Originally posted by HJ Tulp
Interesting approach.....
Yes it is, I hope you are enjoying it
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Yes it is, I hope you are enjoying it
Italy victorious in Abyssinia
November 29th 1936
The capital of Abyssinia, Addis Ababa had finally fallen to the exhausted Italian colonial troops in West Africa. After an extremely lengthy and violent war in the hot and dry African state, Italy was finally able to proclaim a victory. It had taken Italy almost a year, and after much bloodshed, disaster and pain to defeat what was considered a “third rate” power. Italy, after all, under Fascism was a superpower in the new post-war Europe.
Il Duce Mussolini proclaims victory to the Grand Fascist Council in Rome
The Italian empire, “robust and powerful” had expanded her colonial territories in Africa, adding the Abyssinian nation to the poor and underdeveloped colonies of Eritrea and Italian Somaliland. Mussolini, proud and uncontrollably pompous about his new victory Italy, proclaimed Victor Emmanuelle II Emperor, and named his brother Duke of Addis Ababa. Now, the people of Abyssinia would have to salute pictures of a despised foreign conqueror, while toiling away in his coffee bean plantations and armaments factories.
The Protectors of Fascism in the South: A Journal of French Forces in Spain
Trials and tribulations
After the victory at Barcelona, the French forces in Spain appeared invincible, and the Republicans were constantly fleeing the unstoppable advance of the “French war machine”. Franco, after the great victory for Fascism, visited the conquered city, the Republicans lost citadel in the east of Spain. Franco, in an extremely animated mood, reviewed French and Nationalist troops as they paraded through the rubble-strewn streets of the city. Before long, the prized capital of Spain, Madrid, would also fall to the triumphant forces of Fascism.
General Francisco Franco salutes troops outside Barcelona City Hall
On the 3rd of December, the Nationalists and French were violently shaken down from their pedestal of triumph, and their drunken daze of conquest was quickly cleared from their minds. A Republican offensive, with great shock to the Fascists, had managed to break through the frontline and had retaken Huesca and Pamplona, and were threatening Nationalist positions in Navarre. Before long, they would be in striking distance of the Nationalist Headquarters in Burgos.
Gamelin, who had set up his new Headquarters in Tarragona, a sleepy coastal town just south of Barcelona, telegraphed a communiqué to Franco in Burgos. Gamelin, in a fit of rage, insulted the Nationalist Forces to the effect that he described them as “useless rabble, uncultured and couth, who cannot fight a war to save their own lives”. Gamelin lay the blame on Franco completely, as the Nationalist Forces which were guarding the frontline and the towns of Huesca and Pamplona were spread to thin and were badly positioned and organised. Franco, who, unlike all other Fascist leaders, lacked charisma, and was bordering on being utterly lacklustre, quite simply replied ‘I do not have enough forces to defend all the land the French troops so hastily captured’. In this simple one sentence retort, he had blamed the French for the Republican offensive, as they were conquering far too quickly. Gamelin, desiring not too loose any more integrity, decided not to dignify Franco with a reply.
Franco hastily attempted to rectify the situation, and on the 6th, he sent two tank divisions to recapture Pamplona. A bitter struggle between the Nationalists and Republicans over the city ended in stalemate by the 8th, and no end appeared in sight. Franco, quite amazingly, failed to send in any reinforcements, and on the 9th, his tank divisions, after heavy losses, were forced to retreat under the cover of darkness.
On the 10th, Gamelin diverted the I. French Armoured Army to Pamplona. That same day, Field Marshall Juin was able to report a victory to the south of Barcelona at Lleida. Within just a few days, the I. French Armoured Army had recaptured both Huesca and Pamplona, and had transferred them to Nationalist military administration. Gamelin, after pouring over maps, diagrams and figures that only a military mind could understand, announced to the French High Command in Paris the last offensive of the War “Operation El Cid” – the battle plans for the capture of Madrid.
Field Marshall Gamelin reviewing troops during preparations for Operation El Cid
November 29th 1936
The capital of Abyssinia, Addis Ababa had finally fallen to the exhausted Italian colonial troops in West Africa. After an extremely lengthy and violent war in the hot and dry African state, Italy was finally able to proclaim a victory. It had taken Italy almost a year, and after much bloodshed, disaster and pain to defeat what was considered a “third rate” power. Italy, after all, under Fascism was a superpower in the new post-war Europe.
Il Duce Mussolini proclaims victory to the Grand Fascist Council in Rome
The Italian empire, “robust and powerful” had expanded her colonial territories in Africa, adding the Abyssinian nation to the poor and underdeveloped colonies of Eritrea and Italian Somaliland. Mussolini, proud and uncontrollably pompous about his new victory Italy, proclaimed Victor Emmanuelle II Emperor, and named his brother Duke of Addis Ababa. Now, the people of Abyssinia would have to salute pictures of a despised foreign conqueror, while toiling away in his coffee bean plantations and armaments factories.
The Protectors of Fascism in the South: A Journal of French Forces in Spain
Trials and tribulations
After the victory at Barcelona, the French forces in Spain appeared invincible, and the Republicans were constantly fleeing the unstoppable advance of the “French war machine”. Franco, after the great victory for Fascism, visited the conquered city, the Republicans lost citadel in the east of Spain. Franco, in an extremely animated mood, reviewed French and Nationalist troops as they paraded through the rubble-strewn streets of the city. Before long, the prized capital of Spain, Madrid, would also fall to the triumphant forces of Fascism.
General Francisco Franco salutes troops outside Barcelona City Hall
On the 3rd of December, the Nationalists and French were violently shaken down from their pedestal of triumph, and their drunken daze of conquest was quickly cleared from their minds. A Republican offensive, with great shock to the Fascists, had managed to break through the frontline and had retaken Huesca and Pamplona, and were threatening Nationalist positions in Navarre. Before long, they would be in striking distance of the Nationalist Headquarters in Burgos.
Gamelin, who had set up his new Headquarters in Tarragona, a sleepy coastal town just south of Barcelona, telegraphed a communiqué to Franco in Burgos. Gamelin, in a fit of rage, insulted the Nationalist Forces to the effect that he described them as “useless rabble, uncultured and couth, who cannot fight a war to save their own lives”. Gamelin lay the blame on Franco completely, as the Nationalist Forces which were guarding the frontline and the towns of Huesca and Pamplona were spread to thin and were badly positioned and organised. Franco, who, unlike all other Fascist leaders, lacked charisma, and was bordering on being utterly lacklustre, quite simply replied ‘I do not have enough forces to defend all the land the French troops so hastily captured’. In this simple one sentence retort, he had blamed the French for the Republican offensive, as they were conquering far too quickly. Gamelin, desiring not too loose any more integrity, decided not to dignify Franco with a reply.
Franco hastily attempted to rectify the situation, and on the 6th, he sent two tank divisions to recapture Pamplona. A bitter struggle between the Nationalists and Republicans over the city ended in stalemate by the 8th, and no end appeared in sight. Franco, quite amazingly, failed to send in any reinforcements, and on the 9th, his tank divisions, after heavy losses, were forced to retreat under the cover of darkness.
On the 10th, Gamelin diverted the I. French Armoured Army to Pamplona. That same day, Field Marshall Juin was able to report a victory to the south of Barcelona at Lleida. Within just a few days, the I. French Armoured Army had recaptured both Huesca and Pamplona, and had transferred them to Nationalist military administration. Gamelin, after pouring over maps, diagrams and figures that only a military mind could understand, announced to the French High Command in Paris the last offensive of the War “Operation El Cid” – the battle plans for the capture of Madrid.
Field Marshall Gamelin reviewing troops during preparations for Operation El Cid
The Protectors of Fascism in the South: A Journal of French Forces in Spain
Operation El Cid
On the 15th of November, the codeword was sounded for Operation El Cid, the last French offensive of the war. The offensive began with the aerial bombing of Tortosa. Within hours, French tanks were rolling down the roads leading to Tortosa. The town was lightly defended, and was easily captured by the French on the 16th. Gamelin proudly proclaimed over radio “the war will be over by the end of the year”. The French High Command, pressured By President Field Marshall Avaneux sent a telegram announcing “if the offensive fails, or results in a stalemate, French forces will be withdrawn no later that the 15th of January 1937.” Gamelin, offcourse, promised better – Madrid would be in Fascist hands by New Years Day.
By the 20th, Field Marshall Lattre de Tassigney’s tanks had advanced southerly to Cartagena, uniting the entire Mediterranean Coast under Fascist leadership. Simultaneously, Nationalist Forces in the south of Spain captured Albacete. This left the remnants of the Republican Army trapped in a large circle around Madrid and Cuenca. Within the circle, around 18 Republican divisions were trapped, ready to defend the land to the death. “Not until the last drop of blood has been spilt, will the Fascists enter Madrid”.
On the 22nd, the bulk of the French force encircled Cuenca, cutting off all food supplies. French bombers incessantly showered the besieged city, wearing down the defenders and destroying defensive positions on the town’s outskirts. As the French soldiers converged on the centre of the city, the sporadic defence collapsed, and the Republican soldiers fled into every direction, leaving the city for the invading French.
On the 25th, without stopping for Christmas celebrations, Gamelin ordered the entire French Iberian Army Group to advance to Madrid, the Capital of Spain and the lost stronghold of the Republicans. The French meet with little retaliation while heading towards Madrid. By sunrise on the 24th, the spearhead of the French forces reached Alcala de Henares, a mere 50 km west of Madrid. The village was secured within hours, and from its position perched on the Western Hills overlooking Madrid, the French were able to bombard the city with devastaing artillary
barrages.
As the French steadily advanced, considerable Nationalist troops reached the southern outskirts of the city, reinforcing the French. By the hour, the frontline moved forward, and countless Republican soldiers lost their lives in support of a lost cause. On the 28th, the French were within striking distance of the centre of Madrid, and Gamelin was confident that he would fulfil his own deadline of capturing the city by the 1st of January.
The battle for the city dragged on for days, with both sides incurring heavy casualties. For the first time in the war, France was beginning to show signs of strain, as hundreds of soldiers died every few hours during the vicious street fighting.
On the 3rd of January, the Republican defence finally began to collapse. Waves of continuos air bombings was taking the toll on the exhausted defenders. Fires broke out all over the city, and many historic buildings were damaged. Resistance began to fade considerable over the next few days, and on the 8th of January, the Republican commander of the city surrendered. Utter relief passed through the French ranks, and the Nationalists burst into the rubble-strewn streets to sing, dance and celebrate.
General Francisco Franco Bahmonde, Il Caudillo of a united Fascist Spain
Franco made an official visit to Gamelin, and offered his sincerest thanks to the French forces. Franco, beaming with expected happiness, pride and joy, reviewed a massive and splendorous victory parade through the centre of Madrid, as if he was the conqueror. Prime Minister Sanvea immediately sent a telegram to Gamelin, congratulating him on his victory, and thanking him for protecting and upholding Fascism in Spain.
Franco viewing the victory parade in Madrid
Field Marshall Gamelin flew straight back to Paris to attend his victory banquet at the Palace of Versailles. Upon meeting Sanvea, who profusely thanked him for his triumph in Spain and the victory for Fascism, Gamelin uttered one sentence: “My dear Prime Minister, I did not win a victory for you, or Franco, or Fascism, I won it for France.”
Operation El Cid
On the 15th of November, the codeword was sounded for Operation El Cid, the last French offensive of the war. The offensive began with the aerial bombing of Tortosa. Within hours, French tanks were rolling down the roads leading to Tortosa. The town was lightly defended, and was easily captured by the French on the 16th. Gamelin proudly proclaimed over radio “the war will be over by the end of the year”. The French High Command, pressured By President Field Marshall Avaneux sent a telegram announcing “if the offensive fails, or results in a stalemate, French forces will be withdrawn no later that the 15th of January 1937.” Gamelin, offcourse, promised better – Madrid would be in Fascist hands by New Years Day.
By the 20th, Field Marshall Lattre de Tassigney’s tanks had advanced southerly to Cartagena, uniting the entire Mediterranean Coast under Fascist leadership. Simultaneously, Nationalist Forces in the south of Spain captured Albacete. This left the remnants of the Republican Army trapped in a large circle around Madrid and Cuenca. Within the circle, around 18 Republican divisions were trapped, ready to defend the land to the death. “Not until the last drop of blood has been spilt, will the Fascists enter Madrid”.
On the 22nd, the bulk of the French force encircled Cuenca, cutting off all food supplies. French bombers incessantly showered the besieged city, wearing down the defenders and destroying defensive positions on the town’s outskirts. As the French soldiers converged on the centre of the city, the sporadic defence collapsed, and the Republican soldiers fled into every direction, leaving the city for the invading French.
On the 25th, without stopping for Christmas celebrations, Gamelin ordered the entire French Iberian Army Group to advance to Madrid, the Capital of Spain and the lost stronghold of the Republicans. The French meet with little retaliation while heading towards Madrid. By sunrise on the 24th, the spearhead of the French forces reached Alcala de Henares, a mere 50 km west of Madrid. The village was secured within hours, and from its position perched on the Western Hills overlooking Madrid, the French were able to bombard the city with devastaing artillary
barrages.
As the French steadily advanced, considerable Nationalist troops reached the southern outskirts of the city, reinforcing the French. By the hour, the frontline moved forward, and countless Republican soldiers lost their lives in support of a lost cause. On the 28th, the French were within striking distance of the centre of Madrid, and Gamelin was confident that he would fulfil his own deadline of capturing the city by the 1st of January.
The battle for the city dragged on for days, with both sides incurring heavy casualties. For the first time in the war, France was beginning to show signs of strain, as hundreds of soldiers died every few hours during the vicious street fighting.
On the 3rd of January, the Republican defence finally began to collapse. Waves of continuos air bombings was taking the toll on the exhausted defenders. Fires broke out all over the city, and many historic buildings were damaged. Resistance began to fade considerable over the next few days, and on the 8th of January, the Republican commander of the city surrendered. Utter relief passed through the French ranks, and the Nationalists burst into the rubble-strewn streets to sing, dance and celebrate.
General Francisco Franco Bahmonde, Il Caudillo of a united Fascist Spain
Franco made an official visit to Gamelin, and offered his sincerest thanks to the French forces. Franco, beaming with expected happiness, pride and joy, reviewed a massive and splendorous victory parade through the centre of Madrid, as if he was the conqueror. Prime Minister Sanvea immediately sent a telegram to Gamelin, congratulating him on his victory, and thanking him for protecting and upholding Fascism in Spain.
Franco viewing the victory parade in Madrid
Field Marshall Gamelin flew straight back to Paris to attend his victory banquet at the Palace of Versailles. Upon meeting Sanvea, who profusely thanked him for his triumph in Spain and the victory for Fascism, Gamelin uttered one sentence: “My dear Prime Minister, I did not win a victory for you, or Franco, or Fascism, I won it for France.”
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Lord British - one question did you declare war on the Republicans or did you send your forces as expeditionary?
Well, in Madrid I lost roughly 30%, which came as quite a shock, as I was only expecting aroung 10% at most.
Sgt. Schultz: I declared war on the Republicans and commanded the French forces myself. I originally wanted to send them in as expeditionary, but I didn't trust the AI with them.
MegaPIMP: thanks for pointing out that error! Ofcourse, the Repulicans were surroundered by Fascist forces, not their own!Maybe I should spend some more time editing my updates before I post
Sorry, no update today. I will most likely be able to post tomorrow, or Friday at the latest.
LB
LB
The State of the World
1937
German Rearmament
German military build up escalated considerably during 1937, and the nation’s economy was focused on almost entirely on rigorous rearmament programs. In defiance of the nullified Versailles Treaty, Hitler introduced ‘National Service’ and soon the German Wehrmacht’s ranks were overflowing with new recruits, and the Versailles limit of 100 000 soldiers was utterly disregarded. Extensive tank construction was established, and by the end of the year, Germany boasted eight fully equipped light tank divisions, Panzer Mark II. Under Air Minister Herman Goring, a powerful Air force was established, and forbidden Unterseeboots were launched at the dockyards in Kiel.
German Heer conscripts parade, Potsdam 1937
The Versailles Treaty had been completely disregarded by Hitler, but not one nation protested. France, a foe tuned friendly Fascist neighbour no longer objected to German military build up, and the British, who, since the fall of the democratic regime in France, and the victory of Nationalist Spain, had become disenchanted with the continent, and rather than be embroiled in conflict with Germany, London turned a blind eye.
The League of Nations, which had originally set out to enforce the clauses of Versailles and subsequent treaties and declarations as well as ensuring peace, was no longer a force to abide by. Great Britain remained the only major democratic country left in the League, and without the support of the United States, London was not able to empower the it. Germany, without reprimands or retributions, arrogantly set out to become the most powerful force in Europe.
French Armament
In February 1937, Field Marshall Gamelin, as Chief of Staff of the French High Command and Commander-in-Chief of the Armée Française, announced considerable French military armament “to defend the interests of France, and the freedom of her people, from possible aggressive enemies”. There was some confusion over who these “possible enemies” of France were. The loyal traditionalist supporters of President Marshall Avaneux stated that the French armament was a counter-measure against the build up of the German Wehrmacht. Fascists, however, including Prime Minister Sanvea, stated that the “possible enemy” was not Germany, but Great Britain, who was the natural foe of France.
The military build up consisted of the training of ten new infantry divisions, two equipped with modern heavy artillery regiments, five armoured tank divisions and two mechanised divisions. Naval and Air force expansion was also part of the Programme Militaire National D'Armement, with the commissioning of two new battleships, the Richelieu and the Napoleon. As well as the prestigious battleships, four new Cruisers were under construction. The Air Armament Program, however, was scheduled for the following year, due to a lack of adequate Industrial Capacity.
Japanese Invasion of China
In April, 1937, the expansionist Japanese Empire declared war on both the Nationalist and Communist Chinese factions. Within days of the declaration, Japanese forces began pouring into Chinese territories, from Manchuria and Korea was well as from the amphibious landings from sea. By the end of April, the Japanese had experienced a number of victories. The Nationalist Chinese Forces, poorly organised and trained, where armed with outdated weapons, and were no match for the highly disciplined and well equipped Japanese troops.
By August, the Japanese had advanced down the entire Chinese coastline, and the remnants of the Chinese Army, mostly peasant militia, were forced to fight inland. The war was violent and destructive, leaving millions of innocent Chinese civilians dead, and entire villages and town destroyed. The United States highly condemned the Japanese, and withdrew her Ambassador in Tokyo. By the end of the year, the Chinese forces were pushed north, far into the steppe of Inner Mongolia, just south of the Mongolian border. Within months, one could expect the total defeat on China. In less than a year, Japan had more than doubled her empire, and had added considerable resources and some 400 million people to her overseas holdings.
1937
German Rearmament
German military build up escalated considerably during 1937, and the nation’s economy was focused on almost entirely on rigorous rearmament programs. In defiance of the nullified Versailles Treaty, Hitler introduced ‘National Service’ and soon the German Wehrmacht’s ranks were overflowing with new recruits, and the Versailles limit of 100 000 soldiers was utterly disregarded. Extensive tank construction was established, and by the end of the year, Germany boasted eight fully equipped light tank divisions, Panzer Mark II. Under Air Minister Herman Goring, a powerful Air force was established, and forbidden Unterseeboots were launched at the dockyards in Kiel.
German Heer conscripts parade, Potsdam 1937
The Versailles Treaty had been completely disregarded by Hitler, but not one nation protested. France, a foe tuned friendly Fascist neighbour no longer objected to German military build up, and the British, who, since the fall of the democratic regime in France, and the victory of Nationalist Spain, had become disenchanted with the continent, and rather than be embroiled in conflict with Germany, London turned a blind eye.
The League of Nations, which had originally set out to enforce the clauses of Versailles and subsequent treaties and declarations as well as ensuring peace, was no longer a force to abide by. Great Britain remained the only major democratic country left in the League, and without the support of the United States, London was not able to empower the it. Germany, without reprimands or retributions, arrogantly set out to become the most powerful force in Europe.
French Armament
In February 1937, Field Marshall Gamelin, as Chief of Staff of the French High Command and Commander-in-Chief of the Armée Française, announced considerable French military armament “to defend the interests of France, and the freedom of her people, from possible aggressive enemies”. There was some confusion over who these “possible enemies” of France were. The loyal traditionalist supporters of President Marshall Avaneux stated that the French armament was a counter-measure against the build up of the German Wehrmacht. Fascists, however, including Prime Minister Sanvea, stated that the “possible enemy” was not Germany, but Great Britain, who was the natural foe of France.
The military build up consisted of the training of ten new infantry divisions, two equipped with modern heavy artillery regiments, five armoured tank divisions and two mechanised divisions. Naval and Air force expansion was also part of the Programme Militaire National D'Armement, with the commissioning of two new battleships, the Richelieu and the Napoleon. As well as the prestigious battleships, four new Cruisers were under construction. The Air Armament Program, however, was scheduled for the following year, due to a lack of adequate Industrial Capacity.
Japanese Invasion of China
In April, 1937, the expansionist Japanese Empire declared war on both the Nationalist and Communist Chinese factions. Within days of the declaration, Japanese forces began pouring into Chinese territories, from Manchuria and Korea was well as from the amphibious landings from sea. By the end of April, the Japanese had experienced a number of victories. The Nationalist Chinese Forces, poorly organised and trained, where armed with outdated weapons, and were no match for the highly disciplined and well equipped Japanese troops.
By August, the Japanese had advanced down the entire Chinese coastline, and the remnants of the Chinese Army, mostly peasant militia, were forced to fight inland. The war was violent and destructive, leaving millions of innocent Chinese civilians dead, and entire villages and town destroyed. The United States highly condemned the Japanese, and withdrew her Ambassador in Tokyo. By the end of the year, the Chinese forces were pushed north, far into the steppe of Inner Mongolia, just south of the Mongolian border. Within months, one could expect the total defeat on China. In less than a year, Japan had more than doubled her empire, and had added considerable resources and some 400 million people to her overseas holdings.
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This is so engaging, a facist France, Spain, Italy, and Germany. The world doesn't stand a chance.
time to start praktice my german!
baugettes.....saur krautz....frozen lausange....BAD real realy BAD!!!
baugettes.....saur krautz....frozen lausange....BAD real realy BAD!!!
The German Road to War
The Meeting on the Mountain: February 12th 1938
Papen, as a diplomatic representative of the Third Reich, met with Austrian Chancellor Dr Kurt von Schuschnigg on the Austro-German frontier on the 12 of February 1938. In the frosty winter morning air, Schuschnigg noticed that Papen appeared to be “in the very best of humour”. This settled the anxious Chancellor, who was scheduled to meet with the Fuhrer later that day at Berchestesgaden. Hitler, Papen assured the Austrian delegation, was in an excellent mood this day. Then, quite out of the blue, came the curt first warning note: The Führer, Papen said quite genially, expected that Herr Bundeskanzler Schuschnigg would not mind the presence at the Berghof of three generals who had arrived quite by chance, Kietel, Chief of the OKW, Reichenau, the commander of the German Heer forces on the Bavarian-Austrian border, and Air General Sperrle, the commander of the Luftwaffe in the local area.
Bundeskanzler Kurt von Schuschnigg
Schuschnigg told Papen that he didn’t mind, especially considering that he did “not have much choice in the matter.” As a perceptive intellectual, he was getting on his guard. Even so, he was not prepared for what took place at Hitler’s villa. Hitler, wearing a brown SA storm trooper tunic, with black trousers, flanked by the three generals, greeted Schuschnigg on the steps on the villa. Schuschnigg later stated that at that point, he felt that it was a “formal but friendly greeting.” Within minutes, he found himself alone with the Führer in the spacious second floor study, with great picture windows that looked upon the stately, snow-capped mountains in Austria, the birthplace of both men.
Kurt von Schuschnigg was a man of impeccable Old World Austrian manners, and it was natural for him to begin the conversation with a graceful compliment about the breathtaking view, the fine weather of the day, and a flattering word about the study having been, no doubt, the scene of many important conferences. Hitler, quite uninterested, cut him short: “We did not come here to speak of the view, the weather, nor my study.” Then the gathering storm broke. As the Austrian Chancellor later noted, the conversation was somewhat unilateral.
“The whole history of Austria,” Hitler raged, “is just one of uninterrupted high treason. That was so in the past, and is no better today. The historical paradox must now reach its long-overdue end. And I can tell you, Herr Schuschnigg, that I am absolutely determined to make an end to all of this. The German Reich is one of the great powers, and nobody will raise his voice if it settles its border problems.”
For several minutes, the two Chancellors argued about the merits of Austrian sovereignty. Hitler then launched a tirade against Austria for fortifying the frontier with Germany, a charge that Schuschnigg denied. Hitler began: “Listen, you don’t honestly think that you can move a single stone in Austria without me hearing about it, do you?…I have only to give a single order, and in one night your ridiculous defence mechanisms will be blown to bits. You don’t seriously believe you can stop me for half an hour, do you?…I would very much like to save Austria from such a fate, because such an action would mean blood. After the Army, my SA and SS will move in, and nobody can stop their revenge, not even I.”
After these threats, Hitler reminded Schuschnigg, rudely addressing him by his name, instead of his title, of Austria’s isolation and consequent helplessness.
Hitler continued: “Don’t think for one moment that anybody on this earth is going to thwart my decisions. Italy? I see eye to eye with Mussolini, England? England will not move one finger for Austria…And France? Let me tell you, with Premier Sanvea holding power in Paris, France will not act. Even so, if France was willing to act, say, by the pressure of President Marshall Avaneux, they would of done so with the Rhineland. Can’t you see? There is no stopping me now! I give you once more, and the last time, the opportunity to come to terms Herr Schuschnigg. Either we find a solution now or else events will take their course…Think it over. I can wait until this afternoon.”
During lunch, Hitler appeared to be, as Schuschnigg observed with much amazement, in “excellent spirits”. His monologue dwelt on horses and houses. He told the Austrian delegation, with much excitement, that he was going to build the greatest skyscrapers in the world. That afternoon, after Hitler had rested, Dr Kurt von Schuschnigg was ushered into a sparsely furnished, and excessively large conference room that adjoined Hitler’s study, by Foreign Minister Ribbentrop and von Papen. On the solid oak table lay an ultimatum, calling on Schuschnigg, in effect, to hand over power to the Nazis within a week. The ban against the Austrian Nazi party was to be lifted, and all Nazis held in Austrian prisons were to be released, including the assassins who killed Schuschnigg’s predecessor, Dolfuss. The ultimatum also stated that the pro-Nazi Viennese lawyer, Dr Seyss-Inquart was to be made Minister of the Interior, with full control over police and security. Austrian Nazis would also take control of the Ministries of War and Finance, and preparations were to be made for Austria to join the German economy. After a lengthy discussion with Reichsminister Ribbentrop, the Austrian Chancellor agreed to sign the agreement. When Hitler joined the conference, he was told that Schuschnigg was ready to sign.
However, Schuschnigg reminded Hitler that under the Austrian constitution, only the President had the legal power to accept such an agreement. Therefore, while he was willing to appeal to the President to accept it, he could give no firm guarantees.
“You have to guarantee it!” Hitler shouted.
“I could not possibly do so, Herr Reichskanzler.” Schuschnigg replied.
At this answer, Hitler lost his self-control. After hurling a glass of water to the floor, he ran to the doors, opened them and shouted madly, “General Keitel!” Then turning back to the shocked Austrian Chancellor, he snarled, “I shall call you later.”
This display, of course, was pure bluff, but the alarmed Austrian Chancellor, who had been made aware of the presence of the generals all day, did not perhaps know it. Hitler greeted Keitel with a broad grin, when the General rushed in and asked for orders. “There are no orders,” Hitler chuckled. “I just wanted to have you here.”
Thirty minutes later, Hitler again summoned Schuschnigg and told him that he had four days to secure the agreement with the Austrian President. Declining the Führer’s invitation to dinner, Schuschnigg and his delegation drove down from the mountains to Salzburg. Papen accompanied them to the frontier, and he could not refrain from cheering his Austrian friends up.
“Well now,” he exclaimed, “you have seen what the Fuhrer can be like at times! But the next time I am sure he will be different. You know, the Fuhrer can be absolutely charming.”
Anschluss with Österreich
Hitler had given Schuschnigg four days, until the 15th to send him a “binding reply” that he would carry out the ultimatum, and an additional three days, until the 18th, to fulfil its specific terms. At first, President Miklas frankly refused the agreement, stating that it “destroyed Austrian independence.” However, Schuschnigg was able to convince him to make some concessions to Hitler such as amnestying the Austrian Nazis, but he balked at putting Seyss-Inquart in charge of the police and national security. Hitler, however, began threatening an invasion, and he instructed Keitel and Admiral Wilhelm Canaris, head of the Adwher, to “spread false, but quite credible news, which may lead to the conclusion of Military preparations against Austria.”
In the face of armed invasion, President Miklas gave in, and on the last day of grace, on the 15th, Schuschnigg informed Ambassador von Papen in Vienna that the agreement would be carried out before the 18th. On the 24th, Schuschnigg, in a speech to the Austrian Bundestag, stated that through appeasing Germany, Austria had reached the very limit of concessions “where we must call a halt and say: Thus far and no further.” Austria, he said, would never voluntarily give up its independence, and he ended with a stirring call: “Red-White-Red, (The Austrian national colours, as the appear on the flag) Red-White-Red, until we’re dead!” (the expression also rhymes in German.)
At this crucial moment, Schuschnigg decided to make one more final, desperate move, which he had been mulling over in his mind for some time. He would hold a plebiscite. He would ask the Austrian people whether they wanted “a free independent social, Christian and united Austria – Ja oder Nein?”
However, on the eve of the Plebiscite, the 10th of March, Schuschnigg was forced to cancel it, bowing down to pressure from the Nazis. The Austrian Police Chief had also informed the Austrian Chancellor that the police “could no longer be counted on by the Government,” and if Nazis were to violently disrupt the voting, “the police will not act.” Seyss-Inquart immediately informed Goring, who told him that Schuschnigg’s cancellation of the plebiscite was not enough, and that Hitler wanted him to resign. Hitler confirmed this just an hour later, and added that Seyss-Inquart must be named Chancellor within two hours.
Schuschnigg caved in, and Seyss-Inquart was named Chancellor of Austria. On the 12th, the German government approved legislation providing for the total annexation – Anschluss, of Austria into the Third Reich. The draft of the Linz Anschluss Law was presented to the newly formed Nazi government in Vienna on the following day. President Miklas refused to sign it, but Seyss-Inquart, who was given emergency powers by the Bundestag, did sign at, and personally presented it to the Führer in Linz. It proclaimed the end of Austria. “Austria” it stated, “is a province of the German Reich.” However, in a false portrayal of Hitler’s ‘care’ for what the Austrian people wanted, he stated that the Linz Legislation would not become law officially until the Austrian and German people had approved it in a new plebiscite. This plebiscite, which would ‘ultimately determine’ whether Austrian would unite with Germany, was set to be held on the 10th of April. Meanwhile, German troops crossed the frontier, to “ensure the safety of the new government, and to protect the legitimacy of the democratic plebiscite ”. The Plebiscite, as expected, resulted in 99.75% of the Austrian electorate voting Ja for Anschluss.
Crowds line the borders of a square in Vienna, Austria as Adolf Hitler and his forces make their triumphal entry into the city
And so Austria passed for a moment out of history, its very name suppressed by the revengeful Austrian who had ruthlessly joined it to Germany. The ancient German word for Austria, Österreich, was abolished, and the very existence of the Austrian state was eradicated, to give way to Ostmark, the southern province of Hitler’s Third Reich.
The Meeting on the Mountain: February 12th 1938
Papen, as a diplomatic representative of the Third Reich, met with Austrian Chancellor Dr Kurt von Schuschnigg on the Austro-German frontier on the 12 of February 1938. In the frosty winter morning air, Schuschnigg noticed that Papen appeared to be “in the very best of humour”. This settled the anxious Chancellor, who was scheduled to meet with the Fuhrer later that day at Berchestesgaden. Hitler, Papen assured the Austrian delegation, was in an excellent mood this day. Then, quite out of the blue, came the curt first warning note: The Führer, Papen said quite genially, expected that Herr Bundeskanzler Schuschnigg would not mind the presence at the Berghof of three generals who had arrived quite by chance, Kietel, Chief of the OKW, Reichenau, the commander of the German Heer forces on the Bavarian-Austrian border, and Air General Sperrle, the commander of the Luftwaffe in the local area.
Bundeskanzler Kurt von Schuschnigg
Schuschnigg told Papen that he didn’t mind, especially considering that he did “not have much choice in the matter.” As a perceptive intellectual, he was getting on his guard. Even so, he was not prepared for what took place at Hitler’s villa. Hitler, wearing a brown SA storm trooper tunic, with black trousers, flanked by the three generals, greeted Schuschnigg on the steps on the villa. Schuschnigg later stated that at that point, he felt that it was a “formal but friendly greeting.” Within minutes, he found himself alone with the Führer in the spacious second floor study, with great picture windows that looked upon the stately, snow-capped mountains in Austria, the birthplace of both men.
Kurt von Schuschnigg was a man of impeccable Old World Austrian manners, and it was natural for him to begin the conversation with a graceful compliment about the breathtaking view, the fine weather of the day, and a flattering word about the study having been, no doubt, the scene of many important conferences. Hitler, quite uninterested, cut him short: “We did not come here to speak of the view, the weather, nor my study.” Then the gathering storm broke. As the Austrian Chancellor later noted, the conversation was somewhat unilateral.
“The whole history of Austria,” Hitler raged, “is just one of uninterrupted high treason. That was so in the past, and is no better today. The historical paradox must now reach its long-overdue end. And I can tell you, Herr Schuschnigg, that I am absolutely determined to make an end to all of this. The German Reich is one of the great powers, and nobody will raise his voice if it settles its border problems.”
For several minutes, the two Chancellors argued about the merits of Austrian sovereignty. Hitler then launched a tirade against Austria for fortifying the frontier with Germany, a charge that Schuschnigg denied. Hitler began: “Listen, you don’t honestly think that you can move a single stone in Austria without me hearing about it, do you?…I have only to give a single order, and in one night your ridiculous defence mechanisms will be blown to bits. You don’t seriously believe you can stop me for half an hour, do you?…I would very much like to save Austria from such a fate, because such an action would mean blood. After the Army, my SA and SS will move in, and nobody can stop their revenge, not even I.”
After these threats, Hitler reminded Schuschnigg, rudely addressing him by his name, instead of his title, of Austria’s isolation and consequent helplessness.
Hitler continued: “Don’t think for one moment that anybody on this earth is going to thwart my decisions. Italy? I see eye to eye with Mussolini, England? England will not move one finger for Austria…And France? Let me tell you, with Premier Sanvea holding power in Paris, France will not act. Even so, if France was willing to act, say, by the pressure of President Marshall Avaneux, they would of done so with the Rhineland. Can’t you see? There is no stopping me now! I give you once more, and the last time, the opportunity to come to terms Herr Schuschnigg. Either we find a solution now or else events will take their course…Think it over. I can wait until this afternoon.”
During lunch, Hitler appeared to be, as Schuschnigg observed with much amazement, in “excellent spirits”. His monologue dwelt on horses and houses. He told the Austrian delegation, with much excitement, that he was going to build the greatest skyscrapers in the world. That afternoon, after Hitler had rested, Dr Kurt von Schuschnigg was ushered into a sparsely furnished, and excessively large conference room that adjoined Hitler’s study, by Foreign Minister Ribbentrop and von Papen. On the solid oak table lay an ultimatum, calling on Schuschnigg, in effect, to hand over power to the Nazis within a week. The ban against the Austrian Nazi party was to be lifted, and all Nazis held in Austrian prisons were to be released, including the assassins who killed Schuschnigg’s predecessor, Dolfuss. The ultimatum also stated that the pro-Nazi Viennese lawyer, Dr Seyss-Inquart was to be made Minister of the Interior, with full control over police and security. Austrian Nazis would also take control of the Ministries of War and Finance, and preparations were to be made for Austria to join the German economy. After a lengthy discussion with Reichsminister Ribbentrop, the Austrian Chancellor agreed to sign the agreement. When Hitler joined the conference, he was told that Schuschnigg was ready to sign.
However, Schuschnigg reminded Hitler that under the Austrian constitution, only the President had the legal power to accept such an agreement. Therefore, while he was willing to appeal to the President to accept it, he could give no firm guarantees.
“You have to guarantee it!” Hitler shouted.
“I could not possibly do so, Herr Reichskanzler.” Schuschnigg replied.
At this answer, Hitler lost his self-control. After hurling a glass of water to the floor, he ran to the doors, opened them and shouted madly, “General Keitel!” Then turning back to the shocked Austrian Chancellor, he snarled, “I shall call you later.”
This display, of course, was pure bluff, but the alarmed Austrian Chancellor, who had been made aware of the presence of the generals all day, did not perhaps know it. Hitler greeted Keitel with a broad grin, when the General rushed in and asked for orders. “There are no orders,” Hitler chuckled. “I just wanted to have you here.”
Thirty minutes later, Hitler again summoned Schuschnigg and told him that he had four days to secure the agreement with the Austrian President. Declining the Führer’s invitation to dinner, Schuschnigg and his delegation drove down from the mountains to Salzburg. Papen accompanied them to the frontier, and he could not refrain from cheering his Austrian friends up.
“Well now,” he exclaimed, “you have seen what the Fuhrer can be like at times! But the next time I am sure he will be different. You know, the Fuhrer can be absolutely charming.”
Anschluss with Österreich
Hitler had given Schuschnigg four days, until the 15th to send him a “binding reply” that he would carry out the ultimatum, and an additional three days, until the 18th, to fulfil its specific terms. At first, President Miklas frankly refused the agreement, stating that it “destroyed Austrian independence.” However, Schuschnigg was able to convince him to make some concessions to Hitler such as amnestying the Austrian Nazis, but he balked at putting Seyss-Inquart in charge of the police and national security. Hitler, however, began threatening an invasion, and he instructed Keitel and Admiral Wilhelm Canaris, head of the Adwher, to “spread false, but quite credible news, which may lead to the conclusion of Military preparations against Austria.”
In the face of armed invasion, President Miklas gave in, and on the last day of grace, on the 15th, Schuschnigg informed Ambassador von Papen in Vienna that the agreement would be carried out before the 18th. On the 24th, Schuschnigg, in a speech to the Austrian Bundestag, stated that through appeasing Germany, Austria had reached the very limit of concessions “where we must call a halt and say: Thus far and no further.” Austria, he said, would never voluntarily give up its independence, and he ended with a stirring call: “Red-White-Red, (The Austrian national colours, as the appear on the flag) Red-White-Red, until we’re dead!” (the expression also rhymes in German.)
At this crucial moment, Schuschnigg decided to make one more final, desperate move, which he had been mulling over in his mind for some time. He would hold a plebiscite. He would ask the Austrian people whether they wanted “a free independent social, Christian and united Austria – Ja oder Nein?”
However, on the eve of the Plebiscite, the 10th of March, Schuschnigg was forced to cancel it, bowing down to pressure from the Nazis. The Austrian Police Chief had also informed the Austrian Chancellor that the police “could no longer be counted on by the Government,” and if Nazis were to violently disrupt the voting, “the police will not act.” Seyss-Inquart immediately informed Goring, who told him that Schuschnigg’s cancellation of the plebiscite was not enough, and that Hitler wanted him to resign. Hitler confirmed this just an hour later, and added that Seyss-Inquart must be named Chancellor within two hours.
Schuschnigg caved in, and Seyss-Inquart was named Chancellor of Austria. On the 12th, the German government approved legislation providing for the total annexation – Anschluss, of Austria into the Third Reich. The draft of the Linz Anschluss Law was presented to the newly formed Nazi government in Vienna on the following day. President Miklas refused to sign it, but Seyss-Inquart, who was given emergency powers by the Bundestag, did sign at, and personally presented it to the Führer in Linz. It proclaimed the end of Austria. “Austria” it stated, “is a province of the German Reich.” However, in a false portrayal of Hitler’s ‘care’ for what the Austrian people wanted, he stated that the Linz Legislation would not become law officially until the Austrian and German people had approved it in a new plebiscite. This plebiscite, which would ‘ultimately determine’ whether Austrian would unite with Germany, was set to be held on the 10th of April. Meanwhile, German troops crossed the frontier, to “ensure the safety of the new government, and to protect the legitimacy of the democratic plebiscite ”. The Plebiscite, as expected, resulted in 99.75% of the Austrian electorate voting Ja for Anschluss.
Crowds line the borders of a square in Vienna, Austria as Adolf Hitler and his forces make their triumphal entry into the city
And so Austria passed for a moment out of history, its very name suppressed by the revengeful Austrian who had ruthlessly joined it to Germany. The ancient German word for Austria, Österreich, was abolished, and the very existence of the Austrian state was eradicated, to give way to Ostmark, the southern province of Hitler’s Third Reich.
This is an excellent AAR, it looks like the brewing conflict (Second Franco-Prussian War perhaps) will be a biggie, I can't wait to see what will happen. Good writing Lord British.
Thanks for the support Che Guevara and Fuhrerdammerung.
It's nice knowing that people are reading and enjoying my AAR.
LB
It's nice knowing that people are reading and enjoying my AAR.
LB
The German Road to War
The Surrender at Munich: September 30 1938
In the baroque Bavarian city where in the murky back rooms of rundown little cafes and beer halls he had made his lowly start as a politician and in whose streets he had suffered the fiasco of the Beer Hall Putsch, Adolf Hitler greeted, like a conqueror, the heads of government of Great Britain, France and Italy at half past noon on September 29.Very early that morning, Hitler had gone to Kufstein on the former Austro-German border to meet Mussolini and establish a basis for common action at the conference. In the train coming up to Munich Hitler was in a bellicose mood, explaining to the Duce over maps he intended to “liquidate” Czechoslovakia.
The conference, which began at 12:45 pm in the Führerhaus on the Königsplatz, were anticlimactic and constituted little more than a mere formality of rendering to Hitler exactly what he wanted when he wanted it. Dr Schmidt, the interpreter, who was called upon to function in three languages, German, English and French, noticed from the beginning “an atmosphere of general good will.” The British Ambassador later commented, “that the four statesman conversed well and in a polite and genial manner.” No one, not even Hitler, presided. The proceedings, quite naturally, unfolded informally, and judging by the German minutes of the meeting, the British Prime Minister fell over himself to agree with Hitler.
The conferees got down to business when Mussolini, speaking third in turn – Sanvea went last, said that “in order to bring about a practical solution to the problem” he had so generously brought with him a definite proposal. What the Duce now fobbed off as his own compromise plan had in fact been hastily drafted the day before in the German Foreign Office in Berlin by Reichminister Göring and Constantin von Neurath behind the back of Foreign Minister Ribbentrop, whose judgement the two men could not trust. Göring then took it to Hitler, who said it might do, then it was passed on to the Italian Ambassador in Berlin, who, in turn, telegraphed it to Rome. Upon arrival in Rome, it was hastily re-printed in German, Italian, French and English, with the Italian Fascist Eagle stamped on it in silver ink. Mussolini then signed it as his own, and placed it in his attaché case just before he boarded his train for Germany.
Thus, it was the “Italian proposals” which provided the informal conference not only with its sole agenda but with the basic terms which eventually became the Munich Agreement. The French Premier, Jean-Veré Sanvea, according to the German minutes, “welcomed the Duce’s proposal, which had been made in an objective and realistic spirit.” Chamberlain, too, welcomed the Italian proposals. However, there still remained a few details that needed to be clarified. Chamberlain, as perhaps what might have been expected from a businessman and former Chancellor of the Exchequer, wanted to know who would compensate the Czech government for the public property, which would pass into German hands in the Sudetenland. A small conversation broke out between the French and British Prime Ministers, which was a strange occurrence, since they had never conversed previously. Hitler became pale and worried, and somewhat annoyed because he could not follow the French and English. Mussolini, who spoke English, repeatedly replied that there would be no compensation. When the Prime Minister objected to the stipulation that the Czechs moving out of Sudetenland could not even take their cattle with them – exclaiming, “Does this mean that farmers will be expelled but their cattle will be retained?” Upon translation, Hitler exploded.
“Our time is too valuable to be wasted on such trivialities!” he shouted at Chamberlain. The Prime Minister dropped the matter. He did insist at first that a Czech representative ought to be preset, or at least, as he put it “be available.” His government he said “could naturally not undertake any guarantee that the [Sudeten] territory would be evacuated by October 10 if no assurance was forthcoming from the Czech government. Sanvea, quite surprisingly, offered Chamberlain lukewarm support. The French government, he said, “would not tolerate procrastination in this matter by the Czech government,” but he added “the presence of a Czech representative who could be consulted, if necessary, would be an advantage.”
Hitler was adamant, and would not tolerate any Czechs in his presence. Sanvea meekly gave in, but Chamberlain finally won a concession. It was agreed that a Czech official would make himself available in the next room as the Prime Minister proposed.
Chamberlain and Hitler, at the Führerhaus September 1938
The four powers genially singed the Munich Agreement, without even consulting Czechoslovakia (The Czech officials in the next room sat idly the whole time, and were not even offered any beverages). A Diktat of the Agreement was given to the Czech representatives at Munich later in the day. Under the terms of the Munich Agreement, Hitler received substantially more that he had originally demanded. The final settlement forced the Czechs to cede Germany 11 000 square miles of territory in which dwelt 2 800 000 Sudeten Germans and 800 000 Czechs. Within this area lay all the vast Czech fortifications hitherto had formed the most formidable defensive line in Europe. Czechoslovakia’s entire system of rail, road and telegraph communications was disrupted. According to official German figures, the country lost 66 percent of its coal, 80 percent of its lignite, 86 percent of its chemical industries, 80 percent of its cement industries, 80 percent of its textiles, 70 percent of its iron and steel, and 60 percent of its electric power. A prosperous industrial nation was split up and bankrupted overnight.
“This will be my last territorial claim in Europe.” –Adolf Hitler, Munich 1938
The Surrender at Munich: September 30 1938
In the baroque Bavarian city where in the murky back rooms of rundown little cafes and beer halls he had made his lowly start as a politician and in whose streets he had suffered the fiasco of the Beer Hall Putsch, Adolf Hitler greeted, like a conqueror, the heads of government of Great Britain, France and Italy at half past noon on September 29.Very early that morning, Hitler had gone to Kufstein on the former Austro-German border to meet Mussolini and establish a basis for common action at the conference. In the train coming up to Munich Hitler was in a bellicose mood, explaining to the Duce over maps he intended to “liquidate” Czechoslovakia.
The conference, which began at 12:45 pm in the Führerhaus on the Königsplatz, were anticlimactic and constituted little more than a mere formality of rendering to Hitler exactly what he wanted when he wanted it. Dr Schmidt, the interpreter, who was called upon to function in three languages, German, English and French, noticed from the beginning “an atmosphere of general good will.” The British Ambassador later commented, “that the four statesman conversed well and in a polite and genial manner.” No one, not even Hitler, presided. The proceedings, quite naturally, unfolded informally, and judging by the German minutes of the meeting, the British Prime Minister fell over himself to agree with Hitler.
The conferees got down to business when Mussolini, speaking third in turn – Sanvea went last, said that “in order to bring about a practical solution to the problem” he had so generously brought with him a definite proposal. What the Duce now fobbed off as his own compromise plan had in fact been hastily drafted the day before in the German Foreign Office in Berlin by Reichminister Göring and Constantin von Neurath behind the back of Foreign Minister Ribbentrop, whose judgement the two men could not trust. Göring then took it to Hitler, who said it might do, then it was passed on to the Italian Ambassador in Berlin, who, in turn, telegraphed it to Rome. Upon arrival in Rome, it was hastily re-printed in German, Italian, French and English, with the Italian Fascist Eagle stamped on it in silver ink. Mussolini then signed it as his own, and placed it in his attaché case just before he boarded his train for Germany.
Thus, it was the “Italian proposals” which provided the informal conference not only with its sole agenda but with the basic terms which eventually became the Munich Agreement. The French Premier, Jean-Veré Sanvea, according to the German minutes, “welcomed the Duce’s proposal, which had been made in an objective and realistic spirit.” Chamberlain, too, welcomed the Italian proposals. However, there still remained a few details that needed to be clarified. Chamberlain, as perhaps what might have been expected from a businessman and former Chancellor of the Exchequer, wanted to know who would compensate the Czech government for the public property, which would pass into German hands in the Sudetenland. A small conversation broke out between the French and British Prime Ministers, which was a strange occurrence, since they had never conversed previously. Hitler became pale and worried, and somewhat annoyed because he could not follow the French and English. Mussolini, who spoke English, repeatedly replied that there would be no compensation. When the Prime Minister objected to the stipulation that the Czechs moving out of Sudetenland could not even take their cattle with them – exclaiming, “Does this mean that farmers will be expelled but their cattle will be retained?” Upon translation, Hitler exploded.
“Our time is too valuable to be wasted on such trivialities!” he shouted at Chamberlain. The Prime Minister dropped the matter. He did insist at first that a Czech representative ought to be preset, or at least, as he put it “be available.” His government he said “could naturally not undertake any guarantee that the [Sudeten] territory would be evacuated by October 10 if no assurance was forthcoming from the Czech government. Sanvea, quite surprisingly, offered Chamberlain lukewarm support. The French government, he said, “would not tolerate procrastination in this matter by the Czech government,” but he added “the presence of a Czech representative who could be consulted, if necessary, would be an advantage.”
Hitler was adamant, and would not tolerate any Czechs in his presence. Sanvea meekly gave in, but Chamberlain finally won a concession. It was agreed that a Czech official would make himself available in the next room as the Prime Minister proposed.
Chamberlain and Hitler, at the Führerhaus September 1938
The four powers genially singed the Munich Agreement, without even consulting Czechoslovakia (The Czech officials in the next room sat idly the whole time, and were not even offered any beverages). A Diktat of the Agreement was given to the Czech representatives at Munich later in the day. Under the terms of the Munich Agreement, Hitler received substantially more that he had originally demanded. The final settlement forced the Czechs to cede Germany 11 000 square miles of territory in which dwelt 2 800 000 Sudeten Germans and 800 000 Czechs. Within this area lay all the vast Czech fortifications hitherto had formed the most formidable defensive line in Europe. Czechoslovakia’s entire system of rail, road and telegraph communications was disrupted. According to official German figures, the country lost 66 percent of its coal, 80 percent of its lignite, 86 percent of its chemical industries, 80 percent of its cement industries, 80 percent of its textiles, 70 percent of its iron and steel, and 60 percent of its electric power. A prosperous industrial nation was split up and bankrupted overnight.
“This will be my last territorial claim in Europe.” –Adolf Hitler, Munich 1938
Keep up the Good Work Lord British.
Thats a bit steep! Just think, if they were offered beverages, who knows what might have occured.
Thats a bit steep! Just think, if they were offered beverages, who knows what might have occured.
Can you imagine, no beverages for up to 6 hours! It was awfully rude of Hitler. Mind you, I have also read, I am not sure if this is true, that they were not permitted to use the lavatory, as Hitler didn't want them wondering in his Fuhrerhaus. They were also told "to keep their eyes off the German artwork", as to not "contaminate German culture with their Czech eyes".
And just think, that was before the war! Did Chamberlain know that this was happening to the Czechslovak officials?
I'm sure that the lack of beverages and the results of the meeting cheered the Czech officials up no end.