Winter 1940/1941
The Proud Flag of the Republic of China
Whilst one war ended in China, another war continued in Europe. The struggles between the Luftwaffe and the Royal Air Force, known collectively as the Battle of Britain, would end in defeat fro the Luftwaffe as the new technology of RADAR and the home ground advantage allowed the RAF to resist the Luftwaffe fighters and bombers, despite grievous losses in Denmark, Belgium and France. Elsewhere the picture was more mixed- in Africa, Italy had joined the Axis and had pushed forward, capturing northern Egypt up to Alexandria. The end of 1940 would see Hungary, Bulgaria and Romania all join what appeared to be the winning side, although their usefulness in a war against Britain was debateable. In the Balkans, Yugoslavia, Greece and Turkey all contrived to remain neutral, with their authoritarian right wing governments somehow surviving both Axis and British threats and domestic subversion.
If there was one area where the Allied cause seemed highest, it was in Norway, where a task force led by the Royal Navy battleship
Warspite had successfully destroyed many German transports and destroyers, saving Norway from invasion. However, Luftwaffe bombing made southern Norway virtually uninhabitable, destroying industry and all available ports, airstrips and other infrastructure.
HMS Warspite halts the invasion of Norway
Even if at first glance the Axis appeared ascendant, in reality, at the end of 1940, Britain and Norway were still in the fight, and Hitler appeared either unable or unwilling to concentrate the necessary resources to defeat them. Equally, as the United States congress began to debate whether or not to extend credit to Britain for the purchase of war materials, the high point of danger for Britain had passed.
In Nanjing, the Bureau of Information and Statistics reported to the Generalissimo that the Red Army had slipped across the border of Tibet into the Afghan province on Nurestan. It’s loyal, resourceful and ruthless leader, Dai Li, requested permission for a military expedition to root out the Communists from Nurestan, a request the Generalissimo reluctantly had to refuse- the National Assembly would never sanction a war in Afghanistan, and Chiang no longer had the clout to overrule them.
The Bureau had also learned that Japan had increased the number of troops in Vietnam almost four fold, to a garrison of approximately 12 divisions, and Jeju Island, south of Korea, held an unknown number of Japanese troops, believed to be more than 60 divisions, vastly outnumbering the Korean population of the island. Everyday, the Japanese produced more aeroplanes, artillery pieces and ships. Dai Li’s agents in Vietnam picked up rumours of plans to “acquire resource areas for the Greater Sphere”.
It was a measure of the decline of Chiang’s power that following the peace with Tibet, Chiang had been forced to accept a bill limiting military spending diverting the money on civilian reconstruction projects. Everyday, even though the Generalissimo’s physical strength recovered, the political reality of his position as a influential but powerless father figure to a slowly democratising state was made clear. To a man who felt he should be riding on a white stallion at the head of victorious armies to crush the Communists and the Japanese once and for all his impotent position was intolerable.
The Guangxi generals, Bai Chongxi and Li Zongren, had become the de facto leaders of the democratising faction. Their military prestige was almost as high as Chiang’s own, and their leadership talents were perhaps higher. In the early months of 1941, they were seen by many as having pulled off the impossible, making a functional democracy in a land ravaged by war and civil strife. Their friendship had endured decades- but it would soon be tested, as the Generalissimo would attempt to reassert his control once and for all.