Chapter 4: The Critical Period
Tehran, December 1851
Every republic on Earth, after being founded, faces a critical period in which its survival is determined. Between its first days and the first peaceful transfer of power to a new party is when a republic must prove itself or collapse. With it's third government in 2 years, Persia was technically free but desperately in need of stability. The vultures were already beginning to circle, with both Britain and Russia already attempting to send advisers to "assist" the new government. However, the leaders of the Revolution were thankfully well into the process of framing the new constitution, a document based upon both the enlightenment teachings they had been brought up on and Persian history itself. Thinkers such as Locke, statesmen like Jefferson, even Persian kings like Cyrus II provided the foundation for articles guaranteeing the freedom of religion and protections against unreasonable search and seizure. With such a relatively liberal document now providing the supreme law of the new government, the first free election in Persian history came as something of a mixed blessing. Though the Liberals lost power to the Conservative Dastebandi-ye-Padishah, they had still built the framework in which they both now operated. And the first handover of power, though met with a few riots, inspired nothing on the scale of the Revolution, and were quickly put down by a military that had finally decided to invest in its own government, following some reciprocal investment from said government. There were no widespread ideological splits, no civil wars. Domestically, the Republic had largely consolidated.
Which left the matter of projecting the impression of strength abroad. A republic being much more difficult to manipulate than a monarchy, the efforts of the russians and british to pull the nation's strings was now somewhat diluted, but still presented a problem to the new government. Thankfully, opportunity would present itself, as a disagreement over some churches in the neighboring Ottoman Empire would be another piece of evidence used by Persian historians to argue the case that Allah himself was indeed watching over the nation.
On February 10th, 1858, the long tension between the superpowers at last erupted, and the Crimean War began. With Russia and Britain now in a state of open war, the rest of europe still engaged in its own squabbles, and the East India Company still cleaning up from the aftermath of the Sepoy Rebellion, the time to demonstrate the Republic's military capabilities had come. For in the years since the Revolution the government had taken steps to begin to truly strengthen and modernize the nation. Conscription was introduced in 1855, leading to the training of reserve units to back up the army, increasing Persia's military capabilities somewhat. More significantly, Persia's first factory, producing canned goods, began construction in Tehran in 1856. And the nation's first railway, extending between Amritsar and Lahore, began construction in early 1857, with service beginning that December. With Persia heading in the direction of prosperity, the aims of the government returned to restoring the territories lost by old empire. What resulted was the largest military operation since the invasion of Punjab, and a dramatic expansion of Persian power and influence.
The first leg of this push entailed the destruction of the last two independent tribal states in central asia, Khiva and Kokand. Long considered part of the Persian nation in addition to gadflies in Russia's side, the Republic convinced the czar to allow Persian troops to enter the two territories under the pretext of securing law and order. As his forces were otherwise engaged in preparing to meet the combined armies of Britain and France, and as reducing cross-border raids into his kingdom suited his purpose, St. Petersburg did not object. On July 24th, Persian troops invaded Khiva. As before, the country was swiftly overrun, and by the following November was a territory of the Persian Republic. No sooner had the ink dried on the khivan instrument of surrender then the invasion of Kokand, now the last of the central asian minor states, began. On August 16, 1859, Kokand ceased to exist, and with the purchase of the colony at Taldyqorghan from a cash-desperate Russia, Persia officially won the Great Game.
With central asia thus subdued, the second, and more symbolic, operation began. Even as the campaigns in the northeast proceeded, preparations were being executed in bandar abbas: an entirely new 4-division army was built, as well as enough clipper transports to carry them. 4000 years before, the Arabs had invaded Persia. Now Persia, crossing the straights of Hormuz, would return the favor. The tribal states on the Arabian Peninsula had, like their central asian counterparts, long been backward and bankrupt sources of piracy and anarchy. Again under a pretext of securing restive neighbors, the newly minted Army of Arabia landed in Dubai on September 9th, 1859. By September 1860 they had successfully conquered not only Abu Dhabi but neighboring Nejd and Ha'il as well, giving Persia control of most of the Arabian Peninsula. Of course, this was not only a significant territorial and prestige gain for Persia, but a direct strategic challenge to the Ottoman Empire, as the Persian Gulf was now almost entirely a Persian inland sea, leaving the port of Basra at the Republic's mercy. And the sacred cities of Mecca and Medina were also now border territories. The message was clear: there could be only one Muslim Great Power.
Although this period marked a dramatic increase in Persian diplomatic, economic, and military power, it also highlighted new challenges for the rising nation. Though the military was greatly expanded, the Republic faced new foreign threats. The Crimean War had rendered Russia militarily irrelevant, while resulting in a major boost in Ottoman power, outnumbering the Persian army about 4 to 1. A better time to begin a rivalry probably could have been chosen.
With so much now going into a vitally necessary expansion of the military, much of the economic growth of the period never got a chance to go near the nation's coffers. As such, this left the government able to afford little more than a token crime fighting force, leaving it only marginally less corrupt than the monarchy it had replaced.
Finally, though factories were beginning to bloom across the nation like flowers, few were able to work in them. The majority of nation's population lay in the states of Punjab and Afghanistan, and it was here that the nation's greatest potential fro economic growth lay. Unfortunately the government essentially hamstrung itself by insisting on a policy of limited citizenship, preventing otherwise productive Punjabis, Sindis, and Afghans from driving what could have been even more spectacular economic growth, and leaving their citizens content but somewhat resentful.
In all, Persia had become a fundamentally different nation in a very short period. By the beginning of the American Civil War the monarchy had transformed itself into a thriving Republic, stretching from Ottoman Iraq to Xinjiang, from Russian Kazakhstan to British India, and southwest to the Rub' Al Khali. The Persian Republic's achievements to this point were already astounding, but the nation's future still lay ahead of it.
The Persian Republic in 1860, Ten Years After the Revolution
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Sorry for another long-ass wait, I'm proving busier than I thought. As you can see I've gotten a lot done in a short span, and again do not fear, I'm not giving up on this yet