June – one of principes, another of archers. In Hispania, Scipio’s cut-down Legio X arrived in Cantabri, slaughtered a single regiment guarding it for the loss of five legionaries, and began a siege. Then in Africa, the former Consul M.V. Maximus shuffled off his mortal coil on 14 June, leaving Legio VII without a legate. The only available general was basically an incompetent, disloyal, incapacitated Populist. So the post was left open, in the forlorn hope the Senate might appoint someone good to command it.

zJTO4t.jpg

As July drew to a close, the Vadiniensi attacked Legio III in Cadurci: and they had picked up another 8,000 troops while marching through Volcae, after their retreat there. Magoid defeated them again on 29 July, the same day the Helvetii remnant army turned up in Sequani. But the Helvetii had to be left for now, as the Tarbelli had retreated to Vindelicia – where the Roman colony had been recently established but the new stockade was still being built. Paterculus therefore took most of Legio XI to chase the Tarbelli, bringing about 9,300 men with him, leaving around 2,600 in three cohorts to continue the siege of Helvetii.

Only one pirate fleet had emerged over the two-year period, destroyed in Mare Gallicum on 4 March 545.

So stood the situation in the West, as the elections of 546 came due.

SVk8WZ.jpg

Campaigns in the West: 18 July 544 to 31 July 546.

[Note: This map summarises the campaigns of 544-46 AUC described above, rather than individual battles. Green boxes denote completed campaigns and sieges won by Rome; orange are continuing wars or campaigns and purple new colonies. Numbers next to battle icons denote how many were fought in that location in that campaign. A red border around a barbarian incon means it was a local barbarian rebellion rather than an invasion, or a rising by nationalist malcontents.]

§§§§§§§

Part IV – Provincial Developments and Manpower

In Illyria, a previously commissioned stockade was completed in the new border province of Breuci in August 544. Raetia converted to the Roman state religion in September 544 – a sign the Roman patrimony was becoming more homogeneous. Cadurci’s stockade was completed in February 545 – a timely addition begun around a year before. And the following month, two long-running irrigation projects were finished in Bononia and Campania. The next good news to come from Hispania was that Carpetani had been absorbed: both religiously and culturally, becoming a fully fledged Roman province.

The Governor of Mauretania then funded a temple building in Rusadir in September 545, while Saguntum’s stockade was completed in March 546. In mid-May 546, the Romanisation of Hispania continued, with the full absorption of Contestani, whereupon a temple was begun (given the absorption included a conversion to the Roman state religion). And with Roman religious power waning again, further temple builds were begun in Raetia, Belli and Carpetani (each costing 51.75 gold each and taking about a year to complete).

In November 545, Roman reserve manpower stood at 35,999 and 126,211 troops were serving in the legions: so a net troop strength of 162,210 with monthly recruit accrual of 1,077 per month. By July 546, manpower was at 28,921, with 138,489 troops in the legions – a net strength of 167,410. So about 5,000 more troops than two years before – new recruitment against casualties in the last months of the Eastern War and in barbarian campaigns, revolts and conquests, mainly in the West.

§§§§§§§

Finis
 
Last edited:
  • 2Like
Reactions:
So the Eastern war is concluded with some quite nasty defeats, but Rome still got what it desired. Those losses though must sting.

I think our dear bureaucrats actually rather like this consul, and will be sorry to see him go.
 
  • 2Like
  • 1
Reactions:
Those are some vicious losses for what should be sideshows. One might wonder if those generals, left out of the Glory of the Eastern Front, took to drink or some other form of gluttony which robbed them of their martial abilities.
 
  • 1
Reactions:
Ooooh that war was taking such an ugly turn, great timing with the exit with 3 rich provinces. I'm hoping with the freemen and citizen rich provinces we acquired in the last war, both manpower growth and tech development will be less of an issue going forward. Now is the time to regroup, digest, grow and it seems it's going great.

Colony by colony, Rome is going closer to becoming contiguous. The future seems bright now, next war with Macedonia will be a breeze and Pontus is broken too. Only Seleucids still seem very scary, but I'm sure the advisors will make the consuls take care of it :D
 
  • 1Like
Reactions:
It's properly Bellum et Pax. Belli (as in Casus Belli) is the genitive case, so "of the war", not "war" - Latin being a language that uses cases for what English uses prepositions. Pacis (as in Ara Pacis, the big altar in Rome) is also genitive case, so Belli et Pacis means "Of the War and Of the Peace". Oh yes, and there was a war too, I think... ;)
 
  • 1
  • 1
Reactions:
I was going to point out that it was properly Bellum et Pax, but @GulMacet beat me to it. Technically, Belli et Pacis does work for this chapter, as “Of (the) war and of (the) peace” does describe this chapter decently - but “War and Peace” is Bellum et Pax.

Nice to see Pontus humbled...

Rome grows ever closer to subjugating the north. Perhaps Germania can be tamed?

You’re still in the 200s BC(E), so I think you’re doing better than OTL Rome, but don’t quote me on that.
 
  • 1
  • 1
Reactions:
So the Eastern war is concluded with some quite nasty defeats, but Rome still got what it desired. Those losses though must sting.

I think our dear bureaucrats actually rather like this consul, and will be sorry to see him go.
Yes, the impact of attrition and imperative to siege down as much as possible as quickly as possible led me into miscalculating the Pontic counter attack battle. What I probably should have done tactically was rationalise the cohorts of the IV and VI legions and left as much as possible in Pontus to face Zagreid, but there you go! All those sieges might have got me one, maybe two more provinces in the settlement, but enough was enough. A pliable Consul is always best for our bureaucrats,. Either that, or one off commanding troops in the field, letting them get on with ‘good’ government.
Those are some vicious losses for what should be sideshows. One might wonder if those generals, left out of the Glory of the Eastern Front, took to drink or some other form of gluttony which robbed them of their martial abilities.
Paterculus in particular has the hardest gig - lots of barbarians, and some of them very good commanders. Wait until you see what happens with the Tarbelli especially during the next Consulship! :eek:
Ooooh that war was taking such an ugly turn, great timing with the exit with 3 rich provinces. I'm hoping with the freemen and citizen rich provinces we acquired in the last war, both manpower growth and tech development will be less of an issue going forward. Now is the time to regroup, digest, grow and it seems it's going great.

Colony by colony, Rome is going closer to becoming contiguous. The future seems bright now, next war with Macedonia will be a breeze and Pontus is broken too. Only Seleucids still seem very scary, but I'm sure the advisors will make the consuls take care of it :D
The war had been push as far as it could and a bit beyond. Those who questioned the wisdom of continuing after the last chapter were right! Pontus has the advantage of recovering in friendly territory after the close defeat in the first battle for Pontus, while Rome had attrition and division of forces to deal with. Still, what could be grabbed in that time allowed me to add Thracia to the deal, which provides a very strong defensive bastion against Asia next time, so Macedon and northern Thrace to the Danube can hopefully be isolated and (naval sorties aside) be taken down without further Seleucid and Pontic interference in Great Easter War II.

The consolidation period is going alright, but barbarian activity has stepped up in Gaul and Germany: there will be ups and downs to come.
It's properly Bellum et Pax. Belli (as in Casus Belli) is the genitive case, so "of the war", not "war" - Latin being a language that uses cases for what English uses prepositions. Pacis (as in Ara Pacis, the big altar in Rome) is also genitive case, so Belli et Pacis means "Of the War and Of the Peace". Oh yes, and there was a war too, I think... ;)
Thanks very much! I knew it would end up being something like that! :)
I was going to point out that it was properly Bellum et Pax, but @GulMacet beat me to it. Technically, Belli et Pacis does work for this chapter, as “Of (the) war and of (the) peace” does describe this chapter decently - but “War and Peace” is Bellum et Pax.

Nice to see Pontus humbled...

Rome grows ever closer to subjugating the north. Perhaps Germania can be tamed?

You’re still in the 200s BC(E), so I think you’re doing better than OTL Rome, but don’t quote me on that.
Thanks also for confirming and explaining. :) Pontus will hopefully be a little easier to defeat next time - and to contain in Asia at first while Macedon and Thrace are dealt with. Then there is still the Seleucid behemoth, which their civil war very conveniently (mainly) neutralised for me this time. I doubt we’ll be so lucky next time ...

Germany wouldn’t be a quick or easy proposition - and would (other than the odd tribal kingdom) have to be done one colonisation at a time, waiting for Civ and pop levels to build before the next can be done. Will see how that goes ...
 
  • 2
Reactions:
Technically, Belli et Pacis does work for this chapter, as “Of (the) war and of (the) peace” does describe this chapter decently

Yes and no. English, being the silly hodgepodge of dialects turned into one Frankensteinian abomination of a language that it is, uses the word "of" to mean two different things. It can express intent/purpose (e.g. This is a house of learning) or possession/belonging (This is the house of Dave). You can tell the difference by whether it can be replaced with for or the possessive s - This is a house for learning / This is learning's house (learning, as an abstract concept, cannot own property), This is the house for Dave (while being a valid sentence, it has a different meaning) / This is Dave's house.

Classical Latin, a logical language like German, uses cases to differentiate between those two meanings. Belli, genitive case, means war's, while Bello, ablative case, means for the war/about the war. So Belli et Pacis would mean "The war's (object missing) and the Peace's (object missing)".

Sorry for all the grammarposting!
 
  • 2
Reactions:
I echo the comments of other commentatAARs, the losses seem pretty great for the gain achieved. One gets the sense of lots of little trouble areas, all bubbling away, let's hope that Rome can deal with them peacemeal...
 
  • 1
Reactions:
Fascinating update and a definite shift with the end of the war but the thing that shocks me most is that Macedonia is a republic! How did that happen? :eek:
 
  • 1
Reactions:
Fascinating update and a definite shift with the end of the war but the thing that shocks me most is that Macedonia is a republic! How did that happen? :eek:
Hey, well spotted! I didn’t notice and got no message about it at the time. I may dig a little through old saves to see if I can ferret out any info about it.
 
  • 1Like
Reactions:
Hey, well spotted! I didn’t notice and got no message about it at the time. I may dig a little through old saves to see if I can ferret out any info about it.

That could be an interesting diversion...
 
  • 1
Reactions:
The peace mechanics really are quite limiting in this game aren't they? A great deal of blood and treasure expended results in a mere handful of provinces changing hands, but given the limitations it was perhaps all that could be achieved.

While Rome no doubt hopes for a few years of recovery and rebuilding (raiding barbarians and Gaul does not count as actual 'war' I'm sure) you seem to hint at trouble ahead. Which sounds a lot more fun to read about than Rome just gathering strength for Great Eastern War 2: The Revenge. ;) :)
 
  • 1Like
  • 1
Reactions:
I echo the comments of other commentatAARs, the losses seem pretty great for the gain achieved. One gets the sense of lots of little trouble areas, all bubbling away, let's hope that Rome can deal with them peacemeal...
The peace mechanics really are quite limiting in this game aren't they? A great deal of blood and treasure expended results in a mere handful of provinces changing hands, but given the limitations it was perhaps all that could be achieved.
I guess I’m a bit more accepting and philosophical about the losses v gains of this peace process: the main aim was to take down the enemy military capacity, especially Pontus, as well as grabbing territory (and in this case cutting them off from Macedon and the rest of Thrace). Like the first peace with Carthage, it opened the door, hopefully meaning we can get more, more easily next time. And like that time with Carthage, to give them credit, they fought pretty hard and managed to revive a bit at the end, so that limited further gains. I don’t mind too much when the game makes it hard, it makes the challenge more enjoyable and means I’m not just writing the story of a big unopposed red blob gobbling up everything too easily. ;)
While Rome no doubt hopes for a few years of recovery and rebuilding (raiding barbarians and Gaul does not count as actual 'war' I'm sure) you seem to hint at trouble ahead. Which sounds a lot more fun to read about than Rome just gathering strength for Great Eastern War 2: The Revenge. ;) :)
The barbarian incursions can be surprisingly effective - especially before I’m able to improve the internal road network, which my low civics level still prevents. The brush fires can get pretty hot, even if not to the intensity of a ‘real’ war. I agree, challenge, setbacks and trouble make it more interesting for player/writer and reader alike! Within reason. :D

All. As July winds down, @Nikolai has asked us to remind our readAARs of the H1 (Q1+Q2) 2020 ACAs (AARLand Choice Awards). He has gone to the effort of reviving them ‘under new management’ after a gap since last year. For those not familiar, it gives you the chance to recognise your favourite AARs, up to four per game category.

It’s simpler than you might think to vote. I find easiest done on a PC: put your watched list in one window and your vote post in another, then just copy and paste the links to your faves under each category (Done by current game version, with old ones like this EU Rome thread, HOI3 etc caught under ‘other’). You don’t need to vote for this AAR, just any that you like that has published from Jan-July this year, up to the four per category. The authAARs appreciate it, it’s a great source of potential new reading material and a good turnout will reward @Nikolai‘s brave effort to revive them. :)
 
Last edited:
  • 2Like
  • 1
Reactions:
with the occasional classical Latin talk here, I thought I'd share this with you guys I really gave this a good laugh today

 
  • 1Love
  • 1Haha
Reactions:
with the occasional classical Latin talk here, I thought I'd share this with you guys I really gave this a good laugh today

That’s absolutely fantastic! :D :D :D :cool:
 
  • 2Love
Reactions:
with the occasional classical Latin talk here, I thought I'd share this with you guys I really gave this a good laugh today

I love these sort of adaptations.
 
  • 1Like
Reactions:
  • 1
Reactions:
Great stuff. I really like it when you see the statues and busts with painted features as they would have been in the day.
Me too actually.

You know, you just know, that the middle guy had an awful, truly awful, adolescence.
 
  • 1Haha
Reactions: