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Tommy4ever

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Problem Fixed*
 
Last edited:

Harpsichord

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No it didn't, for one could well argue that the LVD was in effect a NLP takeover of the DFP and in any case it certainly did not lead to the liberals utter demise as a force in politics because no such demise ever took place! (the DKRP has been through worse than the LVD, and nobody yet speaks of the Strange Death of Bismarckian Deutschland) It should be blatantly obvious to anyone who has seen the election results that the DFP will be the dominant partner in the next government.
Hey, I never said that a demise prevented any sort of rebirth. Maybe demise was too strong a word, but the creation of the LVD did nothing to stop the liberal decline. Unless you see it as a long term strategy under which they were banking on their eventual separation to propel the Liberals to the forefront again (in which case it clearly worked).
 

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I'm afraid there doesn't seem to be much I can do. I was able to post the update without pictures and then edit a couple in but I get the same problem every time I try to edit in another. Apparently I don't have permission to edit my post or something?
 

Harpsichord

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I'm afraid there doesn't seem to be much I can do. I was able to post the update without pictures and then edit a couple in but I get the same problem every time I try to edit in another. Apparently I don't have permission to edit my post or something?
That's very weird. Try messaging a mod I suppose?
 

Tommy4ever

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OK I've messaged a mod to see if there is anything that can be done. I'm away from any computer from now until this evening so I'm afraid I won't be able to do anything more until then. I added links to four more pictures, but I got error messages (the same one) for trying to post the other links. I noticed that there is some sort of forum upgrade going on? So this is probably something to do with that, although I can't be sure.
 

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The sight of that divided China broke my heart in several places. :(
 

Khalep

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Tearing up agreements before the ink is dry, diplomatic blundering over sand and dirt in Africa, rolling back reform and casting the shadow of repression once more over the South..

I for one am certainly glad that the Centre did not support this government.
 

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1887-1893
The Eagle Has No Fear

The first major point of controversy faced by Germany’s new Liberal government was how to solve the problem of integrating Austria into the German Empire. The accords previously agreed between the various parties in Austria and the German government under the Centre Party’s administration were largely torn up by the Liberals. Richter hoped to secure a new compromise that might satisfy all parties. Austria and Bohemia were to be admitted into Germany as two separate Kingdoms, however the crowns were to remain vacant (the Habsburgs being forced to surrender their titles, being offered minor holdings in other parts of Germany as a peace gesture) with regents appointed by agreement between the Kaiser and the leading Monarchs and Dukes of the Empire whilst democratically elected local assemblies controlled the local governments. Finally the Duchy of Pola and Dalmatia was established, under the rule of a Southern German Prince. The compromise essentially aimed to empower democratic elements within Austrian society whilst keeping the establishment in the rest of the Empire happy. The new settlement shunted aside the monarchist pro-Habsburg elements within Austrian society.


Although many in Austria celebrated the new terms of her admittance into Germany, which empowered Austrian democracy and ensured a closer integration, others were aghast at the betrayal of the terms agreed only weeks before. Clashes between supporters and opponents of the new settlement swept across Austria for weeks – culminating in armed rebellion emanating from Slovenia and the Steiermark with rebels briefly threatening to take Trieste and forcing German government forces out of Graz. The violence in the months after the election of Richter’s government would leave a permanent stain on the Liberal administration.

With the Centre openly denouncing Richter and the Liberals for provoking violence and subsequently establishing what appeared to be an army of occupation in Austria and Bohemia, not to mention the arrest of suspected sympathisers with the rebel cause (which included a noticeably large number of Catholic clergymen). For some the Liberals had implemented a new Kulturkampf, this time slightly further South than before. Richter’s hopes of leading a government of national consensus in which Liberals looked to Conservatives and Centrists alike had ended within months of the assumption of government. The Liberals were now forced into much closer cooperation with the Conservatives.


Left - Leo von Caprivi of the DKRP, Right – Georg von Hertling of the DZP
The months after the election of 1887 saw a changing of the guard in two of Germany’s greatest political parties. The two men who had held the Chancellorship successively from the formation of Germany in 1869 until 1887 retired from politics. For the Centre Party leader, Windthorst, retirement was a conscious choice. Aghast at the descent of Austria into violence and repression and weakened by his own failing health the former Chancellor abdicated the Centre Party leadership and went into quiet retirement in his native Hannover. He would die of natural causes within three years. In the place of the beloved Windthorst the Centre chose Minister-President of Bavaria Georg von Hertling as its new leader – a man three decades the junior of the former leader and typical of the more conservative South German wing of the party.

The ‘retirement’ of Otto von Bismarck, 72 at the time of the 1887 election, was rather less amicable. Once regarded as a great asset of German Conservatism, Bismarck was increasingly viewed as a liability whose domineering attitude limited the DKRP’s room to manoeuvre domestically. Bismarck had wanted to use the weakened position of the Liberals in late 1887 to force his will upon the coalition and attempt to have Richter reinstate at least some of the old Anti-Socialist legislation. The former Chancellor’s belligerence made formal coalition almost impossible for a period of months before he was ousted by his own party and replaced with the retired Prussian General, Leo von Caprivi. With Bismarck ejected from his party he was officially retired, although leaving Berlin to live out his days on his personal estates, he would continue to be a sharp critic of German government and Conservatives. With the more pliable Caprivi in place the DKRP entered formally into coalition with the Liberals in January 1888, the DFP being forced to give up plans for reform in Germany outside of Austria but little else.


The solidification of the government’s control over the Reichstag could not have come at a better time as tensions between Germany and her former Italian allies quickly began to flare. Frustrated at the German presence on Mogadishu, by far Somalia’s greatest city, Italian officials in East Africa had made attempts to redraw the boundary between Italian ruled Somalia and German controlled Mogadishu – separating the city from its hinterland. When Italian troops attempted to enforce the change in boundary they clashed with German forces and were soundly defeated. The battles in East Africa inflamed a jingoistic and patriotic press into a furry that helped carry both nations towards war. In February the Italian government claimed that the German army of occupation in South Tyrol of massacring Italians and demanded that the future of the territory be openly debated. Later the same month an armed rebellion in the Veneto, brutally supressed by the Italian government, handed the air of moral superiority back to the Germans. The outbreak of war between France and the Ottoman Empire and the Russians earlier in the year granted further room to manoeuvre to the Germans.


On March 4th the Nine Weeks War broke out. By May 11th the Italians had surrendered. Moving with impressive speed the Germans had occupied the Veneto, Romagna and Milan – crushing the better part of the Italian Army. At the same time the Germans had advanced into Somalia, defeating the not unsubstantial garrison and occupying the colony. After just nine weeks of fighting the Italians surrendered – handing over all their possessions in East Africa to Germany. The dispute over Somalia was over, Germany had been triumphant. However, Italy had now been cast away to join the growing collection of nations who viewed Germany has the greatest threat to European peace.


With the ink still wet on Germany’s treaty with Italy and expedition to China was outfitted. In September 1888 German troops occupied Canton – the greatest city of South China – and proceeded to demand the acceptance of German authority by the rulers of Guangxi. As the Southern Clique deployed its armies against the Germans the Heavenly Kingdom openly celebrated the resistance to foreign imperialism and offered its support. In response to this the Germans occupied Formosa (Taiwan) and bombarded Shanghai from the sea. In late 1889 Guangxi would accept German domination whilst a few months later Formosa was officially annexed by the German Empire, providing it with its first Asian colonial possession. Elsewhere in China the Russians continued to dominate the Northern provinces, in spite of the loss of territory to the French in Eastern China whilst the Japanese had wrestled Korea from the grasp of Chinese influence once and for all.


Back in Germany the Richter government was able to finally pursue the large scale naval expansion programme that had been the ambition of German governments since the 1870s. With eight modern battleships and several cruisers being constructed between 1889 and 1892 Germany finally had the fleet she had long desired. At the same time the government expanded the standing army by as many as 100,000 men, mostly recruited from the new territories. All this came with an increasingly militarised culture which seemed to fly in the face of the DFP’s claims to opposition to the rampant militarism of its coalition allies.


The Richter administration was not a strong one for German diplomacy. The war with Italy, the intervention in China, the growing German domination of Central and Eastern Europe (both Serbia and Montenegro joining the large coalition of states aligned to Germany during this period), not to mention the continued expansion of the German Empire’s already intimidating military capacities all acted to further alienate Germany for the other Great Powers of the world. In the aftermath of military defeat the Italians had formed an official alliance with Spain in 1889 and with the Ottoman Empire in 1891. The Russians, Germany’s closest friends amongst the Great Powers, had an existing alliance with Spain and during this period concluded defence pacts with both Italy and Great Britain. Although the French remained diplomatically isolated, largely due to their military adventures in China against Russia, she could always be counted on to be included in any Anti-German Camp. This left the Empire in a worrying situation in which a cordon of aligned states seemed to be forming around her. Although the Russians hoped to sooth German fears, even supporting Germany in a dispute that arose with the Italians over Trieste in 1891, the diplomatic isolation long predicted by the supporters of the Lesser German Solution seemed to be coming to pass.


The increasing tensions between Germany and the other Great Powers seemed like they might reach a crescendo in the Moroccan Crisis that had diplomats scurrying across the continent through 1892 and into 1893. Earlier in the century the Spanish had annexed large portions of Moroccan territory. Permanently maintaining an interest in the Sultanate, however during the Scramble for Africa the Germans had reached agreements with the Sultan that effectively left Morocco under their influence. From then on Morocco would remain a point of contention between Spanish and German Imperialism with both vying for influence over the country. In January 1892 the Sultan was overthrown by his son Abdelaziz in a Spanish backed coup d’état that aimed to throw out German influence. Indeed, Adbelaziz’s supporters besieged the German embassy and attempted to expel all German citizens from the country. In February the Germans responded by deploying an invasion force to Morocco – blockading the country’s ports and landing an army near Rabat. As war raged for several months Abdelaziz fled to Portugal and signed a series of treaties with the Portuguese that would grant them a protectorate over Morocco. At the same time the Germans established their own Sultan, the Portuguese candidate’s brother Abdelhafed, on the throne – restoring their former relationship with Morocco. With Portugal threatening to back up their candidate’s claim with arms there remained a worrying possibility that a wider conflict could erupt over Morocco that persisted until after the elections of 1893.


Economically Richter’s government provided neither the spectacular collapse predicted by Conservatives and Centrists nor the boom lauded by Liberal exponents of laissez faire. Instead industrial growth remained solid, if unspectacular – the growth rate falling below 5% for the first time in 19 years in 1889 and remained around a stable 4%. Ineffective industries had been closed down, however the vast majority of German industry found itself capable of surviving. At the same time the Liberals radically reduced the rate of tax on the wealthy and middling sections of the population, with the poor witnessing virtually no cuts and left to bear the burden of taxation. The government’s economists blamed the sluggish growth on the heavy weight of Germany’s social security programmes which sapped finances and made industry less competitive by placing upward pressures on wages, not to mention leaving industrialists burdened with greater costs. Indeed, the government successfully cut Germany’s unemployment benefits by a significant margin in 1891, many Liberals hoping this was just the beginning of a roll back of social security.

Internationally, although witnessing a relative decline in economic prosperity, Germany continued to perform well in comparison with other powerful economies. On the ‘big three’ industrial economies German growth was marginally stronger than America’s and marginally lower than Britain’s. Elsewhere the German economy outperformed both France and Italy (two economies that performed relatively well during this period) whilst Spain and Russia stagnated. However, the strong industrial economy on earth remained Japan which strongly powered ahead of France as early as 1888 – by 1893 it had an output 2/3s the size of Britain and just over 2/5s the size of Germany.

Black dots mark areas under German influence​
 

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Ah it was fixed. Good update! Wasn't someone else having trouble on this thread as well? Though for them they couldn't capitalize their letters in voting so they could bold it but if they DID IT LIKE THIS their post would either disappear or not go through.
 

Gen. Marshall

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Ah it was fixed. Good update! Wasn't someone else having trouble on this thread as well? Though for them they couldn't capitalize their letters in voting so they could bold it but if they DID IT LIKE THIS their post would either disappear or not go through.
Yeah, that's your friendly neighbourhood spam filter at work. Thank God we have those now.
 

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Yeah, that's your friendly neighbourhood spam filter at work. Thank God we have those now.
I doubt Czech was saying that but its actually good to know.
 

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Dear god that's a lot of black dots...
 

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I don't think the black dots are very clear. A simple list would suffice IMHO...
 

Duke of Awesome

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That's what I hate about Vanilla, countries can take huge chunks of extremely populated lands like China with no repercussions. France looks God damn ugly.
 

Tommy4ever

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The Election of 1893

During the rule of the Richter government political divisions within Germany between the Liberals and the Centre (the two dominant ideological currents in the Empire) had once again sharpened. The issues of the treatment of Austria since unification, intensifying hostility over economic issues and frustration at the bellicose foreign policy of the Liberals had all acted to alienate the Centre from the Liberals.

German Progress Party (Deutsche Forschrittspartei)
- DFP


Political Position: Centre-Right

Ideology: Progressive Liberalism

Party Leader: Eugen Richter

Richter had become the first DFP Chancellor since the formation of the North German Confederation three decades previously. He led the first Liberal dominated German government since 1873 and was the only Liberal Chancellor since unification. Although having failed to secure the reform programme he had desired – the need to cooperate with the Conservatives making any reforms difficult – Richter had enjoyed a relatively successful time in office, seeing the colonial lobby swoon in excitement at his annexations in East Africa and China. Having risen to become the political leader of secular, non-Socialist, Germany Richter had every intension of becoming the first Chancellor since unification to secure consecutive terms in office.

Description:

Just a decade since the reconstitution of the Progress Party and the DFP had risen to become one of two dominant political formations in Germany. Although driven towards the right yet again by a breakdown of relations with the Centre the Party continues to enthusiastically preach the creed of reform, democracy, laicism, nationalism and imperialism.

Foreign Policy:

Over the issue of the Moroccan Crisis Germany cannot afford to flinch. Should Portugal deploy troops to Morocco Germany shall blockade Lisbon and Porto, and send men to defend Morocco from Portuguese invasion. Should Spain support their neighbour we must make clear our purely defensive intensions and attempt to find a peaceful solution that avoids a widening of the conflict. But Morocco shall remain under German protection!

Beyond this, we have been lax in our foreign relations. We must seek much closer relations with Britain, Russia and even the rising power of Japan. These three states represent the key to our international position. So long as at least two of the three are not openly hostile to Germany we can feel wholly secure from the machinations of the Mediterranean Empires. Overseas we should continue to search for routes for the expansion of the German Empire, without becoming involved in wider conflicts in Europe.

Economic Policy:

The potential of laissez faire is clear for all to see. Unrestrained by the interference of the state the German economy is capable of moving mountains; however, our growth is crippled by the malevolent figure of the Socialist-Centrist social programme. The Progress Party demands the reduction of the minimum wage and of unemployment subsidies. The continued rolling back of these limits shall allow for growth to reach to heights and reinforce Germany’s economic domination of the continent.

The DFP aims to establish ‘Trinket Unemployment Subsidies’ and ‘Trinket Minimum Wage’

Reforms:

In Austria we should aim to bring the military occupation to an end. This shall be accomplished gradually with normal civilian government to be fully and totally resumed by 1896 at the latest.

The Progress Party continues to support the democratic reform of all levels of the German government – seeking universal suffrage and transparency at all levels of government.

German Centre Party (Deutsche Zentrumspartei)
- DZP or Centre/Centre Party



Political Position: Centre

Ideology: Christian Democracy / Political Catholicism

Party Leader: Georg von Hertling

Not yet 40, Hertling was meant to provide an injection of youth into the Centre Party and energize its South German Catholic base of support. Whereas Windthorst had been a Hannoverian, Hertling was a proud Bavarian – until very recently stills serving the Regency of Bavaria as Minister-President. Like many Catholics, Hertling had been swept into politics by the excitement caused by the Centre Party’s nation successes during the 1870s and 1880s – seeing a golden opportunity to bring good Christian government to Germany. Now preparing to fight his first election, his continued position at the head of the party will be largely dependent on his success or failure in getting the Centre back into government.

Description:

Despite seeing its vote fall dramatically between the 1883 and 1887 elections the Centre continues to act as a domineering force in German politics – comparable only to the Progress Party in its mass and nationwide appeal. Since unification the Centre had won every second election, the Party was hopeful that this trend would continue and 1893 would see the DZP back in government.

Foreign Policy:

The prospect of a ‘Great War’ over the Sultanate of Morocco is frankly ludicrous. Whilst Portuguese attempts to subvert the legal government of Morocco are clearly entirely unjust we cannot allow the situation to escalate. Should Portugal invade then Germany shall wage a limited war in Morocco itself. If Spain moves to enter the conflict than an immediate peaceful solution must be sought. Germany simply cannot allow the Moroccan Crisis to grow any further.

Internationally the Liberals have seen Germany’s position decline further than ever could have been imagined. Tireless efforts must be made to rebuild our relationship with Spain, France and Italy so that they might not tighten their collaboration together and threaten to form an Anti-German Block. Our positive relations with Britain and Russia must be further strengthened – Germany should seek an open alliance with at least one of these powers. Germany should seek no further expansions to her colonial Empire. Instead Germany should refocus itself in support for the oppressed peoples of the Balkans. Here we might make common cause with the Russians, and even the British – whose Greek and Egyptian allies are fierce enemies of the Turks.

Economic Policy:

It is no coincidence that Germany’s worst growth rates since unification have come just as the Liberals have enforced their ‘laissez faire’ economic policies on the Empire. Factory closures, regressive taxation, unimpressive levels of industrial investment and assaults upon social welfare. These are the hallmarks of economic Liberalism. They must be opposed. The Centre Party calls for a progressive tax regime in which it is the wealthiest, not the poorest, who face the heaviest economic burden. The state must all support private investment in order to stimulate German industry into growth once again after the dark Liberal years.

Reforms:

The DZP demands a complete end to the military occupation of Austria at once and the restoration of civilian government. The Party also demands the release of all political prisoners arrested in Austria between the unification in 1887 and today. Germany’s Liberals have clearly failed to learn the lessons of the Kulturkampf and instead attempt to institute a farcical imitation in Austria. They failed in the 1870s and they shall fail in the 1890s!

Liberal assaults on the system of social welfare are a severe danger to the stability of German society. The security provided to the working classes by these reforms have been an invaluable moderating influence on those parts of the German population most at risk of falling to the siren calls of the Socialists. They are the shield of German society against chaos. They must be defended. The Centre Party aims to restore the previous level of unemployment subsidy, moreover our system of healthcare must be improved joint investments by the state and religious institutions shall facilitate a major expansion in health care provision across Germany.

The Centre Party supports ‘Extended Unemployment Subsidies’ and ‘Acceptable Health Care’

German Conservative Reich Party (Deutschekonservative Reichspartei)
- DKRP



Political Position: Hard Right

Ideology: Conservatism

Party Leader: Leo von Caprivi

After entering the Prussian Army in 1849 Caprivi fought in three separate wars with the French through the 1860-70s during which Germany was formed before retiring after the Austrian War and entering politics. After the forced retirement of Bismarck, Caprivi was chosen to become the new figurehead of German Conservatism in 1888. Leading the Conservatives into coalition with the Liberals Caprivi hoped to keep the DKRP open to alliance with either Liberals or Centrists – thus potentially turning the party into the most powerful force in the Reichstag once more by towing the line between the two opposing camps.


Description:

The stormy life of German Conservatism since the unification was now due to experience its first election since Bismarck, whilst many were hopeful that relieved of the tired old curmudgeon the party might witness a major revival others were fearful of the future. Either way 1893 was set to be a major test of the DKRP’s political future.

Foreign Affairs:

The Moroccan Crisis presents the deeply concerning prospect of escalation towards war with at least Portugal and potentially even Spain and Italy. However, it is absolutely clear that these forces cannot present any serious threat to Germany. Italy was defeated in nine weeks just a few years ago and Spain is if anything weaker than Italy. These nations offer no threat to Germany; the Empire shall not be intimidated by them.

Internationally the key to any potential threat to German hegemony in Europe is Russia. No Anti-German coalition on the continent can realistically threaten German power without Russian involvement. With Russia’s pacts with Spain and more recently Italy the prospect of Germany’s enemies luring the Tsar into a war with Germany is greatly heightened. We must move to severe the links between Russia and Germany’s enemies at all costs.

Economic Policy:

The promise of prosperity brought about by an opening of the economy has been categorically proven to be false. The German economy is more sluggish than it has been for decades. In the past five years our economy was outpaced by the British for the first time since the 1850s. It is clear that a new course is necessary. The DKRP promotes a policy of protection and support for German industry and agriculture. Tariffs shall be a boon to agricultural production and support the finances of the state whilst at the same time leaving industry relatively unaffected – the expansion of the German colonial Empire making the importation of raw materials for production, especially beyond the regions under German influence, largely unnecessary. At the same time the state should subsidise certain struggling industries and support investors in the creation and expansion of new, modern industries. A German economic block shall lead the world.

Reforms:

The occupation of Austria should be gradually brought to an end and civilian government restored within the next few years. The threat of instability in this region, an inevitable by-product of its incorporation into the Empire, appears to be fading.

It is clear that the social security network founded by former Chancellors Bismarck and Windthorst has provided a degree of social stability amongst the classes that has shielded Germany from the explosive growth of the Socialist movement. The recent Liberal calls for an attack against this system are a threat to the tranquillity of German society. The DKRP shall therefore oppose any attempts to repeal reforms, whilst at the same time not supporting further extensions.

Social Democratic Party of Germany (Sozialdemokratische Partei Deutschlands)
- SPD



Political Position: Far Left

Ideology: Socialism

Party Leader: August Bebel

Bebel had witnessed an impressive rise, fall and then rebirth of the SPD in the years since unification. Always representing the Orthodox Marxist centre of the party against the violent revolutionists of the Left and reformist elements of the Right, Bebel had managed to maintain a Marxist leadership through the worst times of the party’s history.

Description:

The SPD was formed in the midst of the Anti-Socialist Laws in the first years after unification. Achieving an impressive 10% of the vote in 1873 the party appeared to be in terminal decline, its vote declining to a quarter of that level in just a decade. However, the repeal of the Anti-Socialist Laws and the end of open repression facilitated a rebirth – with the SPD and their allies amongst minority communities reaching over 11% of the vote for the first time in 1887. There is a sense of confidence amongst Socialists that this result can be built upon and the party grow to become one of Germany’s greatest in the 1890s.

Foreign Policy:

Morocco is not worth a general European war. Germany might stand up to Portuguese interference, but she cannot tolerate being sucked into a wider military conflict. Should Spain and Portugal threaten war, Germany must not grant it to them.

The past decades have made the German Empire appear to be a great enemy of world peace. Germany must change her course, no further expansions to the colonial Empire are to be sought, yet we must be willing to defend what we currently hold. In Europe Germany is to attempt to ease the seething tensions between Berlin and the governments of Rome, Paris, Madrid and even Constantinople. Germany’s future is that of an arbiter of peace, not as a monger of war.

Economic Policy:

The SPD continued to support the slightly ammended policies promoted in its 1884 Erfurt Programme:

‘’The collapse of the capitalist system is increasingly imminent. The economic slowdown witnessed in Britain, America, France and Russia has already spread to the German economy. It is clear that the economic situation shall continue to worsen if we remained on our present course. Surely as this crisis intensifies it shall leads to economic and social collapse. This cannot be allowed. Instead the SPD proposed the socialisation of all means of production in Germany. This shall be pursued by legalistic and democratic means – not through the use of violence or coups.

In the shorter term the SPD shall pursue the improvement in the conditions of the working class and poor. A Heavily progressive tax regime shall be support than ensures the flow of wealth towards the poorest sections of society; the state shall protect existing industries from collapse and provide investment for the construction of new – more modern industry. The Party also calls for heavy investment in the underdeveloped regions of Austria that have recently been annexed and a focus across the country in supporting a more even distribution of wealth amongst regions as well as classes.’’

Reforms:

As in its economic policy the SPD remained true to the Erfurt Programme in regards to reforms:

‘’The SPD supports the further democratisation of the German political system. We call for universal suffrage at all levels of government – from the local Landtags of the individual states (where weighted suffrage is presently the norm) upwards. The Party also calls for all remaining restrictions on Trade Unions to be completely and totally removed – leaving labour free to organise as it wishes.

The SPD supports the 8 hour day, improvements in the system of healthcare through state controlled hospitals, the restoration of the previous level of unemployment subsidy and improved pensions for retiring workers.

The SPD back the ‘8 Hour Day’, ‘Acceptable Health Care’, ‘Extended Unemployment Subsidies’ and ‘Good Pensions’.’’

National Liberal Party (Nationalliberale Partei)
- NLP


Political Position: Right

Ideology: National Liberalism

Party Leader: Rudolf von Bennigsen

Bennigsen was once the power behind the throne in Bismarck’s first administration following the unification, now the National Liberal leader has seen his faction of the still powerful Liberal movement reduced to an almost subsidiary role in relation to the Progressive Liberals. Nonetheless, Bennigsen remains a fine and respected statesman with ambitions to enhance the power of both his own party and the German Liberal movement as a whole.

Description:

The debacle of Liberal unity under the LVD left the National Liberals, who were the dominant partner in the party, greatly reduced. Their poor performance in 1887 had forced them into the role of little more than a pressure group in the DFP dominated government, in many ways a humiliation. Despite failing to expand beyond North Germany and more specifically Prussia since unification the National Liberals remain a strong force in German politics, perhaps capable of making gains and once more becoming a leading force in the Empire.

Foreign Policy:

In Morocco Germany is not just threatened with the loss of a strategic ally, it is threatened with the loss of its prestige as the world’s greatest power. Backing down is simply not an option – should Portugal go to war in Morocco Germany shall respond in kind with the occupation of Lamu (a Portuguese enclave surrounded by German territory in East Africa), should Spain support the Portuguese German forces shall cross over into the Congo and if the Italians join them the Veneto and Milan shall once more know the presence of the German army. The German Empire is the greatest power on earth, she must behave as such.

Germany should also pursue the acquisition of further colonial holdings. The Persian Gulf, Ethiopia, even Ottoman North Africa all offer potential routes for further expansion. Many other European powers maintain larger colonial Empires than Germany; if she is to be respected as the world’s most powerful nation she must expand her Empire!

In Europe German opposition to France, Spain and Italy is clear. Only Russia and Britain continue to extend the hand of friendship and they shall not be rejected. However, Germany shall not be bullied by these powers and shall retain her diplomatic independence.

Economic Policy:
The National Liberal Party unconditionally supports the laissez faire economy. However, it is clear that the economy is being dangerously held back by the overbearing presence of the social reform programme. The Richter government was right to identify these reforms as the primary force holding back progress in Germany, they must be rolled back. The National Liberal Party calls for the further reduction of unemployment benefit, the reduction of the minimum wage and the abolition of the mandated maximum of hours per day that can be worked. All these reforms limit the freedoms of both employers and employed and leave our labour market restricted. Moreover the National Liberal Party calls for the reformation of the Trade Union movement, whilst Unions should not be banned entirely they must be brought under state control – this shall protect them from the influences of radicals who desire to seize control over them.

The NLP aims to establish ‘State Controlled Trade Unions’, ‘Trinket Unemployment Subsidies’, ‘Unlimited Work Day’ and ‘Trinket Minimum Wage’

Reforms:

The National Liberal Party supports the continued occupation of Austria. Unfortunately this region has become a hotbed of sedition as Socialist, Secessionist and Reactionary Habsburg influences continue to run rampant and oppose the German state and the German nation. So long as the region is so afflicted the resumption of civilian government shall prove as disastrous as the repeal of the Anti-Socialist Laws has been. Until the pacification of Austria is fully accomplished Anti-German forces are only bound to recover in the event of a withdrawal.

The National Liberal Party calls for the reintroduction of the Anti-Socialist Laws. At the dawn of the previous decade the Socialist movement in Germany had almost been defeated for good. Today they once again threaten the stability of German society. This situation is intolerable and must end!

All reader must either vote for:

DFP

DZP

DKRP

SPD

NLP

! You may write the full name, shortened name or the German name of any party, so long as it is clear to me who you are voting for!

Please place your vote in a separate post or bold it within your post so it is easier for me to keep a tally.

Once again, spamming is not tolerated, you may not campaign outside this thread and I ask that you remain civil with each other.

Voting will close on Monday at 10 AM, I will post in this thread to officially close the polls and return with the results shortly later.
 

Duke of Awesome

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This time was a tough decision between DFP and DKRP, but I've decided to vote for the DFP yet again! An alliance of Britain in Europe, Japan in Asia, and Russia to bridge us shall protect all corners of the globe and ensure protection for all nations involved.
 

Andrzej I

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