Third Austrian Government (Part 1)
Election of 1852
The Election of 1852 was dominated by one issue – should the Empire go to war with France over the Duchy of Alsace. The BLP bravely campaigned against war and therefore suffered. The Lombard League, the last truly powerful party of a minority group, alongside the Christian Union called for a diplomatic solution to the crisis whilst the Socialist Worker’s Party (SAP) called for all out pacifism with Engels even coming out to openly speak to crowds in order to convince them to avoid war (many believe this pacifist front really boosted the SAP’s vote in what was its first election). Meanwhile the GDDP played heavily on German nationalism as it fought in favour of war; the GDDP hoped it could preserve its powerful Reichstag presence gained in the 1848 election. Finally the FPO, that grand old party of the Austrian conservatives, campaigned for war, although they did so in a much less vigorous manner than the GDDP.
The Election itself delivered another hung Parliament as the days of single party rule once again came to an end. The FPO recovered strongly from their 1848 humiliation as they increased their share of the Reichstag from 9 seats to 24. The GDDP largely preserved their vote as they lost just 4 seats despite the clear decline in radical nationalism since the exuberance of 1848. The BLP meanwhile suffered badly, despite remaining as the largest party in the Reichstag, they lost 21 seats. Meanwhile the minor parties of the Christian Union and Lombard League both had good elections as the Lombard League lost just one seat and the Christian Union returned to the Reichstag with 2. However the main force that changed things in 1852 was the rise of the SAP, before the recent emergence of socialism Austria’s workers had tended to associate themselves either with the GDDP (if they were nationalistic, rightwing, Germans) or the BLP (if they were more liberal) but the SAP provided a new, much more attractive option. A party for the workers. The impressive early showing of the SAP, claiming 10 of the 100 Reichstag seats, showed to the nation that socialism was a real force and pointed towards future victories for the ideology. Karl Marx claimed that the election of 1852 marked the beginning of socialism’s march to victory in Europe.
However it was not the left but the right that succeeded in 1852 as the GDDP and FPO united for war and governance. Despite the protests of the FPO, whose aristocratic hierarchy looked down upon the less well bred GDDP leadership, the GDDP was allowed to provide Emperor Victor with the Chancellor. That man would be the relatively young Georg Fichte (42 in 1852) was a true member of the emerging Austrian middle classes. These were the new rich, self made men benefitting from the Empire’s rapid industrialisation. Fichte himself had been born as the son of a reasonably wealthy master craftsman and had gone on to found a textiles Empire which left him with enormous wealth and factories in Milan, Prague, Dresden, Nuremberg, Cologne and Frankfurt.
The latest Coalition would be known as the National Front.
Georg Fichte
Lived: 1810-1865
Chancellor of the Austrian Empire: 1852-1860
Political Party: Greater German Democratic Party
Government: National Front (1852-1860)
The new Chancellor quickly began to manoeuvre himself to make good on his promise of French blood. A large force, around 60,000 men, was sent to man the Alpine forts on the Austro-French border in Italy. Meanwhile as many as ¼ of a million men were prepared along the border between Wallonia in the North and Alsace in the South. On this front the Austrians greatly outnumbered the French, the French could muster perhaps 160,000 with a further 10,000 men coming from Alsace whilst Austria had 250,000. Therefore Fichte had reason to be confident that his army could easily crush the eternal enemy of the Empire – the perfidious Franks.
The Austrian declaration of war came within months of Fichte’s ascension; the Emperor’s Generals had devised a simple and apparently foolproof plan. They would striker with one almighty hammer blow through Alsace. The French had sent a large force into the area but the defences of Alsace remained much weaker than those of Wallonia, it was also notable that the French lacked a strong reserve behind their lines in Alsace. This meant that should victory be won in the Duchy then the road to Paris would be largely open for the Imperial Army. Surely it would be impossible for Austria to lose?
It did not take long for it to become clear that the war would not be won quite as easily as the Austrians had hoped. The crossing of the Rhine was an ordeal, poor command meant that it took almost an entire week before enough Austrian troops had managed to cross to begin the offensive in earnest – this allowed the French time to react to the Austrian offensive and prepare defences further inland from Alsace. Then the Austrians were drawn into a long siege of Metz which lasted from August 1852 until January 1853. This meant that it wasn’t until the second year of the war that the great offensive deep into French lands could truly begin.
In the Spring things greatly improved for the Austrian army as they struck deep into French territory, eventually pinning the French army in the Battle of Chalons (South-East of Rheims). The Austrians had perhaps as many as 100,000 men to a French force of roughly 80,000. Victory would leave Paris in serious danger and give the Austrians a truly great chance of total victory.
The Austrian Army secured just what was required of it as the French were routed. A fateful charge by the French light cavalry in a vain attempt to silence the German artillery that battered the French lines ended in glorious failure and set the French on their way to defeat. After two more hours being battered by the Austrian guns, and several skirmishes with the Austrian infantry the French withdrew from the field.
The Austrians might have continued to march onwards to Paris had they not faced threats on their flanks. In the North the Austrian Generals had hoped to bypass the border forts and attack Wallonia from the South, thus removing the threat of attacks on the Rhineland and bringing the area’s hefty garrison into play, but these plans had been dashed before the rocks as the Austrian Army faced a terrible defeat at Luxembourg. Meanwhile, despite controlling both Metz and Strasbourg, the Duke of Alsace remained a thorn in the flank of the Austrian advance as he held out in Mulhouse and continued to threaten the Austrians as the advanced deeper into France. The French continuously harassed the thin Austrian supply line making any further advances impossible.
It was at this time that Napoleon III decided to take to the field as the commander of the Army of the North – some 60,000 crack French troops placed strategically to the to the South of Brussels.
Napoleon march Southward in tandem with a further French army marching Northward to cut off the Austrian salient and isolate around 90,000 Austrians at Rheims. The pendulum had swung suddenly in favour of the French and for the rest of 1853 the Austrians would lie besieged in Rheims as further, ever more desperate, attempts were made to relive them.
In November the Austrian army finally surrendered and the Empire suffered its single worst Post-Napoleonic defeat of the 19th century. Between November and the Spring the two Empires would uneasily watch each other as troops were moved around, the French preparing for an offensive and the Austrians preparing to face it.
The campaign of 1853 was by far the bloodiest of the war as the now inflated armies of the French and Austrians both suffered horrendous casualties in a series of sieges and pitched battles that changed virtually nothing. The one major change was the fall of Mulhouse to the Austrians, through treachery rather than military brilliance as a group of German nationalists betrayed the French garrison and allowed the Austrians the opportunity to enter the city. However this success merely buoyed the Austrians on to an attack into France that ended in disaster.
By the end of 1853 both armies were exhausted but the peoples of both Empires still demanded victory. It would require outside influence to end this conflict.
Throughout the Alsatian War the British Lion had been in slumber. It was tradition and indeed international policy to stick out of conflicts between the Europeans unless one side looked set for Continental Domination yet in 1854 an exception would have to be made. Put simply – the war was bad for business. As both Empires began to feel the pinch of war taxation demand for British goods in Europe had started to fall while the worldwide skirmished of the French and Austrian navies disrupted British trade. Finally the war had created a great spike in demand for armaments. Britain’s arms industry was comparatively small considering the size of its other industries and exported very little, British industry tended to concentrate on consumer goods like textiles and liquor. However Germany had a very large arms industry and was making a real killing from the conflict, indeed the German government had invested heavily in industrial expansion to meet the demand for bullets and rifles from the combatants. It was clear that after the war these industries could switch to peace time manufacturing and bring greater competition for British goods. Therefore it was imperative for Britain to bring the war to as swift an end as possible.
To do this Britain would have to flex her not inconsiderable military muscle. Whilst the British wanted peace now they realised that Alsace would forever be a point of friction between the two powers and this was beneficial as it guaranteed Britain’s position as the kingmaker in Europe – whoever was favoured by Albion would be Europe’s primary superpower, therefore the British decided that the Duchy could not continue to exist as an independent entity. The greater strength and size of the Austrian fleet also meant that it would be better to favour Austria (as France would be easier to pressurise) so in early 1854 the British sent an ultimatum to France: make peace with Austria, allow the peaceful exchange of prisoners of war and accept an indemnity to pay for the costs of war on France or face the introduction of the British Empire to the Alsatian War. This comparatively fair deal, that left no clear winner as the Austrians gained some land that was not actually owned by France but paid war indemnities, was eagerly accepted by Napoleon III who had started to fear that a clear defeat would bring his reign to a premature end.
The war had been costly but a comparative success. Fichte’s popularity had been tied to the bloodbath and afterwards the GDDP saw a slump in its support. Only confusion and incompetence at the top of the BLP prevented any major long term swing against Fichte. Indeed the Chancellor was, perhaps wrongly, regarded as a diplomatic genius for securing Alsace despite a poor Austrian showing in the War.
In the two years before the 1856 election things really improved in Austria following the harsh years of the Alsatian War. Despite the war indemnity payments to France Austrian coffers quickly became healthy once more following the war allowing for greater public spending. This balancing of government finances was caused by greater funds from the Empire.
Gold had been at the heart of a mass movement towards Austria’s colonies. Gold had been discovered in California (1849), Austrian Columbia (1850) and South-Eastern Australia (1851) this had encouraged 100,000s of settlers to come to these colonies in search of gold. The change was perhaps most significant in Australia were the population increase from just 40,000 (Europeans) in 1851 to 150,000 in 1854. Whilst people arrived in greater numbers to California that region already had large populations, meaning the demographic impact was less pronounced. The government now had more colonials to tax, gained tax on the gold and most importantly charged a small fee for each new person arriving in a colonial port.
Meanwhile improvements in the administration of the Raj improved government profits in India by 5%. Heading into the election Georg Fichte’s Coalition looked in good shape to remain in power, in spite of the war and of the ever more popular SAP.