The Election of 1873
With the war in France reaching towards its conclusion and the collapse of the ruling coalition of National Liberals and Conservatives Germany went to the polls in December 1873 for the second time as a unified nation – the issues of the Kulturkampf and what to demand of the defeated French Empire dominating proceedings.
The results of the election were truly spectacular as both the traditional power houses of German politics – Liberalism and Conservatism – were rejected in favour of the rising forces of Christian Democracy and Socialism, two ideologies in opposition to Prussia’s domination of the German Empire. The biggest winners of the election were, without a shadow of a doubt, the Centre Party. In a country where Catholics made up just under 1/3 of the population and were proportionally declining the Centre (traditionally a party based upon the support for Catholic rights) achieved its aim of expanding its constituency well beyond the heartlands of the Church. Although reaching new levels of dominance in Southern Germany (as well as amongst French and Polish Catholic communities) the Centre successfully reached out into the North – winning notable successes in Hannover and the Rhineland as liberals and conservatives alike switched allegiances to the Centre. Moreover, the Centre had become the Reichstag’s largest party, holding 45 seats more than the next largest party. The other big winners were the Socialists who, despite having to run candidates as independents and in repressive conditions, scored a shade over 10% of the vote and secured a credible presence in the Reichstag with 39 members elected. This result was even more impressive considering that the party’s core constituency – industrial workers – made up just 8.1% of the population and the party had to compete with other groups (notably the Centre amongst Catholic workers and the DFP and NLP in traditional liberal heartlands) amongst this group. So early in its lifetime the SPD was already extending its reach to white collar workers, artisanal workers and even into the peasantry in the countryside.
If there were big winners in 1873 there were even greater losers. With each of the DFP, NLP and DKRP all losing around 10% of the vote and either 40 or 41 Reichstag members a piece it is at first unclear who the worst loser in this election was. That is until one looks at recent German political history – even unified under the banner of the DKRP German conservatism had slipped yet further into political insignificance. In the first election after unification German conservatives lost almost 20% of the vote on the previous election in North Germany, whilst in contrast the two liberal parties won over 60%. The liberals may have lost more votes in all – but they were falling from a position of strength whilst the conservatives were at their lowest ebb since 1848, maybe even the era of the French Revolution. So, as the DKRP only barely outscored the Socialists to avoid being the smallest party in the Reichstag the two liberal parties both won around 20% of the vote, both remaining a powerful political force.
For all the joy of the Centre at their great electoral victories, and at the failure of the liberals to win the majority they had expected the DZP remained a long way off from a majority of their own. Even talk of an alliance against liberalism with the Conservatives had to be abandoned due to the awful showing of Bismarck’s party at the polls. Instead the leaders of the Centre approached the German Progress Party – portraying themselves as the champions opposition the traditional Prussian elites whom the DFP had long battled against. With a genuine fear that a failure to agree to a coalition with the Centre could lead the Kaiser to jump at the opportunity to dissolve the Reichstag and hand power over to the right, the Progress Party agreed to unite with the DZP in government. With even the Socialist members of the Reichstag strongly urging such a government as a blow to the traditional hierarchy an uneasy alliance of Catholics and secular liberals was swept into power. Germany’s most outwardly radical government since 1848.
At least a head shorter than most of his fellow Reichstag members, Ludwig Windthorst became the first Catholic to head a Berlin based government since the Reformation. As the Kaiser was uneasily convinced to accept the new government (going against the advice of some members of the Army who called for a coup d’état) the Centre and DFP went about negotiating the terms of their alliance.
The most pertinent issues – what to demand of France – was decided with great ease as both parties agreed to demand Senegal and the French Ivory Coast. In terms of broader foreign policy the DZP conceded to the DFP the need for an expansive colonial policy with a view of building a large basis for the German Empire in West Africa, perhaps even expanding into other regions. Beyond this the DZP demanded control of the Foreign Ministry (with a DFP minister being appointed to a newly created ‘Colonial Ministry), the Centre’s policies of improving relations with other Great Powers in order to ensure peace being adopted. However it was also agreed that Germany would have to place a great emphasis on the construction of a large and modern fleet. In economic policy there was again compromise – with the promise of an implementation of a flat tax rate for all citizens (as opposed to the regressive taxes proposed by the DFP, and the progressive rates of the DZP), the limiting of state intervention in industry to regions with high urban unemployment and the abandonment of the Centre Party’s social reform programme. The issue of the Kulturkampf was simply non-negotiable for the Centre, the DFP being forced to accept an end to the policies of secularisation of the Catholic communities and the Germanisation of minorities. On the Anti-Socialist Laws the two parties clashed violently. The DZP identified the laws as an ideological acceptance of repression as a political tool of the nation – opening the door for a future restoration of the Kulturkampf or similar policies. The DFP, on the other hand, saw Socialism as a far graver threat than even Ultramontansim and refused to support their repeal. Instead the two parties agreed to a new measure in regards to the laws in which they required renewal by the Reichstag every 3 years – effectively setting a future date for decision on this issue. Finally the DFP’s hopes of a centralised and democratic state were rejected – however the DZP did manage to attract the DFP’s attention with proposals for a federalisation of Germany, as a means of countering the power of traditional aristocratic power it keenly interested the Progress Party.
With the hopes of traditionally politically marginalised groups raised to the sky, the new government moved quickly towards its first challenge – ending the war with France.