Chapter 30 - The New Order in Asia
"An individual should not have too much freedom. A nation should have absolute freedom."
- Sun Yat-Sen
September 16, 1940:
Generalissimo Chiang Kai-shek -- Premier of the Republic of China, Director-General of the Kuomintang, and Chairman of the ROC National Military Council -- led the cadre of top Chinese generals as they ascended the stairs to the gatehouse of the Red Fort of Delhi. On top stood the leaders of the Hindustani independence movements: 'Netaji' Subhas Chandra Bose, 'Mahatma' Mohandas Karamchand Gandhi, Indian National Congress leader Jawaharlal Nehru, and All-India Muslim League leader Muhammad Ali Jinnah.
(
left to right: Mohandas Karamchand Gandhi, Subhas Chandra Bose, Jawaharlal Nehru, Muhammad Ali Jinnah)
In a sign of symbolic recognition, Subhas requested that Gandhi-ji (Father Gandhi), whom he would always uphold as
Father of the (Indian) Nation, to stand at the forefront of the Indian leadership. He would be the one to receive Chiang Kai-shek's honorary salute, and be the first head-of-state of Free India to shake hands with the Chinese leader.
"The last of the British Imperialists on the continent have surrendered," Chiang declared. "As I have promised Bose, Chinese forces on the Indian continent have began an immediate withdraw back to our own borders. Only twenty divisions will stay behind, to guard the Indian coastline until new formations of Indian troops could be trained to take over such duties."
"Though we regret that violence had to be used, we are thankful that India is free once more," Gandhi nodded in return. "It now falls upon us, to see that our two great nations may coexist once more in benevolence and harmony, just as we have for thousands years of history."
Chiang did not miss the subtle warnings in Gandhi's tone: that Indians would never accept the trading of one master for another. China and India would either stand together as partners, or not at all.
...
Hours later, Chiang sat down with the Indian leaders in the Secretariat Building of New Delhi. To better project the image of equals, he had swapped out his military uniform for his everyday, plainclothes attire.
"To be perfectly honest," Chiang explained, "China is not in a position to help India much. We are still embroiled in our own modernization. Between industrialization, socioeconomic reforms, and waging war against the imperial powers, our resources are already stretched to the limits. Even as I speak, my son Ching-kuo is busy enacting large-scale monetary and budgetary reforms that China desperately need. We do not have the capacity to interfere with the future of India even if we wanted to.
"The two things I have promised Bose is that China will provide troops for India's coastal defense in the first few years, as well as specialist trainers and technological transfers to help India jumpstart its own industry and military. But other than that, China can only offer political and morale support for Bose and India. The challenges facing India are unique and many, and China has neither the intentions nor the resources to step in."
It was Chiang's awkward way of declaring that China has no plans to become the overlord of India, either benevolently or tyrannically. However, one fact was apparent to everyone at the table: despite all the polite posturing for appearances' sake, it was Bose, not Gandhi or the Indian National Congress, whom China recognizes and supports as the legitimate leadership of India.
This
fait accompli had to be recognized. Bose -- through his partnership with the Chinese nationalists -- had risen to become the liberator of India while completely bypassing the internal politics of the INC. The INC had only two choices: (re)elect Bose as their new leader, or be delegated to secondary status as political influence is redirected into the hands of the INC left-wing: the All-India Forward Bloc set up by Bose in 1939.
Gandhi had already called for a special legislative assembly of the Indian National Congress. Delegates are gathering now in New Delhi even as they speak. Both Gandhi and Nehru fully expects Bose to be named its new leader in the coming days, and the honorific 'Netaji' (Respected Leader) to be recognized by all Indians.
But in the meantime, they also had one other important matter to decide:
In what form will Free India take shape?
In his negotiations with Chiang, Bose has agreed to hand back the territories the British claimed from the Chinese during their century of turmoil -- both Aksai Chin and Arunachal Pradesh.
- Aksai Chin was claimed by the Johnson Line, drawn by the opportunistic British in 1865 during the Dzungar Rebellion when the Qing dynasty had temporarily lost control of Xinjiang.
- Arunachal Pradesh was sliced off by the McMahon Line (1914), negotiated between the British and the government of Tibet (declared in the chaos of the Xinhai Revolution) which the Republic of China has never recognized.
For China, reclaiming territorial integrity had become the cornerstone of government legitimacy, and Chiang Kai-shek would not budge one centimeter when it comes to Chinese sovereign rights. Bose, recognizing that this contentious piece of mostly uninhabited land may spell doom for Sino-Indian relations in the future, decided to settle the matter once and for all. As Chinese forces bore the cost of overthrowing the British, it was justified that China retake their lands.
(Note: unfortunately I don't have any good maps of Chinese claims from before the PRC victory. This'll have to do.)
Burma, as agreed with General Aung San, would also be granted independence. The Republic of China will reassert their historic claim over northern Kachin and Sagaing, where various small ethic tribes (minority to both China and Burma) live. Meanwhile, Thailand will retake control of the territories they lost to the British over the previous century -- the Shan states (Taunggyi, Kengtung) lost in 1893, as well as the Tavoy coastline which British forces seized in 1869.
That leaves on issue: PAKSTAN
The
Pakistan Declaration, made on Jan 28, 1933, declared that the five northern states of the Hindustan region that dominated by Muslims should become a independent, sovereign state separate from that of proposed Indian Federation. These five states are:
Punjab, Northwestern (
Afghan),
Kashmir,
Sindh and Baluchis
tan, collectively known as PAKSTAN.
However, neither Bose, nor Gandhi, nor Nehru wanted to see India partitioned between Hindu and Muslim states. In fact, all three individuals expressed strong opposition towards the proposal.
As a Hindu who grew up in Bengal, a Muslim-majority state, Subhas Chandra Bose understood the differing views of both the Hindus and the Muslims. He has always stressed the importance of an Indian national identity over the differing religions, a view which he embraced in the creation of the Indian National Army. As a political leader, Bose had the trust of both the Hindus of the Indian National Congress and the Muslims of the All-India Muslim League. With all this considered, a partition of India along religious lines was the very last thing he wanted to see.
Bose also had Gandhi's full support in this matter. The spiritual father of the Indian Independence Movement has always envisioned that a unified, strong India would climb out from the tyranny of British dominion. Nehru, as Gandhi's protege and 'successor', also upheld this vision of the future.
Meanwhile, Jinnah -- currently the leader of the All-India Muslim League -- used to be a member of the Indian National Congress. He resigned from the INC in 1920 over his staunch opposition to
Satyagraha, believing that Gandhi's campaign of non-violent civil disobedience would cause India to descend into political anarchy. He did not embrace the Pakistan Movement until 1940, when he publicly advocated the two-state solution to Indian Independence during the Muslim League conference in Lahore.
(Lahore Resolution Working Committee: Jinnah stands in the center.)
But the All-India Muslim League's political control of the Pakistan region was by no means settled in 1940. The INC still held majority support in the North-West (Afghan) Province, and challenged AIML influence in Punjab and Kashmir. This left the idea of a separate Pakstan more hope than reality. Furthermore, the INC still upheld the mantle of a secular movement - its body representative of all faiths in India.
(Note: it was the British support for the AIML during WW2 that truly propelled them into political power in India. Bengal/East Pakistan and NW/Afgan would not switch to AIML majority until 1943, after the British crackdown against INC had entered full force.)
Nevertheless, Bose knew that Jinnah's popularity and influence among the Muslims cannot be underestimated. Any one-state solution must have the support of Jinnah and his followers. Otherwise the newly freed India would risk being ripped apart by religious turmoil from the inside. Considering the magnitude of reforms that Bose already had in mind for post-independence India, the last thing he wanted was 'religious strife' thrown on top of everything else.
"I should remind you," Bose told Jinnah, "that when the All-India Muslim League began, their goal had been to increase the representation of Muslims in India. They wanted to see more Muslim presence in leadership, in the INC legislature, where they may protect the rights of Muslims in minority provinces. You can still achieve this if you work with us! But if you declare independence now, all that would result is a weakened India, a weakend Pakistan, and even less protection for the rest of the Muslim minority in India. You would be playing straight into the hands of those Hindu Nationalists!"
"Is that truly what you want?"
Jinnah sighed. He knew the All-India Muslim League had its limitations. To date, they still could not secure a clear majority in several Muslim-dominated provinces. If they were to leave India, it would leave those Muslims in a precarious state, their voices drowned out by an overwhelming Hindu majority who would seek to equate India with Hinduism.
At the same time, Jinnah held no doubts that Bose was serious when it comes to working with the Muslims. Bose left his home in Calcutta pretending to be a Muslim. He learned to pray five times a day like a Muslim. His closest traveling companion (Abid Hasan) was a Muslim. His top military commander (Shah Nawaz Khan) was a Muslim. He even chose
Subh Sukh Chain -- a Hindi-Urdu translation of
Jana Gana Mana -- to become the National Anthem of Free India.
"But we need room to be ourselves," Jinnah sighed. "The Hindus will never accept the use of Islamic Sharia in civil law."
"And you will have room."
Thus, Bose presented Jinnah with a compromise:
Pakstan autonomy, not sovereignty.
The states comprising Pakstan would reorganize themselves in this post-colonial political vacuum. They would be given a period to set up their own local government structures, with no interference from Delhi. They will then join as member states of the Indian Federation, and will hold a greater degree of autonomy than all the other states. They will retain a wide berth of control over their local civil laws and administrative structures. However, they will follow the comprehensive fiscal, economic, foreign, and defense policies laid down by Delhi.
There would still be countless details to hash out. But in a show of solidarity and progress, Jinnah agreed to the proposal.
(The state of South Asia after the decolonization of the British Raj. Burma has shrunken considerably, having transferred three provinces to Thailand and one to China. India released two regions to China but retains control of both Bengal/Bangladesh and Sri Lanka. As normal for Paradox games, I'm listing Pakistan as a 'puppet' under India to represent its high state of autonomy.)
Notes:
1. While the China-Burma claim dispute is very low profile compared to the China-India one, it is an issue that plague Burma/Myanmar to this day. The KIA (Kachin Independence Army) continues to hold out near the fringes. The People's Republic of China officially recognizes KIA territory as Burmese, but the Republic of China still disputes it and, for over a decade after the Chinese Civil War, did fight over it (the Kuomintang 8th Army retreated into northern Burma and, with CIA support, continued the Chinese Civil War from Burma, severely damaging Burmese civil order & national unity in the process).
2. I've never encountered any scholarly mentions on Bose's attitude towards the China-India territorial dispute, but I have encountered many Indian quora answers that believe Bose would not be as naive as Nehru when it comes to China's attitude towards territorial sovereignty; that had Bose been in charge, India could have maintained its friendship with China.
3. In our history, it was Sardar Patel who agreed to the Partition of India, during a time when Nehru and Gandhi were still both in jail. Historians record that both Nehru and Gandhi tried to negotiate with Jinnah on preventing the Partition of India; however both of them eventually saw it as a political inevitability and thus did not try too hard to resist it.
4. Many leading Pakistani scholars notes that Jinnah never wanted Pakistani Independence. Instead, he used it as a bargaining chip when negotiating with the INC, only to see the idea take off with a life of its own. The Partition left the Muslims, in Jinnah's own words, with a "mutilated moth-eaten" Pakistan.