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I have had a policy of leaving these border realms alone until they either do something silly or really get in the way. I've kind of imposed a game rule that the rough line of the OTL Roman Empire will be held along the Rhine and Danube, so the Suebi are fairly safe for now. But there are other events and options that may distract or tempt us ...
Chapter CXVIII: The Gallic Wars (3 January 631 AUC/121 BC to 4 June 636 AUC/116 BC)
Introduction
The Great War of 626-31 AUC had just finished with a favourable peace for Rome with Egypt. But Roman manpower had been seriously dented after five years of war against (successively and sometimes concurrently) Pontus, the Seleucids, the Parisii and Egypt, though it had not actually fallen into deficit.
It was now time for the Republic to take a break from major conflict. But would barbarians and rebels be amenable to this proposed Pax Romana? Judging by past experience, this was unlikely! And so it would prove …
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1. January-April 631 AUC
Rome had truces were in place with the Parisii (to 12 December 632), Pontus (7 May 634), the Seleucid Empire (7 February 635) and Egypt (3 January 636). Immediately following the end of the war, the Senate mission to take Sarmatia expired: it was owned by Pontus which remained allied to the Seleucids and subject to a truce. And the Religious faction was so dominant in the Senate that losing five senators was little more than a flea bite.
The next mission would be easy to fulfil but Consul G.F. Pictor held off doing so, lest the Senate demand something more difficult instead. There was time to strong this one along.
Humphronius nodded in appreciation when the Consul directed him to “let it be achieved in due course and the fullness of time, when the moment was propitious and all arguments for and against had been exhaustively examined.” These words were music to Humphronius' ears.
“Some masterful inaction? Yes Consul!”
Things remained quiet for a few months, until Legio VII (M.V. Maximus, 17,500 men) arrived in Aulerci on 5 April. He quickly assaulted the 700 man rebel garrison and retook the town three days later, heading on towards Bellovaci, which the rebels were now infesting.
A medium sized revolt by a bunch of malcontents in recently occupied Turdetani broke out on 1 May. It was quickly snuffed out within a week by the powerful Legio X (T.O. Bibulus), which remained in place (Rome 826/25,368; Rebels 3,365/8,000 killed). Legio X was split into two at that point, 16 cohorts (15,174 men) remaining in Turdetani and another 16 of the weakest (9,368) being consolidated into 12 and marched north to return to garrison duty in Gaul. Legio XII (L.V. Falto, four cohorts) marched up from Gadira to join Legio X.
During this period, a noticeable dearth of talented Roman legates was worsened. First, on 8 April the recently freed and highly effective Pelopidas Omirid (Martial 9) died, with no real decent spare talent to replace him in Legio III, on the Egyptian border.
The ranks would be further thinned in December when the ‘journeyman’ commander L.V. Falto, who had only just transferred across from Hispania to take charge of Legio IX in Rhoxolani, died far too young – probably from some disease, though possibly through murder. He was quickly replaced by another mediocre commander, as no threat of conflict was expected on this front for some years yet.
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2. May-December 631 AUC
M.V. Maximus caught up with the rebel scum in Bellovaci and defeated them in a difficult battle from 19 to 31 May, which only turned in his favour towards the end (Rome 3,131/17,905; Rebels 2,477/7,000 killed). Gaul was at peace again.
On 9 June, a new Eagle was presented to M.U. Agricola’s scratch legion that had been gathering in Paphlagonia in recent months (22,886 men). It was designated as Legio I, reviving the name of the famous legion that had been destroyed in Lydia during the last war.
With the gathering of a large Egyptian army in Lycia, the four cohorts stationed in Caria were withdrawn by sea in July and would be ferried up to reinforce Legio I in Paphlagonia. A.C. Caudex, who was always expensive to keep happy, was given a smaller bribe in late July, to tide his loyalty over to mid-September. At that time his appointment as commander of Legio IX in Rhoxolani could be legally terminated. This would be done in late October, at which time the post was left vacant.
On 10 November, a boundary dispute erupted with Egypt. Consul Pictor decided to press the issue, granting a core claim on Turduli (Hispania), the corollary of which was Egypt gaining a casus belli on Rome. This badly affecting the already poor relations between the two (-30).
The leaderless Legio IX was forced to disperse a rebellion in Rhoxolani (3-5 December; Rome 805/24,964; Rebels all 5,000 killed). After that, L.V. Falto (Martial 5, now available from Hispania) would be appointed to lead Legio IX on 7 December, only to die less two weeks later (as noted above) and be replaced by the equally mediocre M.U. Agricola (Martial 5), relocated from Asia Minor.
In Rome itself, the year ended well with a positive response from Minerva to the calling of the annual omen.
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3. January-April 632 AUC
A small civil war broke out in Parisii on 2 January 632, which Rome simply observed: the Parisii, with no military access through Roman territory, could do little about it. But this drew attention to a far more serious barbarian incursion that would dominate the next period began. A huge host of Osismii was spotted crossing the Fretum Gallicum from Cantii to Atrebates. The nearest army, Legio VII, could not reach Atrebates in time to contest the crossing and was less than half the strength of the estimated 38,000 man barbarian force.
Fortunately, by that time the army sent up from Hispania at the start of the year before, now redesignated Legio XII, was finally approaching. The two were ordered to meet in Remi, where they could combine their numbers and then take on the huge barbarian horde. A couple of days later, five new cohorts (3 x principes, 2 x cavalry) started training in Gaul, leaving the manpower reserve at 32,050 with 6,877 replacements needed.
The Osismii landed in Atrebates on 22 January and quickly assaulted the town, overwhelming the 2,000 man garrison just four days later. The province was pillaged, badly damaging civilised society there (-22.8 civilisation, a massive hit). They would next march on Parisii – where the Romans could not attack without breaking the truce and declaring war.
The next distraction was a rebellion in Malta by 7,000 ne’er-do-wells on 1 March. It would take some days for Rome to organise a response.
The Osismii arrived in Parisii and assaulted it on 20 March, while the Roman armies and new units were still not fully gathered in Remi. The barbarians had taken and sacked Parisii by the 24th and headed south to Carnutes, where a reinforcing cohort had to take rapid evasive action to avoid being caught and destroyed.
The plan changed, with Roman forces now seeking to rendezvous in Aedui – which would take more time. Meanwhile, something had to be done about Malta. When the fleet that would ferry a force arrived in Syrtis Major on 27 March, the only well-qualified commander available to lead an expedition was none other than S.C. ‘Cursimus’ Maximus (Martial 8). His loyalty was bought with 100 gold in bribes and he was put in charge of a detachment from Legio III in Leptis Magna: 11,000 men in a re-raised Legio VIII. It was a chance to redeem himself – and the shortage of qualified legates was becoming serious.
Yet another revolt broke out in early April, this time in the east again, in Navari. Legio VI (a different S.C. Maximus) would respond.
This outbreak prompted a wider review of the level of dissent around the Republic, most rife in more recently conquered provinces, but also made worse by the new prevalence of small scale corruption everywhere (essentially, every Governor now has at least a 5% corruption rating, even if otherwise ‘clean’).
The naval assault on Malta was a difficult affair, with 10% attrition having been suffered by Legio VIII before it could get ashore. But Maximus performed well [4.5 – 2 v 1 die roll] and emerged victorious in a battle that went from 21 April-4 May (Rome 1,770/9,900; Rebels 2,106/7,000 killed).
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4. May-September 632 AUC
S.C. Maximus, partly vindicated by his good showing in Malta, returned for Africa on 4 May, where he would ultimately resume command of his old outfit, Legio III. Up in Gaul, Caudex was recalled to the field, mollified with 200 gold to repurchase his loyalty, and given command of the newly re-formed Legio XII in Aedui on 8 May. Caudex (Legio XII, in Aedui) and M.V. Maximus (Legio VII, in Lingones) coordinated their departures so that Caudex would arrive first in Carnutes on 21 June and M.V. Maximus the day after.
But before the battle could be fought, in Rome another Consular election came due. And it was won by none other than M.V. Maximus ‘in absentia’, despite being from the smallest Senatorial faction! Nice timing for him and good for the morale of Rome’s armies for his coming term.
The same day, the Osismii assaulted the walls of Carnutes, breaking in and sacking the city four days later, devastating the province in the process. This may have somewhat damaged the moral of the barbarian army somewhat, which could not recover before the avenging Romans fell on them a few weeks later. But the Osismii were skilfully led and staged a tactical withdrawal on 26 June after only light fighting.
Control of the city was quickly won back by Caudex, but the setback to infrastructure had been considerable. The Romans would wait in Carnutes as the Osismii retreated to Parisii (where Rome could still not pursue them) then returned at the end of August. Caudex would win a more substantial victory by 9 September, but the barbarians still numbered more than 23,000.
After the battle, M.V. Maximus would take a smaller force of around 8,200 men in Legio VII to swing around and head to Atrebates, while Caudex waited in Carnutes with 20,770 men in Legio XII.
As the campaign in Gaul was being waged, S.C. Maximus (the Elder) attacked with Legio VI and eventually defeated and dispersed the rebels in Navari between 24 June and 11 July, but only after a difficult fight against fewer than one third their number (Rome 1,646/16,000; Rebels 1,605/5,000 killed).
But poor old Maximus did not have long to enjoy his victory: he died on 23 July at the venerable age of 80 as Legio VI marched back east to Alazones. Yet another of Rome’s dwindling number of competent legates (Martial 8) was gone.
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5. The Gallic Wars: October 632 to December 633 AUC
On 22 October a new large barbarian invasion by the Frisii was reported to be advancing on Treveri from Germania. Four days later, the Osismii had reached Parisii and were doubling back to Carnutes, pinning Caudex there while the reduced Legio VII (of insufficient strength to confront the new Frisii war band) was still heading towards Remi in their loop around to Atrebates.
This time, as Caudex’s loyalty wavered again – four days before the Osismii were due to attack again – his recent victory had earned him a new triumph (rather than the normal bribes he demanded).
The Osismii returned another three times between November 632 to April 633 and each time Caudex administered sound thrashings, but such were their numbers that they were not yet eliminated. In the meantime, the Frisii arrived in Treveri on 27 December, while Legio VII began its siege to liberate Atrebates on the 30th. After the latest defeat of the Osismii in Carnutes on 17 April 633, Caudex would begin marching east via Lingones to deal with the now greater threat of the Frisian invasion of Treveri. To make the situation even more complicated, a small revolt broke out in Bellovaci on 1 June, putting that town under siege as well.
Caudex picked up some extra cohorts in Lingones on 2 June and marched on to Treveri to attack the Frisii. Behind him, the Osismii arrived in Carnutes to once more put it under siege. The Frisii completed their siege of Treveri on 21 July, causing a smaller amount of damage than had the Osismii in Gaul. Less than a month later, Caudex wrought vengeance on the marauders, destroying more than half their army for minimal losses. The same day the battle was won, M.V. Maximus regained Atrebates.
Caudex wasted no time after his victory against the Frisii by immediately assaulting the small garrison they had left in the town, then settled down to await the return of the barbarians. Meanwhile, Legio VII marched across from Atrebates to Bellovaci, though M.V. Maximus made heavy going of defeating the far smaller rebel force in the second half of September.
With the siege in Carnutes starting to look dangerous (75% progress) by late October, eight cohorts were detached from Legio XII in Treveri under the command of Consul G.F. Pictor, who marched via Remi to try to the relief of Carnutes. And on 12 November, the haughty Caudex required yet another (albeit well-earned) triumph to maintain his loyalty.
But Pictor would not be quick enough, with Carnutes falling to the Osismii on 22 December, once again causing catastrophic damage to the province before marching south to continue their depredations in Aedui. Five days later, Caudex engaged the Frisii once again and destroyed them completely for barely any Roman loss. By the start of 634 AUC, he was following Pictor west.
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6. General Events: October 632 to December 633 AUC
As the fighting continued in Gaul, on 2 October Caria and Tingis both became a core part of the Roman patrimony. With little happening elsewhere in the Republic, the annual omen calling on Minerva was once again successful on 14 December.
In early February 633, a large round of recruiting was begun, both in the west and the east, with eight new principes and five archer cohorts raised, taking the manpower reserve back down to 54,327 with 6,493 replacements still needed after the latest fighting in Gaul.
Soon after, another doomed uprising – this time by 4,000 slaves – was quashed in Turdetani by T.O. Bibulus (Legio X) from 9-13 February (Rome 348/20,000; Rebels all 4,000 killed).
Some good news came in May 633 with the recent colony of Menapii being declared successful (full Roman culture and religion).
The year ended with the Pontifex Maximus this time calling for – and receiving – the blessing of Cupid for the coming year, as a bit of a change from the usual invocation of Minerva. Research reverted to ‘usual’ levels.
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7. January-June 634 AUC
On 1 January, Pictor’s detachment was in Remi and heading for Carnutes, which the Osismii were still marching out of. Legio VII had come down from the north after relieving Bellovaci and was north of Pictor in Nervii, while Caudex had just set out from Treveri with the rest of Legio XII (20,500 men). The Osismii reached Aedui on 15 January and established their siege lines.
Pictor’s force arrived in Carnutes on 27 January and, rather than letting it languish further under Osismii oppression, launched an assault, though it took nine days to overcome just 200 barbarians. Rather than waiting for reinforcements, fear that Aedui might be assaulted and devastated prompted Pictor to set off straight away to its relief. But this effort would lead to a technical loss (though tactical victory) when his tired men (now designated as Legio XI) ran out of morale against the now small and outnumbered rump of the once-huge Osismii host.
Undaunted, well rested and outnumbering his adversary by more than two-one, M.V. Maximus launched Legio VII at the Osismii on 22 March. Only to suffer the same fate as the Consul nine days later! It took the arrival of Caudex in late April to eradicate the Osismii menace and finally bring a small measure of peace (and retrieved gold) to Gaul.
On the Danube, the peace had been disturbed in late February by the arrival of a large barbarian incursion into Autariatae by a group of Batavi that had passed through the lands of the Dacians, ravaging Apuli along the way. The nearest available force to respond was Legio VI (currently with no legate) all the way over in Alazones. It would be a long approach march.
In mid-May, another ten new cohorts (seven principes, two archer, one horse archer) were raised in the east, to ensure there would be enough troops to both guard the central Danubian frontier and to reinforce in event of a new war the Seleucids. Even after this raising, the manpower reserve still stood at 93,773.
This relatively peaceful situation was inherited by the new Consul Drusus Claudius Otho when he reasserted Religious control of the chief magistracy on 2 June 634 AUC.
“Charismatic - but incapable, proud, tactically inflexible, rash, suspicious and reckless,” harrumphed Humphronius when he heard the news of Otho’s election. “Typical bloody politician!”
“But at least he is known to be steadfast and just,” offered a somewhat hesitant Bernardius, trying to take the few positives to be found.
“Oh, do be quiet, Bernardius,” replied Humphronius gruffly, before hearing the call of the new Consul to receive his initial briefing.
“Yes, coming now, Consul,” oiled the veteran bureaucrat, an unctuous and insincere smile suddenly plastered over his face as he entered the consular tablinum.
Just three days later, another futile rebellion broke out in a fully garrisoned province – this time in Rhoxolani, on the northern coast of the Euxine Sea (Rome 231/25,000; Rebels all 5,000 killed).
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8. July-December 634 AUC
By mid-July the recently commissioned builds in the east were all ordered up to converge in Alazones, where they would begin to reconstitute the reserve there while Legio VI headed to relieve Autariatae.
And another ten cohorts began training in the east (six principes, three archers, one horse archers).
In Gaul, the short respite soon came to an end, with a ‘double revolt’ in Veneti, in the far north-west. 6,000 Allobroges revolted on 14 July and then 2,000 Treviri rose in the same place just three days later, teaming up with their colleagues. Legio XII, then in Carnutes on its way back to the German frontier, diverted west to deal with them.
Autariatae had run out of water and was in trouble by 31 August (75% progress) with Legio VI now approaching from next door in Daci. But they would arrive four days later: just in time, with the walls breached and an assault by the Batavi barely resisted, leaving the Batavi badly demoralised as Legio VI struck – commanded by Consul Pictor, the performing the ‘fireman’ role to command the troops. And this time, a match for his equally mediocre opposing general Munderic Gelimerid.
The first battle in September 634 was little more than a skirmish. For the second in November-December, the Batavi had picked up around 10,000 reinforcements during their return from Eravisci and a far bloodier battle ensured, the now outnumbered Pictor prevailing again.
By the time the Batavi returned, it seemed Gelimerid was gone, replaced by a woefully incompetent Culchas Leukid (Martial 1). It would only take two more battles for Pictor to eventually wipe out the invaders on 12 May 635 – and in doing so earn himself a great deal of popular acclaim, slaves and recovered gold.
Elsewhere, another of Rome’s great commanders of the recent wars, C.A. Florus (Martial 9) succumbed to old age in late September, with the lack of good replacements still a problem. Little new talent had been coming through on the cursus honorum in recent years. The best that could be done at present was to promote the current Pontifex Maximus to Censor, to be replaced by a newly available Q.A. Papus.
This triggered the fulfilment of the current Senate mission, to be replaced by a demand to conquer Turduli from the Egyptians. There was ten years to achieve this objective that was logical and well supported by both the Senate itself and past and current (and likely future) consuls. Failing to achieve it would damage national stability, though there was enough gold handy to remedy that if it became necessary.
Just as Legio XII was approaching the rebels in Veneti (63% progress) a new barbarian threat emerged on Rome’s German frontier in mid-November. A force of 16,000 Teutones was in the Parisian border province (the earlier Parisian civil war having ended at some point) of Ampisvarii. Legio VII was at that time to its immediate south in Treveri and would keep an eye on developments.
The army’s build-up in the east continued with the raising of six more cohorts in early December: a shortage of supporting arms would be addressed by the recruiting of four archer, one cavalry and one horse archer cohorts (manpower reserve to 96,293, with 3,977 replacements required).
Caudex closed in on the rebellious barbarians, trouncing them in Veneti from 3-13 December, then pursuing them to Aremorica and destroying them there on 5 February 635.
Unfortunately, the auspices were poor as the year came to an end, with research reduced as Minerva was deemed to show disfavour through the rogue antics of a chicken that was soon being basted in herbs and served up to the angry College of Augurs.
The year would end with news that the Teutones had sacked Ampisvarii and been joined by a fresh rising of a different tribe – the Angrivarii, led by what could well have been the brother or other close relation of the Teutones’ chieftain…
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9. January-June 635 AUC
The new German invasion of Gaul first focused on the Cherusci (themselves originally Germanic invaders) tribal state in Eburones. On 4 January, the combined warbands began their advance on Eburones, which they reached on 31 January. The invaders had defeated and destroyed the Cherusci by 6 February, at which time Caudex was done in Aremorica and coming back to the frontier with Legio XII.
This time, Rome did not want to wait for the barbarians to emerge before engaging them on Roman soil, so to get at them, war was declared on the Cherusci on 15 February. The reinforced but still not fully rebuilt Legio VII began advancing straight away, M.V. Maximus hoping to catch the invaders a little weakened and unprepared.
Unfortunately for Maximus, his second-line legion, with a numerical advantage but containing a significant component of militia troops, found themselves attacking across a river and in a horrendous tactical position in the first five days of the battle. Ageric Malaracid was a canny commander and Maximus never gained the advantage, finding a very nasty defeat on 4 April 635.
Yet again, it would take the arrival of Caudex (who had to be granted yet another triumph on 28 April) and Legio XII to remedy the situation. He won a brief but fierce battle on 18 July and then took over the barbarians’ well-advanced siege lines, assaulting the walls over seven days to secure the province.
The Roman Army, by late May containing 321 cohorts (around 40 more than at the end of the Great War), saw another three cohorts recruited in Gaul (two principes, one cavalry) to help bolster the clearly under-powered Legio VII. Manpower was at 100,000 with 8,594 replacements needed after Legio VII’s disaster in Eburones.
A week later, another draft of fifteen new cohorts was begun in the east (ten principes, two cavalry, three archers). Manpower was back down to 86,485 with 9,878 replacements required. Legio VI, having finished the defence of Autariatae against the Batavi, would stay thre as the Danube garrison.
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10. July-December 635 AUC
With the seizure of Eburones, the short war to annex it from the Cherusci was over. In something of a windfall, their former Administrator, one Geisric Andicid, was taken prisoner and found to be a very competent commander. He was quickly pardoned and put in charge of Legio VII, then recovering in Treveri! Perhaps he could do a better job than the hapless Maximus (Cursimus Minor)?
In early September, yet another invasion was discovered with the Dulgumnii seen approaching Menapii on 5 September. Before he could respond to this latest threat, Caudex had to see off another attack by the Teutones and Angrivarii in the newly annexed Eburones, which proved a little messy but not too great a problem for the master general of his era.
With that victory, Legio XII shuffled north to secure Menapii from the new invasion, while Andicid took Legio VII north-west to Eburones to protect his old homeland.
The ever more prideful Caudex required a massive bribe of 250 gold on 4 October to keep him loyal (it being too soon since his last triumph to grant another). But given his results and a treasury of over 9,000 gold, the price was considered worth paying.
The latest northern campaign would be wound up in a series of three battles from October 635 to January 636. First, Caudex arrived just two days before the Dulgumnii, who he engaged and destroyed in a single battle over just two days.
“Money well spent, eh, Bernardius?” suggested the Consul when he received the report.
“Yes, Consul,” was the firm reply.
And despite a rocky start to proceedings on 10 November, Andicid emerged victorious six days later in Eburones, then again more decisively in January 636, when the two invading warbands were finally destroyed.
On 27 October, the young Q.A. Papus (Martial 7) was promoted from Pontifex Maximus to Censor, after a term of which he would be available to command a legion in the field.
Then in November, Roman focus started to drift back east again. The truce with Egypt would expire in early January, so Rome decided to start improving relations with the Seleucids, hoping to secure that flank after the diplomatic perils of the recent Great War were recalled.
Four days later the ‘Western Africa Garrison’, Legio V (C.R. Tacitus, 20 cohorts) began moving from Ikosim to Tritones, south of Carthage, to be closer to the Egyptian front should reinforcements be needed for the around 70,000 men on the border in Legio II and III.
Things remained quiet for the next month or so, with more recruiting in the east (three cohorts of principes, two of archers) at the end of December. The year ended with the calling of the omen: despite a Religious Consul and a good Pontifex, Minerva remained displeased and the uncooperative chicken tender and succulent, with a piquant garum-based sauce.
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11. January-May 636 AUC
The wars in Gaul were not quite finished: it was decided to ‘tidy up the border gore’ and eliminate the traitorous Parisians in a quick strike. War was declared in mid-January, with no stability effect but a further increase in the infamy of the Republic. Caudex marched on Parisii while their army fled to Carnutes (and was ignored). An assault from 6-12 March cost the Romans a little over 500 men, but the war was all over with a minimum of fuss.
Three prisoners and four refugees (children) were taken from Parisii after its surrender on 14 March. As with the Cherusci before them, two of the prisoners proved to be talented officers and were soon released. Vodenosid was a qualified general, but the highly talented Dagaracid would need to be somehow qualified for command, as he was only the equivalent of an ex-Quaestor.
As February ended, the Roman Army contained 348 cohorts (for an establishment strength of 348,000 men), with reserve manpower of 93,257.
The Egyptians seemed to decide something was brewing, because on 16 March they provocatively assassinated Tacitus as he marched east through Tritonis with his legion. The dastardly assassin was captured and (some RP here) was summarily executed, despite any outrage felt at home or abroad.
Diplomatic efforts were stepped up with the now more amenable Seleucids, with a request made in early April for Roman military access being. If granted, this would improve relations further and allow Rome to get at that isolated Egyptian army in Lycia from their main base in Phrygia.
Things continued to escalate, with 5 April bringing a positive response from the Seleucids. And desiring revenge, however unlikely it was to succeed, an assassin was sent to kill one of Egypt’s top generals. But the plot failed and Rome’s reputation suffered further. Not that the Consul or Senate cared.
On 13 April, Caudex was relieved of his command of Legio XII in Gaul, with both him and the Parisian Vodenosid (Martial 8) now available for commands in the east.
The next diplomatic move by Rome was to renew the alliance with the Seleucids, which was formally agreed on 12 May 636 AUC. The Seleucids retained their long-standing alliance with Pontus, now their tributary, so that avenue of quick expansion was out, for now.
But it determined Rome’s next move: to pre-position an army to threaten Egypt’s enclave of Lycia and a naval landing force that would do the same to Cyprus. With little chance now of any war with the Seleucids in the near future, Legio I was ordered south from Taurica.
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12. New Consul, New War: 2-4 June 636 AUC
But the next moves by the Republic would be led by a new consul. The election on 2 June saw the Religious faction retain power with another of the ubiquitous Carvilius Maximus clan elected: Mettius. During his initial briefings, Consul M.C. Maximus was reminded by Humphronius and Bernardius of the extant Senate mission to take Turduli in Hispania.
With this Senate demand (and support) and recent outrageous Egyptian provocations, Maximus only waited two days before declaring war on the Egyptians, acting as soon as Legio IV had arrived in Pisidia on 4 June. The Massilians were called to arms, but not the Seleucids – yet, anyway. That card would only be played when (or if) needed. Certainly not before Lycia had been secured, anyway.
With no opposition to Legio X in Hispania, the key initial moves would come at Corniclanum on the Egyptian border and in Asia Minor. S.C. ‘Cursimus’ (Legio III, Martial 8) was joined by the former legate of Legio VII in Gaul, M.V. Maximus (Legio II, Martial 7) for the Corniclanum assault.
And the one-on-one battle for Lycia (Legio IV) was entrusted to none other than the pre-eminent (and recently bribed-up) Caudex, returning to the standards after a brief holiday following his successful Gallic campaign.
The world braced for what Rome hoped would be a short, limited war to carve away as many of the three remaining Egyptian enclaves as may prove possible. At a minimum, they hoped to close out Hispania and expand their own enclave in Asia Minor. Cyprus and perhaps Corniclanum would be ‘nice if they could get them’.
Whether these ambitions were feasible or ruinously fanciful would be proven “in due course, and the fullness of time,” observed Humphronius – with his typical careful prevarication and bet-hedging.
To which Bernardius muttered “fugit inreparabile tempus”, in reply.
"Did you say something, Bernardius Lanatus?"
"No, Humphronius Obscurus."
The phrase fugit inreparabile tempus (translated by some as "it escapes, irretrievable time") was used almost a century later by Virgil in his poem Georgics (c. 29 BC). Perhaps because it was deemed a little long , it is more commonly reduced to tempus fugit (“time flies”) in modern usage.
It's a pity the dastardly barbarians looted Atrebates, if it reached enough civilization it would've been the jumping point of colonizing the province that they came from :/
For the Roman Republic there is only war, mostly successful war admittedly but even so. I am amazed the Roman economy generates enough money to pay all the troops (and the generals bribes) as the entire population must either be conscripted, in a war industry or dead at this point. Yet they march back to another Egyptian War and still, somehow, think it might be short and simple. Such delusion and steadfast refusal to learn anything from very recent history.
There is definitely a sense of standards slipping and moral decay to the Republic. Quite aside from all the corruption and bribery there is the Senate's indifference to the honour and reputation of Rome in the wider world. The definition of 'honour' seems to grow ever laxer while it is apparent most Senators and Generals seem to keep forgetting the 'L' in the word "Glory". Perhaps it is time for some reform, a new broom to sweep away the venal senate and corrupt governors, possibly even get some civil servants who serve Rome first and no themselves, though that could be an impossible task!
There is definitely a sense of standards slipping and moral decay to the Republic. Quite aside from all the corruption and bribery there is the Senate's indifference to the honour and reputation of Rome in the wider world. The definition of 'honour' seems to grow ever laxer while it is apparent most Senators and Generals seem to keep forgetting the 'L' in the word "Glory". Perhaps it is time for some reform, a new broom to sweep away the venal senate and corrupt governors, possibly even get some civil servants who serve Rome first and no themselves, though that could be an impossible task!
It's a pity the dastardly barbarians looted Atrebates, if it reached enough civilization it would've been the jumping point of colonizing the province that they came from :/
It would, but in this ATL I've pretty much written Britannia off: Massilia can have it! As for Egypt - their insults and transgressions could no longer be ignored!
For the Roman Republic there is only war, mostly successful war admittedly but even so. I am amazed the Roman economy generates enough money to pay all the troops (and the generals bribes) as the entire population must either be conscripted, in a war industry or dead at this point. Yet they march back to another Egyptian War and still, somehow, think it might be short and simple. Such delusion and steadfast refusal to learn anything from very recent history.
There is definitely a sense of standards slipping and moral decay to the Republic. Quite aside from all the corruption and bribery there is the Senate's indifference to the honour and reputation of Rome in the wider world. The definition of 'honour' seems to grow ever laxer while it is apparent most Senators and Generals seem to keep forgetting the 'L' in the word "Glory". Perhaps it is time for some reform, a new broom to sweep away the venal senate and corrupt governors, possibly even get some civil servants who serve Rome first and no themselves, though that could be an impossible task!
Yes, Rome is like a shark at the moment that must keep swimming to survive. Blood is sensed and spilt wantonly - for glory! Noting though there is a pretty big empire now that can supply manpower, and many of the units are auxiliaries, so it's a lot of mercenary barbarian blood being spilled as part of it.
Yes, the decay and corruption creeps up too. The days of the Republic are no doubt doomed. Is it corruption when you run everything yourself?
I just finished reading the first chapter of October 1943 in Talking Turkey, and after reading about all the blood spilt in the first ten days I had to double check that I wasn’t reading this AAR.
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Chapter CXIX: Perfidious Egypt (4 June 636 AUC/116 BC to 10 January 638 AUC/114 BC)
Chapter CXIX: Perfidious Egypt (4 June 636 AUC/116 BC to 10 January 638 AUC/114 BC)
Introduction
A period of comparative peace had been broken after an escalating series of provocations by the Perfidious Ptolemys of Egypt, including the assassination of a Roman legate in Africa. This challenge was met by Rome in the only way possible for any self-respecting Consul, Senator or Legate: war and the massive effusion of citizen’s blood in pursuit of honour, glory and territory.
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1. June-July 636 AUC
After the declaration of war against Egypt on 4 June and the initial advance of Roman legions in Hispania, Asia Minor and Africa, the first reaction of the Egyptian commanders defending Lycia and Corniclanum was to withdraw.
Aratos Setnid’s 10th Army pulled out from Corniclanum to Barca on 5 June in the face of the converging advances of Legio II (M.V. Maximus) and III (S.C. ‘Cursimus’ Maximus). Then on 9 June, Leonippus Ptolemy’s 3rd Army decided to head to Roman Caria on 9 June, which he would reach ten days before the now legendary A.C. Caudex (Legio IV) could strike him in Lycia. In Hispania, T.O. Bibulus (Legio X) reached the undefended Turduli to begin a siege on 22 June.
The recently raised Legio XIII (17 cohorts) arrived in Phrygia on 24 June and had a commander appointed: Nithard Vodenosid (Martial 8), one of the released Gallic ‘new men’. He was ordered to march to Pisidia, following up Caudex and destined to besiege Lycia. The same day, the 3rd Army arrived in Caria and set it to siege.
In Africa, Legio II arrived in Corniclanum on 2 July, a week ahead of S.C. Maximus with Legio III, who was ordered to halt in Leptis Magna to avoid overcrowding and excessive attrition in the siege of Corniclanum.
Up in Asia Minor, on 3 July Caudex arrived in Lycia but moved straight on to confront the Egyptians in Caria, while Legio XIII followed on. Vodenosid would be in Pisidia by 11 July and marching on Lycia, where he was due to arrive around 9 August.
In Africa, things hotted up with the appearance of the Egyptian 11th Army on 15 July and their combination with the 10th to make an advance on Corniclanum. As Legio III could not arrive to support them in sufficient time, this prompted the withdrawal of Legio II back to Nassamones.
Rome remained wary of bloody battles on Egyptian territory after previous experience against the formidable foe, especially when they only had the two legions nearby and the Egyptians could easily call up more troops from their heartland.
On the same day, a detachment of four cohorts began landing on Cyprus, delivered by Classis IV, starting their siege on the 20th. But the big news that day was the attack of Caudex at the Battle of Caria. It seems the Egyptians had unwisely assaulted the walls not long before the Romans arrived, severely weakening their morale. They fought strongly but not for long, as Caudex led a ferocious attack all across the line.
Egyptian morale had collapsed by the 23rd – which may have actually saved them from even heavier losses. The 3rd Army had a head start on Caudex, as they had already been moving to Lycia for some days before Caudex attacked them. Caudex chased, but Legio XIII would arrive in Lycia on 9 August, just two days before the Egyptians: Vodenosid would have an early test as a newly minted Roman general.
In Africa, Legio II reached to the comparative safety of Nassamones on 29 July.
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2. Naval Mini-Campaign: July-August 636 AUC
As Classis IV was arriving in Mare Cyprium on on 8 July, Classis VII (C.C. Ursinus, 45 ships) was attacking an Egyptian fleet of 24 ships that had been spotted in Hermaeum Promontorium. Both admirals were equally mediocre (4 Martial), so it would be the numbers and the winds that would decide things. The Egyptians broke off towards Mare Carpathicum on 15 July, with Rome capturing one Egyptian trireme but neither side having lost any ships and Classis VII in hot pursuit.
That battle lasted from 26-30 July, with the Egyptians having one of their 23 remaining ships sunk before heading back south to Mare Aegyptiacum, again pursued by the Romans. The final battle of the series saw the captured ship lost by Rome, with the Egyptians fleeing back to port in Alexandria with 22 ships. The Romans also headed back to port to have some significant damage repaired.
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3. August-September 636 AUC
Religious technology advanced (to level 7) on 1 August – but no bonus effects would be forthcoming. Reserve manpower stood at 99,957, with 10,545 replacements required among the 348 cohorts the Roman Army then fielded.
The Egyptians closed up on Corniclanum in early August, their initial move being an advance on Legio II in Nassamones. But a supporting march by Legio III was enough to make them halt again a day later, even though S.C. Maximus would have arrived about eleven days after a battle would have begun (Legio II would not have been able to retreat in time had they wished to).
Legio III halted again after the Egyptians did. At this stage, Rome was taking a largely defensive or stalling approach in Africa, while they tried to secure victories in Hispania and Asia Minor. The next phase of that occurred in Lycia, when the still demoralised Egyptians ran into Legio XIII, which Vodenosid led very capably against the talented Ptolemy in his first battle under the Roman eagle.
Caudex was able to halt in Caria, his assistance not needed, as the hapless 3rd Army bounced back towards him. And when it occurred on 31 August, hardly any fighting was recorded as the Egyptians soon abandoned the field in a state of near panic.
In the confusion of their rout, Leonippus Ptolemy was captured. His execution would have caused unrest, so he was kept safely in prison. This time, Caudex would pursue them to Lycia as he sensed an opportunity to wipe the Egyptians out.
Down in Africa, Legio V (no leader at present) was called up from Tritonis to the Egyptian front on 9 September. By then, the Egyptians were advancing on Nassamones again and this time a counter-march by Legio III did not stop their moves. The additional troops may be needed and it would be a long march for Legio V through Lybicum.
Unfortunately, the badly outnumbered Legio II got off to a poor start in Nassamones on 15 September. Rather than wait around suffering even heavier casualties for 'Cursimus' to arrive, the former Consul M.V. Maximus beat a hasty retreat, already having lost almost a third of his legion.
With two more Egyptian armies being sighted approaching from Corniclanum, Legio III halted in place to defend Leptis Magna while the Egyptians launched an assault on the walls of the town – falling just short of winning them. The replacement demand for the Roman army had almost doubled in one battle, showing just how dangerous an adversary the Egyptian remained.
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4. October-December 636 AUC
Much better news came soon after though from Lycia. The combined forces of Caudex and Vodenosid had caught the demoralised Egyptians between hammer and anvil and destroyed the entire 3rd Army in a single day for minimal Roman casualties, eliminating the Egyptian troop presence entirely from Asia Minor. It would now be slow but simple siege work in Lycia.
Just as the slaughter in Lycia was happening, the Egyptian 14th Army attacked Legio III in Leptis Magna. And Maximus felt his curse lifted once and for all when he encountered perhaps the most incompetent Egyptian general Romans had ever faced on a battlefield. And Maximus needed all that skill in the opening exchanges as his opponent Zoticid caught him in a flank assault.
But Maximus rallied and ended up administering a costly defeat to the attackers – even more bloody than his namesake’s recent defeat in Nassamones. The Egyptians were now suffering some spectacular sanguinary effusions of their own.
Up in Lycia, the Romans decided to try an assault on Lycia, given its past reputation for being very slow to besiege and despite no breach in the walls having been made.
It was an expensive and unsuccessful ploy however. After a week, the assault had failed and Caudex took Legio IV back to Caria, both to recover better and to decrease the amount of attrition being suffered.
Next came a fairly complex dance in the choreography of war in Africa. First, Nassamones succumbed to the Egyptian siege on 24 October. Two days later, Legio II finished its retreat to Laguatan but were now being chased by three Egyptian armies. So they kept on towards Oea, but realised the Egyptians would get to them a week before they could escape.
So word was sent to S.C. Maximus and he started marching towards Laguatan: a shorter route meant he would get there before the Egyptians. Again, the enemy were baulked and halted in Nassamones on 29 October. S.C. Maximus did the same in Leptis Magna.
But the Egyptians resumed their advance on Laguatan on 10 November, while also sending the 14th Army to Leptis Magna simultaneously. S.C. Maximus responded to the call and eventually arrived in Laguatan on 27 November – two days before the 14th could intercept him in Leptis Magna.
And seeing that the Egyptians were continuing on this time, M.V. Maximus was replaced at Legio II on 25 November by the great man Aulus Claudius Caudex (leaving Legio IV recovering in Caria), who halted their retreat on 28 November to stand with his colleague against the enemy onslaught.
The siege of Leptis Magna began on the 29th, the same day the Egyptians had second thoughts and halted in Nassamones. Spoiling for a fight, wanting to relieve Leptis Magna and hoping to catch the 14th Army unsupported by its comrades, Caudex took both legions north to attack them.
In response, 10th Army decided to make for Laguatan by itself but Caudex let them do so: he was set to strike the 14th in Leptis Magna a week before they could get away, when Egyptians broke their siege on 1 December, just two days after they had arrived. The same day, Legio V was diverted from Laguatan to Oea, so as not to be ambushed by the advancing 10th.
The battle in Leptis Magna caught the 14th Army completely by surprise. No details are available, but the battle ended the day it began, with the whole Egyptian force wiped out to the last man for only two dozen Roman casualties! Once more Caudex, had earned his hefty price tag many times over.
The next day the large Egyptian column gathered in Nassamones set out to reinforce Setnid’s 10th Army, which was due to arrive in Laguatan in early January 637 AUC. They would arrive from late January to early February. Caudex then counter-marched the combined Roman army back to Laguatan, where he would catch the 10th three to six days before the Egyptian reinforcements were due. The year ended with Janus gazing on the prospect of even more sanguinary effusions at the start of the next.
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5. January-March 637 AUC
As the new year started, the Roman manpower reserve was at 88,969, with 22,802 replacements needed, of which an estimated 4,961 would reach the cohorts that month, with 3,542 being recruited each month.
Before battle could be joined in Laguatan, 7,000 rebel scum rose in Alazones on 1 January. A reserve legion (XIV) of 15,000 men was stationed there, but without a commander due to shortages of available legates. This made the fight longer and bloodier than it should have been. The rebellion was not quelled until 30 January after the Romans suffered disproportionate casualties (Rome 4,228/15,000; Rebels 2,247/7,000 killed).
Setnid’s veteran10th Army began its siege of Laguatan on 7 January, electing to hold while the reinforcements approached. Caudex maintained his own advance, while Legio V was given its own commander and ordered to join them in Laguatan.
Caudex may also have been encouraged by the successful national omen to invoke the blessing of Cupid the same day.
Caudex started the latest battle in Laguatan with a savage attack on Setnid’s lines, whose casualties mounted at around 2,000 per day, against around 900 for the Romans. Setnid did not wait for his comrades and routed back to Nassamones as soon as he could, leaving over 9,600 of his men dead on the field. Worse for the Egyptians, another one of their best generals was captured during the panicked retreat: the well-respected Setnid joining his comrade in a Roman prison.
The rest of the Egyptian armies in Nassamones, perhaps wisely, then halted their piecemeal advance on Laguatan. Meanwhile, they had installed the smaller 12th Army in Leptis Magna on 27 January as the Romans were detained in Laguatan. So the tireless Caudex was once more on the march straight away, heading back to Leptis Magna to see if he could destroy another Egyptian army, though they might be reinforced from Nassamones before Caudex arrived.
Caudex let it be known he required more encouragement to remain loyal and was granted yet another triumph (once more thoroughly deserved) on 30 January, plus a payment of 50 gold from a grateful Republic. No doubt the two captured generals would form part of the parade when he was able to conduct it.
The restive northern Euxine provinces were again aflame when rebels revolted in Rhoxolani on 1 February. This time, Legio IX was on duty and at least had an assigned commander, M.U. Agricola (Martial 5), and a massive advantage in numbers. The rebels were wiped out by 4 February (Rome 226/29,000; Rebels all 6,000 killed).
By 4 February, the Egyptians in Leptis Magna had (too late) seen their peril, breaking their siege and retreating to Corniclanum, even as the 11th Army headed towards them from the same place. As things stood, they would combine with the 12th in Leptis Magna on 17 February – ten days before Caudex would attack them. Legio V arrived in Laguatan on 10 February and halted there for now, to await developments.
The periphery remained a small distraction, this time the barbarian Lingones tribe in Veneti with a small rising on 10 February. The barely competent T.C. Maximus was appointed to command Legio XII as it set out from Atrebates on the basis that a weak commander was better than none at all.
But the main action remained in Africa, as Caudex once more proved the superior (and luckier) leader as he soundly defeated the Egyptians once more in Leptis Magna. The three sieges of the isolated Egyptian holdings progressed steadily if slowly and a day after the victory in Leptis Magna the manpower situation remained viable.
Things remained complex in Africa on 7 March as the aftermath of the latest battle played out. Two major Egyptian armies (and a single unit that had marched up from Nassamones to join the doomed effort) were now retreating back towards Nassamones. Caudex decided to retain the initiative and chase them; he would be hot on their heels.
In Nassamones, three smaller Egyptian forces totalling just 13 units waited, while the 10th Army, now under a new commander after the capture of Aratos Setnid, was heading back to Laguatan. Legio V was on its way to Leptis Magna to evade the thrust by the 10th Army – but the latter would be intercepted by Caudex anyway on 30 March, before they could cross over into Laguatan.
Far away in Hispania, Turduli fell into Roman hands on 24 March. But it would require significantly more territory to be occupied than that before Rome could make any substantial claims in a peace negotiation.
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6. April-June 637 AUC
When Caudex attacked the Egyptian army group in Nassamones on 30 March, he was outnumbered by about 14,500 men. Of note, the Egyptians fielded a massive force of over 14,000 elephant troops. But once more, Rome’s opening attack was savage, even though things evened up tactically from 4 April. Victory came on 12 April, with another massive blood-letting for the Egyptian side.
The aftermath of this battle simplified things somewhat, with the nine Egyptian armies of varying sizes (over a hundred units in total) all retreating as one to Corniclanum. Caudex and Maximus paused for a period as the next step was considered: consolidate in Roman territory and retake Nassamones, or the often tried but dangerous adventure of an invasion of western Egypt.
By mid-April, it was decided: Legio V began marching east first, followed six days later by Legio II and III, coordinated to hit Corniclanum a day apart, Caudex and Maximus leading. Once more, the die was rolled …
As they set off on this expedition, which would suffer increased attrition while in enemy territory on top of any battle casualties, the Roman manpower reserve was 83,522 with 25,874 replacements required.
On 2 May, construction technology advanced (to level 8) but again, no bonus effect or discovery would flow from it.
The great showdown in Corniclanum lasted from 19 May to 5 June in a gruelling battle in which over 140,000 men participated – and over 25,500 perished – on both sides. This time, it was the Egyptians who got off to the significantly better start, with the Romans suffering around 1,900 casualties a day. Even after the arrival of Legio V on 20 May had substantially evened up the numbers, Caudex contemplated retreating after four days, but stayed on as he managed to turn things around on 24 May.
Things swung back and forth for the rest of the battle, but the Romans had clawed their way back into it. They claimed the victory, though suffering around 1,500 more casualties than the enemy in the final analysis.
The main Egyptian force defeated in Corniclanum headed to Barca, where another 41 units were waiting. Eleven more were gathering in Cyrenaica. The Romans held in Corniclanum and did not invade further, wary of being drawn into an attrition and ambush trap.
Caudex’s Legio III had led the initial fighting and many of its cohorts had been devastated in strength. They reorganised with the fresh troop of Legio V, with Crassus returning with the 15 weakest cohorts (3,483 men) to Nassamones to conduct a siege and slowly rebuild. Legio III now had 29,500 men in 39 cohorts and Legio II had 26,800 men in 36 cohorts. Each would suffer 5% attrition per month for as long as they stayed in Corniclanum until it was taken, so would weaken over time.
By 11 June, the reserve was 80,140 with 34,641 replacements needed. Legio V began its siege of Nassamones on 23 June. In Gaul, Legio XII fought the Lingones in Veneti from 24 June to 7 July, where T.C. Maximus attacked over a river and the small enemy force was commanded by a brilliant tactician (Martial 9). Rome won, but it was more expensive than had been hoped (Rome 919/20,338; Lingones 989/3,000 killed). Legio XII pursued them to Aremorica.
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7. July 637-January 638 AUC
The war now moved into a more static phase as Rome sought to reduce the enemy-held provinces they were encamped in, while the Egyptians proved unwilling to attack Caudex and Maximus again. They had a huge force gathered in Barca, which because of their numbers the Romans assumed must also be suffering attrition despite being on friendly territory. They were happy to allow the status quo to continue under these circumstances.
Nothing much of note happened in July. On 1 August, Gadira and Cynetes in Hispania became core provinces of the Roman patrimony. The siege of Corniclanum had progressed a little (13%), while those in Cyprus and Lycia were well advanced (100%). And there was a good appointment from the Senate for once a week later, with a new Maximus (by now a prolific military familia) – the 21-year-old Titus Carvilius – being elevated well ahead of time to take over Legio IV in Caria.
Cyprus fell on 24 August, advancing the Roman cause somewhat, but still short of any feasible minimum territorial demand.
After a long wait, Rome finally decided to invite Massilia to join the war on 25 August, which of course they did as loyally as ever. And on 30 August, the Lingones were wiped out in Aremorica without any further fight (Rome 0/20,105; Lingones all 1,951 killed). The next day, 6,000 rebels rose in Taurica. The old warhorse and former Consul M.V. Maximus was given the command of Legio XIV in Alazones and sent to deal with them.
In mid-September, the siege in Corniclanum progressed further (to 50%), while the Egyptians still waited in Barca with 168 units now grouped in five armies. But they would not attack.
A few weeks later, the Egyptians made a play for negotiations, offering a white peace. The Senate was dubious and the Consul even more so. It was deemed an insulting and inglorious offer.
Less than two weeks later, Lycia finally fell after another typically lengthy siege: perhaps that was why Egypt had made their peace offer when they did. But even now, it was not enough to make even a minimal territorial demand on Egypt.
And Caudex was getting a little bored and restless by mid-October – requiring 250 gold to ensure his continuing loyalty. With over 10,500 in the Aerarium, it was considered value for money for the great Roman military hero. But he had been at the game for a long time now and was ageing; he was now 69 years old, his romance with Padmé now a distant but still poignant memory for him.
M.V. Maximus made short work of the rebels in Taurica from 15-17 October, wiping them out (Rome 279/15,000; Rebels all 6,000 killed). With little action happening at present and only sieges of Corniclanum and Nassamones to add to Rome’s bargaining position, the Consul pondered whether his aims should be limited or extended. With Lycia now safely occupied (so Seleucia could not take it) and a huge Egyptian force threatening Caudex in Corniclanum and blocking any further moves into Egypt proper, the die was rolled yet again.
First, the four legions now stationed in Asia Minor were ordered to start moving towards Syria, the staging post for an invasion of Egypt. Then Seleucia was invited into the war, which they accepted the following day. It was hoped they would start ‘softening up’ Egypt’s eastern defences and start drawing troops away from that huge build-up on the African border with Rome.
The Roman troops passing through Seleucid territory would suffer some attrition in certain places or where local supply capacity was exceeded, but it should not be too severe. Egyptian manpower had been significantly reduced from their war with Rome, while the Seleucids were flush with men, though as always their government was somewhat unstable. And by 9 December, their two frontier armies were on their way towards Egyptian territory.
As 638 AUC began, Roman manpower was at 75,657 with 40,494 replacements needed. Even with little hard combat in recent months, attrition was killing more troops per month than could be recruited. The siege of Corniclanum was maturing (100% progress, walls breached), Nassamones more slowly (25%).
In some supposedly good news, another area of research advanced in civic technology. Though how the possible introduction of ‘political prosecution’ might be considered a ‘bonus’ was well beyond the comprehension of Humphronius as the Consul tried to persuade him this was indeed ‘good news’.
“It will be a vital and important component of our political processes, Humphronius!” asserted Consul Mettius Carvilius Maximus, who had five months left of his current term.
“Yes, Consul,” murmured the bureaucrat, even while his entire body language indicated he thought the exact opposite. Long experience had taught him there was no point in trying to convince a politician otherwise.
He was not reassured when, nine days later, Bernardius advised him that the annual omen had failed.
“I fear this may be the harbinger of bad things, Bernardius, bad things,” he intoned dolorously.
And his younger colleague was in no mood to debate him. They had seen these bright beginnings and optimistic predictions come to grief in Egypt before. Would this time be different – or just more of the safe? Could Caudex, with Seleucid assistance, lead them to a decisive victory this time? Or would the sanguinary tide turn against Rome once more. Both men looked pensive as they contemplated the coming days of the increasingly imperial Roman ‘Republic’.
I just finished reading the first chapter of October 1943 in Talking Turkey, and after reading about all the blood spilt in the first ten days I had to double check that I wasn’t reading this AAR.
I think, and I believe that Pip might agree with my assertion, that the troop numbers involved are all heavily inflated. Surely these days of what would quite literally be absolute rivers of blood in no possible way have happened as presented!
I think, and I believe that Pip might agree with my assertion, that the troop numbers involved are all heavily inflated. Surely these days of what would quite literally be absolute rivers of blood in no possible way have happened as presented!
Quite possibly, I haven't looked at estimated ancient era troop numbers recently. A quick look just now at some of the larger or more famous Republican era battles.
The Battle of Cannae estimates troop numbers to be about 50,000 for Hannibal and around 80,000 for Rome, with roughly contemporary casualty estimates being from 55,000 (Livy) to 70,000 (Polybius) for the Romans.
For Alesia, estimates were around 60,000 for Caesar and up to 80,000 for Vercingetorix at first (that withdrew inside the fort), then a relieving Gallic force of up to 250,000.
For Carrhae (53 BC, closer to the current main theatre of operations), it was perhaps around 43,000 Romans against a far smaller Parthian force (perhaps 10-11,000). Roman casualties from that disaster were estimated to be around 20,000 killed and 10,000 captured.
Yes, Napoleon would have appreciated both the luck and the ‘bigger battalions’!
re the pics: Glad they are working for you again! My pet theory is there’s some handshake/permissions/connectivity thing that happens between servers and sites that ordinary netizens can never really understand or get to the bottom of. Just mutter about in dark corners (and hit the refresh button a lot) when they go wrong, then get pleasantly surprised when they fix themselves again for no discernible reason!
That battle lasted from 26-30 July, with the Egyptians having one of their 23 remaining ships sunk before heading back south to Mare Aegyptiacum, again pursued by the Romans. The final battle of the series saw the captured ship lost by Rome, with the Egyptians fleeing back to port in Alexandria with 22 ships. The Romans also headed back to port to have some significant damage repaired.
You can see why most Romans are not impressed by the navy. Out on land there are generals slaughtering the entire adult male population of the planet on a regular basis, while the best the admirals can do is exchange single ships then run away to dock. If there aren't vast piles of dead citizens is it even a form of warfare?
Given the grand and inflated scale of everything else in this game (as correctly noted by Wraith), I am choosing to interpret this as 14,000 actual elephants.
I suspect Humphronius rigged the Omen. After all if the scientists are just going to invent terrible ideas like "political prosecution" then they can't possibly have earned the blessing of Minerva or any other deity. It's the thin end of the cuneus, next thing they will be coming up with civilisation ending ideas like appointing civil servants on merit or worse accountability.
You can see why most Romans are not impressed by the navy. Out on land there are generals slaughtering the entire adult male population of the planet on a regular basis, while the best the admirals can do is exchange single ships then run away to dock. If there aren't vast piles of dead citizens is it even a form of warfare?
Given the grand and inflated scale of everything else in this game (as correctly noted by Wraith), I am choosing to interpret this as 14,000 actual elephants.
I suspect Humphronius rigged the Omen. After all if the scientists are just going to invent terrible ideas like "political prosecution" then they can't possibly have earned the blessing of Minerva or any other deity. It's the thin end of the cuneus, next thing they will be coming up with civilisation ending ideas like appointing civil servants on merit or worse accountability.
Now now, that last one sounds simply too outrageous to believe! We could lose hundreds of our chaps ... thousands!
To all: I will soon begin playing the next round as we once again find ourselves at war with Egypt? How sanguinary will it be this time? Can Rome manage a victory without depopulating much of the proto-Empire? Of will the effusions become a tidal wave, with little to show for it later?
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Chapter CXX: The End of History (10 January to 14 February 638 AUC)
Chapter CXX: The End of History (10 January to 14 February 638 AUC)
Introduction
AuthAAR’s Note: the latest war against Egypt was approached with the intent outlined at the end of the last chapter and the previous post. But events (in-game and technical) led to the current Consul Mettius Carvilius Maximus, of the Religious faction, having an extraordinary vision from the Gods. The Best and Greatest of them, in fact …
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January 638 AUC
As the campaign continued in western Egypt with the Roman siege of Corniclanum and another to reclaim Nassamones, four Roman legions had been ordered to converge on Syria from Asia Minor, as the Seleucids prosecuted their new war on Egypt, with Pontus joining in.
At sea, the main Roman fleet out of Rhodes clashed with the Egyptians again in Mare Aegypticium. But once again, even though the two commanders were evenly matched and Rome had a great preponderance of numbers, they were comprehensively out-sailed by the Egyptians, who broke contact and headed back to Alexandria on 24 January without losing any ships.
It was during this battle that attrition already started to bite as the Roman armies began their long march across Asia Minor. And the Consul had a terrible dream, where Jupiter himself showed him a vision of the horror and futile shedding of blood that lay ahead. He tossed, he turned – he saw.
So, despite high hopes, I found the game to be frequently crashing during the next play through. After a few restarts, we were through to July-August and there had been a series of nasty defeats in the east after attrition had already taken a great toll on the way there, then one after another of better-generalled and larger Egyptian armies tackled the depleted legions that had passed through the Seleucid armies sitting besieging the Egyptian border provinces.
There was a series of nasty defeats as they brought their main strength east. After some bloody losses, some close, others not, we were forced to withdraw in some disorder, the Egyptians pursuing, in one case into Seleucid territory after they rolled back all their armies from the border as well.
This was getting pretty grim, but in the west, a larger Egyptian army attacked Caudex around early July, who concentrated Legio II and III for a big battle, where with some favourable die rolls he inflicted a big defeat on the attackers. Plan was then to sit there, withdraw back to Seleucia, let them fight it out and see if it was worth coming back again later, taking advantage of any gains they might make.
Then the game crashed yet again, just before a save, and the last few months (which had already been a bit crash-plagued) were lost. After the reboot, things were as bad in the east, perhaps a bit worse with one legion cut off and destroyed this time, while the die rolls went badly against Caudex in the re-fight, leading to another huge defeat. Ridiculous casualty counts, the Seleucids now on the run, it was déjà vu all over again.
And the rest of the game was probably going to go along similar lines, with Egypt just too tough to crack, no real prospect of defeating the Seleucids (who are too valuable for now as Allies) and all for little gameplay and AAR excitement. This was the nature of the Consul’s ‘vision’ in January 838 AUC. All the previous screenshots from January-September were junked. The Consul awoke in a cold sweat …
That morning, he met with Humphronius and Bernardius in his tablinum. Consul Maximus’ face was still as white as his toga.
“Oh, woe betide us, the Best and Greatest came to me in a dream last night!” blathered the still shaken Maximus. “Never-ending battle without glory, blood without reward, a sanguinary effusion so great it would wash us all away like a great tide!”
“You dreamed of General Caudex?” mumbled a bewildered Bernardius.
Humphronius rolled his eyes but kept his peace. Never get between an angry politician and his prey, he thought to himself. The Consul turned on his secretary with a wild glare.
“No, you dolt! Jupiter Optimus Maximus himself granted me a vision and it was one to make even Mars quail.”
Jupiter – almost as awe-inspiring as Caudex!
The Consul did his best to calm himself and regain a measure of equanimity. “We must abandon this invasion of the east – it will drain our men as they march, then kill those that are left by the time they reach Judea. All for nought. Have orders sent immediately for the legions in Seleucia to stop and return home.”
“Er, yes, Consul,” muttered an abashed Bernardius.
“Very wise too, if one who refers to himself by the perpendicular pronoun may be so bold as to vouchsafe in such an august presence as yours, Consul,” oozed an urbanely unctuous Humphronius. “This eastern invasion was always a very courageous course, one might say.”
Even Maximus gasped at such strong language. Bernardius’ eyes were as wide as wagon wheels.
“Quite so, Humphronius, quite so,” Maximus replied. “But let Caudex know he should maintain his siege of Corniclanum for now. It is the key to us bargaining for an honourable peace.”
“Yes, of course Consul,” agreed Humphronius as he veritably slithered out of the room.
Once he was safely out the door, he regarded Bernardius with a raised eyebrow and a look halfway between disapproval and surprise.
“Caudex, Bernardius? What were you thinking.”
“Ah, not much, I’m afraid, Humphronius Obscurus.”
“Clearly. At last, a Consul speaking some sense, even if Jupiter Himself had to shout it into his dreams! War is so bad for business, after all.”
“You mean, wasteful of the lives of Rome’s citizenry, Humphronius?”
“Oh, yes, that too, of course Bernardius,” Humphronius agreed rather absently, already thinking of a few good building and import-export deals that might now be done as the war decreased its tempo.
In Corniclanum, Legio III merged into Legio II under Caudex, once more relieving S.C. Maximus of a command, but not in disgrace this time. The siege there was well advanced (100% progress, but the walls not yet breached), but less so in Nassamones (38%).
§§§§§§§
February 638 AUC
The victory came in Corniclanum on 12 February, after over eight months of siege. Caudex accepted the town’s surrender.
Harking back to his earlier dream, when news came to Maximus of the victory in Corniclanum, he bade his officials to arrange an ambassador to travel to Egypt forthwith, despite Senate ambivalence about a peace deal at that stage. This time, it was the Consul running ahead of Senatorial and Popular opinion.
“See if they will trade Turduli for peace, to prevent the further unnecessary effusion of blood on both sides.”
“Yes, Consul,” replied Bernardius quietly, aware of the importance of the occasion. It was uncertain whether the Egyptians would accept, as the Fetial priests advised it was a problematic offer that they may accept.
The reply did not take long to arrive.
The Senate decreed its latest mission fulfilled, more than offsetting any popularity Maximus may have lost in striking the peace deal.
And so, at this key point in Roman history, the Roman manpower reserve was still slightly in surplus, even accounting for the replacement of all current losses in the 343 cohorts of the Roman Army.
The few remaining major and minor powers of the known world had widely differing opinions of Rome. Massilia and Dacia, after many decades of close relations, were absolutely committed to alliance with the Republic. The Seleucids less so, but were now again friends, ensuring Pontus – despite enduring hostility – was kept in line. The Suebi and Pictii were somewhat hostile, but neither mattered, one distant, the other no threat.
Egypt remained a great foe, of course, but they were no longer a full first rank power despite still being strong and resilient. But if Rome kept to itself, they were unlikely to pose a serious threat. Even if certain recalcitrants in the Senate still believed they should be destroyed. Unlike Carthage, easier said than done, as had been proven time and again!
The Roman state religion, while it may not have been considered the most ‘powerful’ at that time, had overtaken the Greek religion as the most widespread in the known world.
Roman technology still lagged that of its main competitors, even though research now usually outpaced that of their opponents. It was a large deficit to make up and was nowhere close to being within distance of overtaking them.
The Religious Faction maintained its dominance of the Senate. Though Caudex was head of the Military grouping and in the mix for another term as Consul (in the longer of the crashed play throughs, he did indeed become Consul next after his great - disappeared – victory at Corniclanum, but even he couldn’t turn the war around).
And the Aerarium remained brimming with gold and the monthly cash balance very healthy.
The Roman Republic now completely dominated Gaul, Hispania and Africa up to the border with Egypt. In Illyria, the Danube basin, Greece and much of the western shore of the Euxine Sea, they reigned supreme. And even in Asia Minor, they controlled a significant enclave.
Compared to OTL, where even twenty-five years later, Rome did not control nearly so much territory. As Maximus said – it is enough.
§§§§§§§
The End of History
And so we come to the end of this chronicle of the Roman Republic. We can perhaps imagine Caudex, taking up that Consulship (as the game would have had it) and trading his awesome military reputation, popularity, many triumphs and wealth into a dictatorship, Caesar-style, and ending the Republic for an Empire earlier than in OTL.
But with where the game had got to and all the crashes, it was getting too hard to maintain the fire any further. I do hope those who have stayed with this little story stuck away in the ancient catacombs of the Paradox Forum have enjoyed it. I thank you all for reading and especially for those select elite warriors who have commented along the way. I have treasured your support.
So Glory to Rome, Vae Victis and we are all indeed proud to have been citizens of Rome. This time, it really is …
Thanks for all the fish... I mean, glorious victories! It was inevitable, the game is really old, I am surprised it managed to hold out this long. Next one in Stellaris with the SPQR nameset?
Haha. Don’t have Stellaris. Really, I should venture to Imperator (which seems to be very quiet these days). But for now, I’m trying to reduce my ridiculous AAR program and restart work on a mod for HOI3 I’ve done a fair bit of work on. Recently got a new computer, in part so I could do so again! (HOI3 had become unplayable on my old main pc, and like this could only be played on a very slow old laptop). Maybe I’ll return to Rome in Imperator (which I don’t even own yet) some time in the future! Thanks for all your support.
Stellaris is free to play right now because of the launch anniversary, you can try it out! I can recommend, it had a rocky launch, but it got a lot better.
The next chapter beckons, so some quick feedback first.
