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The Indian War
I'll write a narrative AAR later in the week, but since I for once remembered to take screenshots, let's have a gameplay look at the war. It is a classic case of a coalition forming to beat up on the leader; India has a vast industrial lead that worries practically everyone - which is why it finds itself friendless (except for AI Sind) when five nations attack it. A vast industrial lead is, however, easy to transform into a vast army. With sufficient divisions, India turns out to be fairly defensible even against enemies with total control of the sea, and consequently total freedom to land anywhere on its coastline. In particular, Malaya is having great difficulty pushing through the Burmese jungles and swamps. Italy is wasting its manpower on an African campaign that cannot settle anything even if won. Norway and Britain, though they have managed to land in several places on the southern tip, have not been able to link up their enclaves, pierce the skillful Indian defense, and roll into the industrial heartland. Only Russia has had decisive success, crushing the large but desperately ill-equipped Sindi army; but India's Northwest Frontier is eminently defensible, and unlike the Iranian plateau it is not held by lightly-armed conscripts.
The Norwegian landing at the southern tip of India swept aside the local garrison:
Oh, wait, there was a naval battle of sorts before that:
Ashore and driving north; note the British landing at Pondicherry:
Battles of the drive north:
Alas, the breakout/linkup from Pondicherry, though supported by attacks from the south, fails bloodily:
The front stabilised along the belt of good defensive terrain that crosses India:
I'll write a narrative AAR later in the week, but since I for once remembered to take screenshots, let's have a gameplay look at the war. It is a classic case of a coalition forming to beat up on the leader; India has a vast industrial lead that worries practically everyone - which is why it finds itself friendless (except for AI Sind) when five nations attack it. A vast industrial lead is, however, easy to transform into a vast army. With sufficient divisions, India turns out to be fairly defensible even against enemies with total control of the sea, and consequently total freedom to land anywhere on its coastline. In particular, Malaya is having great difficulty pushing through the Burmese jungles and swamps. Italy is wasting its manpower on an African campaign that cannot settle anything even if won. Norway and Britain, though they have managed to land in several places on the southern tip, have not been able to link up their enclaves, pierce the skillful Indian defense, and roll into the industrial heartland. Only Russia has had decisive success, crushing the large but desperately ill-equipped Sindi army; but India's Northwest Frontier is eminently defensible, and unlike the Iranian plateau it is not held by lightly-armed conscripts.
The Norwegian landing at the southern tip of India swept aside the local garrison:
Oh, wait, there was a naval battle of sorts before that:
Ashore and driving north; note the British landing at Pondicherry:
Battles of the drive north:
Alas, the breakout/linkup from Pondicherry, though supported by attacks from the south, fails bloodily:
The front stabilised along the belt of good defensive terrain that crosses India:
That was an awesome first post, thank you for posting your AARs here, don't go much to the other forum personally.
Gameplay update from KoM with a narrative promised later? Wonderful!
Seeing your chat is quite interesting. Rundstedt's and Zilcho's conflicting opinions on the state of the war says a lot, so does India's ability to maintain more or less stable fronts with one pair of hands to five. Seems the coalition was necessary, you seldom see such wars lasting more than a session. Still, my heart cries for Juan, that cannot be a pleasant position. If Oddman WPs Sind, as he's bound to by AI-protection rules I believe, won't the northern front become narrower and most of Russia's progress evaporate?
Gameplay update from KoM with a narrative promised later? Wonderful!
Seeing your chat is quite interesting. Rundstedt's and Zilcho's conflicting opinions on the state of the war says a lot, so does India's ability to maintain more or less stable fronts with one pair of hands to five. Seems the coalition was necessary, you seldom see such wars lasting more than a session. Still, my heart cries for Juan, that cannot be a pleasant position. If Oddman WPs Sind, as he's bound to by AI-protection rules I believe, won't the northern front become narrower and most of Russia's progress evaporate?
I admit Malaya has been rather ineffective so far. Fighting my first war in V2 and all that. But no excuses. There's not much point pushing trough the Malayan-Indian border; hills, jungles and mountains on either side, with dug in troops and level 3 forts. It cost me a hundred thousand men to encircle and destroy 20 Indian brigades - not exactly the kind of battles I want to fight in the future.
However, I have 200+ brigades sitting in Sumatra and the Malay peninsula that haven't done anything so far, and I intend to put them to better use next session; unless we can end this war trough negotiations, of course.
However, I have 200+ brigades sitting in Sumatra and the Malay peninsula that haven't done anything so far, and I intend to put them to better use next session; unless we can end this war trough negotiations, of course.
Is India really that powerful, that they need a coalition of five other powers to take it down? If thats a case then I think its about time someone did something about them. Also its interesting to see the rise of communism in people AARs.
I've had a lot of trouble getting troops to the Indian theatre because my ships are piss poor. So a lot of them are stuck in islands waiting to get transported.
I always prefeare Gameplay to narritive MP AAR as making reasons why players do things is not that important as there are already reasons there.
Well, as to India being powerful or not, I have been very peaceful as well, helping friends when they were in need. I have not started a war against a fellow player in the V2 phase or demanded unjust demands in one.
My industrial score seems inflated because of a large craftsmen population: they have to be constructing something in factories! However, those who are currently warring against me might find that instead of me, other, more aggressive players will come out on top. Maybe those players are not so easy to negotiate with. And then there are vultures to consider, especially for those nations who have almost no standing army left at home. I wonder if the current coalition is actually that happy with eachother's demands.
“Ministers, Marshall, Generals,
Welcome to the cabinet meeting. On the agenda today are:
1 Reports from the fronts
2 Armaments reports and economic status.
3 Geopolitical considerations
After which we will adjourn, and continue planning for the war-effort with the Marshall, Generals, the Minister of War and the Minister of Foreign Affairs. Yes, Minister of Commerce?”
“Mr. President, we have vital information to include in the planning phase, we should be included in that part of the meeting.”, and the heads of the State Department of the Treasury, the Justice department, the Interor department, the Agriculture department nodded sagely.
Abhay Ali Reza knew this was coming. Sooner or later the Ministers that had more reactionary leanings would attempt to take control of his cabinet. He had prepared for such an instance, however.
“You will give your reports under the economic status agendapoint, and will get the requirements from the planning phase. This nation is at war, the capital is almost under siege and British guns can be heard in the hills 50km south of here. Nothing, NOTHING, can be more important than the wareffort, and your ministries will have to adapt to the needs of the war. Am I understood?”
The minister of the Justice department raised his hand. “I must remind mr. President that our Bill of Rights of 1812 guarantees the public certain inalienable rights, and that we have no wish to turn back to the days of the Directorat with only one Magistrate wielding all the power. Any new laws will have to pass parliament.”
The reactionaries were overplaying their hand: the blatant threat referring to the turbulent 18th century was nullified by the support the reactionaries had always given the conservatives in matters of war. What’s more, the recent war and occupations had bolstered the liberals, and the only voices against the war had come from the ostracized socialists.
“And I will be sure to do so when there is a need. The current laws and legal system have no need for refinement.”
And no need for turning back reforms either, Ali Reza thought, knowing full well that the reactionaries would demand a higher net wealth for voters in return for their vote. He would not have the unreliable reactionaries gossiping to their papers and in their gentlemens clubs about the espionage reports that would be opened up in the 2nd part of the meeting.
“African Front:
After the initial attack, the Italians aimed to eliminate our forces, from what they thought was in the area. We lured them further inland by burning whatever the native had saved for food, according to our newly developed elastic defense doctrine. When battle was engaged just south of the Zairean capital, our troops were dug in, and reinforcements brought up by the in-time completed railway line enabled us to achieve a major victory at a 2:3 ratio in casualties. It is estimated that 2/3rd of the Praetorian guards legion on duty in the area was a casualty. Many native troops on our side have died as well, but our total African expeditionary force still numbers into the 300.000 souls. After that, the Italians have retreated into Spanish territory to regroup and await reinforcements. Although strictly no breach of treaty, we must make some noise at the Spanish for allowing our enemies entry. We could not follow them into Spanish territory.
The Greeks have capitulated after the Norwegians landed in Gabon, and have left the war. We can hardly blame them as they had no troops in the vicinity nor the military technology available to conduct a long war such as this.”
“Bengal Front:
After a landing in Calcutta and Jessore, our 2nd line of professional soldiers was transported by steel railroads in time to crush the landing force of Malayan soldiers on the beaches. We do not know how many casualties they took, but after this defeat the Malayan state held another drive for volunteers, so it must have been bloody. Our casualties were relatively low, about 10% of stationed troops. We do not know either if they will attempt to land again. For these reasons, we hold a large number of artillery brigades in reserve.”
“Pegu Front:
We had known the Malayans would come eventually, and had watched the roads, sabotaged the bridges and prepared the artillery batteries along the axises of advance. The Malayans were obviously too afraid of becoming mired in the swamps of Rangoon or maybe it was the defeat of the landing at Jessore that held back the Malayan Navy from landing. At any rate, coastal batteries of Rangoon were the most modern available. In fighting their way across the hills and jungles of southern Burma, they took immense casualties due to our prepared defense. The trench systems were top of the line, as well as the casemates constructed there. Eventually the Pegu defense fell, but battles were fought with a 5:1 or 10:1 advantage in casualties. We could not withdraw our wounded forces and they have surrendered as prisoners of war. We do not know what has happened to those PoWs, but the estimation is that they are transported to camps elsewhere in the archipelago.
After the defeat of the Pegu garrison, further orders have been given to troops that hold the mountain passes to prepare likewise. These troops will be able to receive reinforcements as well as rotate out of battles since the raillines here cannot be shelled from the sea by Malayan or British Guns.”
“Southern Front:
The most critical area, with the enemy only 50km from the capital. We knew we couldn’t hold all the beaches, though we did try to, but these were relatively greener troops. The artillery backup coordination necessary for elastic defense was unsuccessful at first, but the telegraph coordination has since improved as evidenced by the victory at Madras. Troops have dug trenches along the Coimbatore-Madras line, reserve troops are digging a second system, artillery backup has been given primacy for the railroad transports. The occupied population in the south is resisting and providing us with troopsnumbers and movements. Many are getting shot for this however. Particularly the paranoid Norwegians have no qualms about alienating the local population. Of the forces in the region, the Norwegians seem most poorly trained, while the British stand man-to-man with our forces. The Italians have landed a contingent in Pondicherry, backing up the British marines there and preventing us from annihilating that pocket.”
Western pocket at Belgaum:
There are too many troops there to eliminate in one attack, and they still have backing from possible more troops being stationed on Ceylon for transportation. The transportation capacity of the coalition is small however. If the war should come to a test of endurance, they will have a hard time as our supply lines are shorter and we can switch troops out faster as well. The pocket holds the edge of the western Ghats, but the British troops havn’t broken out onto the Deccan Plateau. They could do this, but then face a lot of terrain that is harder to defend and a narrow supply bottleneck. If they should break out it will in fact make our elimination of the entire pocket easier.”
”Thank you Generals for your respective updates. Anything to add here, Marshall?”
“We could use more artillery regiments.”
“That brings us to the Armaments report and economic status including other reports”, the President said with a sharp look at the reactionary ministers. “Minister of War, if you please.”
“We are selfsufficient in all goods of military nature. Our Mongolian friends still supply the finest of artillery, and we expect them to improve their Steel producing process so they can make the needs for our shortly to be finished design of “Steel Breech Loaded Artillery”. We are meeting the needs of the infantry troops for everyday goods and ammunition, no restrictions need to be placed on amounts of shots a soldier may fire.”
“We produce 20% of the worlds ammunition and small arms, as well as 25% of the worlds artillery and canned goods”, interjected the Minister of Commerce, “We don’t need the Mongolian products”.
“We’ll leave that up to the Marshall and the Generals here, shall we? Marshall, what do you say?”
“We can always use more artillery.”
“Thank you Marshall, now the Justice department? What of those Jacobins?”
“Err, well as you said, Mr. President, the Jacobins are currently keeping quiet out of a fear of being called unpatriotic. Their supporters do number into the million, two million – it is really an uncertainty that we cannot know.”
“Leave such philosphical questions out of the meeting please, Minister of Justice, and focus on getting things done. As long as they do not revolt, we can fight this war successfully. Agriculture and Interior?”
“The Agriculture sector is doing good sir, we expect output to increase another 10% in the coming 7 years with the new mechanisations. The recent inventions for chemistry thanks to our cooperation with Spanish universities have also led to improvements in fertilizers: the prices of food for the urbanised factory workers is lowering. This should keep militancy amongst the craftsmen low, and keep them away from such thoughts of joining the Jacobins.”
“Excellent news.” The president made a mental note to keep the Minister of Agriculture around should he cull the cabinet. The man is focused.
“The interor lines of communications, the telegraph lines, India Postal, the many railroad companies are being consolidated for the wareffort. Some Capitalists have balked, saying it restricts their National Value of Liberty, but it has been done according to the law, records are being kept of the temporary takeovers in both Hyderabad and Nagpur so that these investors may be reimbursed after the war.”
“The Treasury is struggling with the rising costs of the war, but some of these payments have been loaned from private investors. The 2nd War Bond drive will go into effect in November, and we are expecting a slight rise in inflation.”
“Okay thank you. What is the outlook for the duration of the war?”
“Not good, Mr. President, though we can expect to reasonably pay our way through another 2 years in the scenario that the costs would double. We will have to sell off more stockpiles and stock, depressing the value of the Rupia. After the next 12 months, inflation shall go up a lot more rapidly, to the tune of 10% a year unless we cut costs then. After 24 months, we shall be mainly borrowing from foreign countries, China, Mongolia, Spain, Greece. Anyone who isn’t hostile. We can borrow from Sind at a cheaper rate since their bankruptcy 35 years ago but considering their war, they may not have the money available that we need.”
“So let’s turn to the geopolitical outlook. How bleak is it? Foreign Affairs, go ahead”
“Mr. President. Greece and Mongolia peaced out of the war, they were unable to keep up militarily and fight a war on even footing. We had by far too few troops in the country to make them fight.
Sind being Sind, it rushed with élan at the Russian prepared positions, and they died by droves. If they had sat in their own mountains, Russia couldn’t have touched them. But as is evident from history, the Sindi will always prefer an offense over rational thought. Their school of military thought was sharply critisized by one of our own military theorists. Russia did stake a claim to Greece in the war, this could have other unforeseen consequences. We do not know which of the other coalition partners is willing to enforce that claim. Russia has won the war against Sind, but the Sindi are unwilling to supply a hostile army on their own territory, so we should be good on that border.
The Norwegians have claimed a part of the Congo, but we’re not even sure if they know where it is since they landed in the wrong place. Both the Norwegians and the Italians have sent almost all of their standing army on transport to Asia or Africa, with only a few brigades at home to quell potential unrest. Particular the Norwegians have faced civil uprisings against the free market as evidenced by this fellow Gjest.
Of the other parties in Europe; France, Bavaria Spain, we do not know what they will do. Spain has so far not taken part in the conflict, but for all three counts that they will make decisions according to their own interest. It is therefore of vital importance that we keep them updated of the defeats we inflict upon the Norwegians and British here in Asia. Perhaps they will see an opportunity in Europe.
China has not backed us in the war, to our disappointment. It may be that they weren’t prepared, or were bought off. Our double agents in Nejd are still trying to find that out from the Malayan spyring there. They field the biggest army and could in a combined assault re-take the Malayan Burman salient. What we really need though is something to threaten the naval powers with. China is probably not the man to do so.
If we can hold out for a year or so and not waste any manpower on foolish offensives, there is a chance other powers will seize their opportunity.”
“Can we win over one of the partners of the coalition?”
“Mr. President, we would have to make very serious offers if we want that. I’m not saying it is impossible, but their pact looks really solid.”
“Thank you Gentlemen, we will now adjourn”
--
After the refreshments..
“Gentlemen, let’s return to business, there are several more things to share with you before we begin to plan the rest of the war. I have invited the Minister of Agriculture once more to give a more indepth report. Minister, if you please: What are the stockpile of foodstuffs we have available, and with how much could we reduce our agricultural output and still feed our population?”
“We have stockpiles for at least a year, and certain neighbouring countries have agreed to sell parts of their harvests for the coming years should it come to it. We could conceivably continue the wareffort, taking into consideration what the Minister of the Treasury shared, with a system of distribution of foodstamps, with 11% fewer agricultural workers for 24 months.” The minister kept a strait face, but he knew enough.
“Thank you, for adding that insight, we will now continue planning the war.”
“Thank you, Mr. President” said the Minister of Agriculture as he exited the warroom.
“So, let’s turn to the briefs that have been prepared for you by the Minister of Foreign affairs:...”
My industrial score seems inflated because of a large craftsmen population: they have to be constructing something in factories! However, those who are currently warring against me might find that instead of me, other, more aggressive players will come out on top. Maybe those players are not so easy to negotiate with. And then there are vultures to consider, especially for those nations who have almost no standing army left at home. I wonder if the current coalition is actually that happy with eachother's demands.
“Ministers, Marshall, Generals,
Welcome to the cabinet meeting. On the agenda today are:
1 Reports from the fronts
2 Armaments reports and economic status.
3 Geopolitical considerations
After which we will adjourn, and continue planning for the war-effort with the Marshall, Generals, the Minister of War and the Minister of Foreign Affairs. Yes, Minister of Commerce?”
“Mr. President, we have vital information to include in the planning phase, we should be included in that part of the meeting.”, and the heads of the State Department of the Treasury, the Justice department, the Interor department, the Agriculture department nodded sagely.
Abhay Ali Reza knew this was coming. Sooner or later the Ministers that had more reactionary leanings would attempt to take control of his cabinet. He had prepared for such an instance, however.
“You will give your reports under the economic status agendapoint, and will get the requirements from the planning phase. This nation is at war, the capital is almost under siege and British guns can be heard in the hills 50km south of here. Nothing, NOTHING, can be more important than the wareffort, and your ministries will have to adapt to the needs of the war. Am I understood?”
The minister of the Justice department raised his hand. “I must remind mr. President that our Bill of Rights of 1812 guarantees the public certain inalienable rights, and that we have no wish to turn back to the days of the Directorat with only one Magistrate wielding all the power. Any new laws will have to pass parliament.”
The reactionaries were overplaying their hand: the blatant threat referring to the turbulent 18th century was nullified by the support the reactionaries had always given the conservatives in matters of war. What’s more, the recent war and occupations had bolstered the liberals, and the only voices against the war had come from the ostracized socialists.
“And I will be sure to do so when there is a need. The current laws and legal system have no need for refinement.”
And no need for turning back reforms either, Ali Reza thought, knowing full well that the reactionaries would demand a higher net wealth for voters in return for their vote. He would not have the unreliable reactionaries gossiping to their papers and in their gentlemens clubs about the espionage reports that would be opened up in the 2nd part of the meeting.
“African Front:
After the initial attack, the Italians aimed to eliminate our forces, from what they thought was in the area. We lured them further inland by burning whatever the native had saved for food, according to our newly developed elastic defense doctrine. When battle was engaged just south of the Zairean capital, our troops were dug in, and reinforcements brought up by the in-time completed railway line enabled us to achieve a major victory at a 2:3 ratio in casualties. It is estimated that 2/3rd of the Praetorian guards legion on duty in the area was a casualty. Many native troops on our side have died as well, but our total African expeditionary force still numbers into the 300.000 souls. After that, the Italians have retreated into Spanish territory to regroup and await reinforcements. Although strictly no breach of treaty, we must make some noise at the Spanish for allowing our enemies entry. We could not follow them into Spanish territory.
The Greeks have capitulated after the Norwegians landed in Gabon, and have left the war. We can hardly blame them as they had no troops in the vicinity nor the military technology available to conduct a long war such as this.”
“Bengal Front:
After a landing in Calcutta and Jessore, our 2nd line of professional soldiers was transported by steel railroads in time to crush the landing force of Malayan soldiers on the beaches. We do not know how many casualties they took, but after this defeat the Malayan state held another drive for volunteers, so it must have been bloody. Our casualties were relatively low, about 10% of stationed troops. We do not know either if they will attempt to land again. For these reasons, we hold a large number of artillery brigades in reserve.”
“Pegu Front:
We had known the Malayans would come eventually, and had watched the roads, sabotaged the bridges and prepared the artillery batteries along the axises of advance. The Malayans were obviously too afraid of becoming mired in the swamps of Rangoon or maybe it was the defeat of the landing at Jessore that held back the Malayan Navy from landing. At any rate, coastal batteries of Rangoon were the most modern available. In fighting their way across the hills and jungles of southern Burma, they took immense casualties due to our prepared defense. The trench systems were top of the line, as well as the casemates constructed there. Eventually the Pegu defense fell, but battles were fought with a 5:1 or 10:1 advantage in casualties. We could not withdraw our wounded forces and they have surrendered as prisoners of war. We do not know what has happened to those PoWs, but the estimation is that they are transported to camps elsewhere in the archipelago.
After the defeat of the Pegu garrison, further orders have been given to troops that hold the mountain passes to prepare likewise. These troops will be able to receive reinforcements as well as rotate out of battles since the raillines here cannot be shelled from the sea by Malayan or British Guns.”
“Southern Front:
The most critical area, with the enemy only 50km from the capital. We knew we couldn’t hold all the beaches, though we did try to, but these were relatively greener troops. The artillery backup coordination necessary for elastic defense was unsuccessful at first, but the telegraph coordination has since improved as evidenced by the victory at Madras. Troops have dug trenches along the Coimbatore-Madras line, reserve troops are digging a second system, artillery backup has been given primacy for the railroad transports. The occupied population in the south is resisting and providing us with troopsnumbers and movements. Many are getting shot for this however. Particularly the paranoid Norwegians have no qualms about alienating the local population. Of the forces in the region, the Norwegians seem most poorly trained, while the British stand man-to-man with our forces. The Italians have landed a contingent in Pondicherry, backing up the British marines there and preventing us from annihilating that pocket.”
Western pocket at Belgaum:
There are too many troops there to eliminate in one attack, and they still have backing from possible more troops being stationed on Ceylon for transportation. The transportation capacity of the coalition is small however. If the war should come to a test of endurance, they will have a hard time as our supply lines are shorter and we can switch troops out faster as well. The pocket holds the edge of the western Ghats, but the British troops havn’t broken out onto the Deccan Plateau. They could do this, but then face a lot of terrain that is harder to defend and a narrow supply bottleneck. If they should break out it will in fact make our elimination of the entire pocket easier.”
”Thank you Generals for your respective updates. Anything to add here, Marshall?”
“We could use more artillery regiments.”
“That brings us to the Armaments report and economic status including other reports”, the President said with a sharp look at the reactionary ministers. “Minister of War, if you please.”
“We are selfsufficient in all goods of military nature. Our Mongolian friends still supply the finest of artillery, and we expect them to improve their Steel producing process so they can make the needs for our shortly to be finished design of “Steel Breech Loaded Artillery”. We are meeting the needs of the infantry troops for everyday goods and ammunition, no restrictions need to be placed on amounts of shots a soldier may fire.”
“We produce 20% of the worlds ammunition and small arms, as well as 25% of the worlds artillery and canned goods”, interjected the Minister of Commerce, “We don’t need the Mongolian products”.
“We’ll leave that up to the Marshall and the Generals here, shall we? Marshall, what do you say?”
“We can always use more artillery.”
“Thank you Marshall, now the Justice department? What of those Jacobins?”
“Err, well as you said, Mr. President, the Jacobins are currently keeping quiet out of a fear of being called unpatriotic. Their supporters do number into the million, two million – it is really an uncertainty that we cannot know.”
“Leave such philosphical questions out of the meeting please, Minister of Justice, and focus on getting things done. As long as they do not revolt, we can fight this war successfully. Agriculture and Interior?”
“The Agriculture sector is doing good sir, we expect output to increase another 10% in the coming 7 years with the new mechanisations. The recent inventions for chemistry thanks to our cooperation with Spanish universities have also led to improvements in fertilizers: the prices of food for the urbanised factory workers is lowering. This should keep militancy amongst the craftsmen low, and keep them away from such thoughts of joining the Jacobins.”
“Excellent news.” The president made a mental note to keep the Minister of Agriculture around should he cull the cabinet. The man is focused.
“The interor lines of communications, the telegraph lines, India Postal, the many railroad companies are being consolidated for the wareffort. Some Capitalists have balked, saying it restricts their National Value of Liberty, but it has been done according to the law, records are being kept of the temporary takeovers in both Hyderabad and Nagpur so that these investors may be reimbursed after the war.”
“The Treasury is struggling with the rising costs of the war, but some of these payments have been loaned from private investors. The 2nd War Bond drive will go into effect in November, and we are expecting a slight rise in inflation.”
“Okay thank you. What is the outlook for the duration of the war?”
“Not good, Mr. President, though we can expect to reasonably pay our way through another 2 years in the scenario that the costs would double. We will have to sell off more stockpiles and stock, depressing the value of the Rupia. After the next 12 months, inflation shall go up a lot more rapidly, to the tune of 10% a year unless we cut costs then. After 24 months, we shall be mainly borrowing from foreign countries, China, Mongolia, Spain, Greece. Anyone who isn’t hostile. We can borrow from Sind at a cheaper rate since their bankruptcy 35 years ago but considering their war, they may not have the money available that we need.”
“So let’s turn to the geopolitical outlook. How bleak is it? Foreign Affairs, go ahead”
“Mr. President. Greece and Mongolia peaced out of the war, they were unable to keep up militarily and fight a war on even footing. We had by far too few troops in the country to make them fight.
Sind being Sind, it rushed with élan at the Russian prepared positions, and they died by droves. If they had sat in their own mountains, Russia couldn’t have touched them. But as is evident from history, the Sindi will always prefer an offense over rational thought. Their school of military thought was sharply critisized by one of our own military theorists. Russia did stake a claim to Greece in the war, this could have other unforeseen consequences. We do not know which of the other coalition partners is willing to enforce that claim. Russia has won the war against Sind, but the Sindi are unwilling to supply a hostile army on their own territory, so we should be good on that border.
The Norwegians have claimed a part of the Congo, but we’re not even sure if they know where it is since they landed in the wrong place. Both the Norwegians and the Italians have sent almost all of their standing army on transport to Asia or Africa, with only a few brigades at home to quell potential unrest. Particular the Norwegians have faced civil uprisings against the free market as evidenced by this fellow Gjest.
Of the other parties in Europe; France, Bavaria Spain, we do not know what they will do. Spain has so far not taken part in the conflict, but for all three counts that they will make decisions according to their own interest. It is therefore of vital importance that we keep them updated of the defeats we inflict upon the Norwegians and British here in Asia. Perhaps they will see an opportunity in Europe.
China has not backed us in the war, to our disappointment. It may be that they weren’t prepared, or were bought off. Our double agents in Nejd are still trying to find that out from the Malayan spyring there. They field the biggest army and could in a combined assault re-take the Malayan Burman salient. What we really need though is something to threaten the naval powers with. China is probably not the man to do so.
If we can hold out for a year or so and not waste any manpower on foolish offensives, there is a chance other powers will seize their opportunity.”
“Can we win over one of the partners of the coalition?”
“Mr. President, we would have to make very serious offers if we want that. I’m not saying it is impossible, but their pact looks really solid.”
“Thank you Gentlemen, we will now adjourn”
--
After the refreshments..
“Gentlemen, let’s return to business, there are several more things to share with you before we begin to plan the rest of the war. I have invited the Minister of Agriculture once more to give a more indepth report. Minister, if you please: What are the stockpile of foodstuffs we have available, and with how much could we reduce our agricultural output and still feed our population?”
“We have stockpiles for at least a year, and certain neighbouring countries have agreed to sell parts of their harvests for the coming years should it come to it. We could conceivably continue the wareffort, taking into consideration what the Minister of the Treasury shared, with a system of distribution of foodstamps, with 11% fewer agricultural workers for 24 months.” The minister kept a strait face, but he knew enough.
“Thank you, for adding that insight, we will now continue planning the war.”
“Thank you, Mr. President” said the Minister of Agriculture as he exited the warroom.
“So, let’s turn to the briefs that have been prepared for you by the Minister of Foreign affairs:...”
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Impressive, good overview of the five fronts. India is proving more defensible than I would have thought, would be more so with an extra pair of hands. I cannot help but suspect that Bavaria may go for the Baltic coast or Spain perhaps could be won over with the right concessions. That all hinges on the players' personalities, of course. Kudos for being able to actually manage your economy in a five front war, Juan. Again, this is the first time I've seen a coalition war this interesting.
I assume that Russia demands Greece, as in the area in Europe, not as Greece, half of Africa.
I assume that Russia demands Greece, as in the area in Europe, not as Greece, half of Africa.
No, all of Greece as his Satellite.
This sort of greedy landgrab is exactly why China will not intervene in this war against India. One thing is restricting Indian influences and industry, but this has nothgin to do with that and everythign to do with the European states wanting to enrich themselves. And in the case of Russia's demands: Why would China help depose one Hegemon just to replace him with another?
It's what happens when five newbs fight one skilled player. There's always players who are significantly better at a certain game than others. Sadly, my "prime" has already passed, with me only having played one fourth of the EU3 timespan. It remains to be seen who is really good at HoIX, but whoever it is, no matter how small his nation upon conversion - he'll be a good candidate for total victory.
Awesome update, Juan. As for Bavaria, they are of course welcome to amuse themselves by occupying the Baltic coast, and for that matter Jutland. With exactly one level-1 naval base I do not think they are in any position to cross the sea; it is not as though my navy is particularly necessary to the Indian campaign at the moment.
International
September 17th, 1879
Arbeidernes Hus, headquarters of Landsorganisasjonen, Copenhagen
Evening
"No blood for dye! No blood for dye!"
"Quiet, there!" Geir wished uselessly for Gjest's booming bass to overcome the rowdiness of his party comrades; but he was stuck with his own tenor - musical, his wife liked him to sing while she played the piano, but not the sort of voice that shouted down an organised claque. He had, nonetheless, a trick up his sleeve, if an experimental one: He gestured to Håvard, standing in the door to the side of the lectern in the plain gray uniform of the Strike Guards. Håvard pulled a switch, and popping and snapping sounds announced that the ultramodern electric gear, expensively imported from Russia, was active. Geir spoke again: "QUIET, I SAID." This time his words boomed out like gunshots, somewhat distorted but recognisable enough, and underlined by a harsh squeal of feedback. Even Geir, who had been expecting it, was surprised by the effect; the Russian salesman had not exaggerated. The claque, startled, lost their cohesion. Another amplified shout made it clear that Geir could carry on all night; unaided human voices weren't going to win the competition with machinery. Even among Socialists, Geir thought wryly; it was, in microcosm, a demonstration of the very problem Landsorganisasjonen had been intended to solve, that machinery could make one man do the work of twenty, and thus put nineteen out of work.
The problem couldn't be solved by smashing the machines, however; the system had to be reformed so the nineteen could eat, not destroyed. And tonight the amplification was useful.
"Thank you," Geir said in a more normal speaking voice. "Now perhaps we can discuss this matter like men grown." There were rumblings of discontent to his left, where the peace faction sat, but no more attempts at making discussion impossible; probably it had only been a demonstration of strength. There had been fistfights in the Workers' House before, and once something rather close to a pitched battle with knives and broken bottles. For a moment Geir wished for the dignified, low-voiced decisionmaking, in smoke-filled rooms open only to invited gentlemen, that was said to create the consensus of the Kristelig Folkeunion. But then, that staid old organisation had been bleeding voters for twenty years; Landsorganisasjonen might be unruly, but it was also vigorous.
"Bjørn," he said. "Five minutes. Tell us why we should not vote for war credits. No personal insults, if you please." That meant insults against Party members; a few epithets against capitalists and exploiters were expected. The man thus named rose to his feet to speak:
"Why should the people pay for a capitalist war? This is nothing but mystification, a short victorious war to stem the tide of revolution. And a stupid target at that; a war with India will be anything but short. If this bond issue passes there will be others, mark my words. And money to one side, it's a rich man's war but it'll be a poor man's fight. The regiments are out drumming up men already." The phrase was literal; Norwegian regiments announced their need for men by marching up and down streets beating on drums, advertising enlistment bonuses by the number of beats between pauses. The day before Geir had heard a pattern of five beats, meaning five shillings; an unprecedented amount. "You don't think the exploiting swine will do their own fighting, do you? War with India means ten May Massacres a day!" There were indrawn breaths; the Massacre, with its three hundred dead, was a founding myth of the Landsorganisasjon. Privately Geir thought that an underestimate; but then, men who joined the regular army instead of the Strike Guards - well, hunger could make a man desperate, but there was a difference between martyrs for the workers' cause and casualties in an imperialist war. He kept the thought to himself, however - many of the men in the room had brothers in the colours, or had served themselves - and called on the next speaker. "Johannes. The case in favour. Five minutes, no insults."
"Bjørn is perfectly correct," Johannes said. "A war with India will not be short. When the drummers go through the streets beating seven, nine, twelve beats, and nobody signs up, won't the workers be radicalised? When the fourth and fifth issues go out, even the so-called patriots who club together to buy state bonds at a shilling each will understand that wars are not fought for their benefit. The worse the situation, the better for us; the exploiters are playing right into our hands! If they'd picked Bavaria as their target, or France - but they have their marching orders from Moscow, of course. The worse for them! A long, bloody war is just what we want, to educate and radicalise the masses. When the army comes home, the streets will be full of veterans, and will they be given pensions as a thank-you? It is to laugh. The Strike Guards can make good use of such men."
"As for the people paying, after all we speak of loans. The war won't be short, but I notice nobody argues that it won't be victorious; India can't defend its coastline any more than so many African chiefdoms. The aristocrats will turn the screw on them, make them pay; that's how feudal classes make their money, by exploiting directly using raw force instead of indirectly using hunger. And, fair's fair, why shouldn't the Indian manufacturers pay for our bread, for a change? You can't tell me we've no use for Indian silver, honestly stolen; most of it was ours to begin with." There was a murmur of appreciation; the older Landsorganisasjon men still had a soft spot for Gjest's old occupation of directly stealing from the rich."
"And finally, what of the Congo? The blacks are our brothers, as exploited as any matchstick girl; we should stretch out our hands and help them rise, strike off their chains so they can help with ours. Arise, all the Earth's bounden thralls! Are we international socialists, or exploiters of African labour? Many of us wear Indian cloth; it's cheap because the Congolese work, not for slave wages, but with a rifle to their heads and a whip to their backs! Is not their freedom worth fighting for, too? Or do we only care for our own, like so many bourgeoisie?"
Freedom for the black colonies was a popular cause, even among some of the ruling classes who were otherwise utterly opposed to everything Landsorganisasjonen stood for - likely because Norway didn't have any such colonies, Geir thought cynically. Someone at the back of the room took up a chorus of "This is the final struggle". Geir let it go on until "unites the human race," pounding the point home, then interrupted before anyone could start on the actual verses - he didn't have to be completely impartial, but he couldn't make his partisanship too obvious, either.
"All right, that's enough," he said. "I call the vote." Before he could formally set forth the question, though, Bjørn interrupted:
"If you vote credits for an imperialist war we'll split the Party!"
Geir blinked; that was a new one, and not good. "We've had castle-peace in the workers' movement since Gjest's day," he remonstrated. "It's our one advantage over the exploiters. Show some Party discipline, comrade."
"You show Party discipline," Bjørn shot back. "If the Party betrays the revolution by fighting an imperialist war, it is no longer the castle of the workers against exploitation - it is their tool!"
"The Revolution is not a tea party," Geir said. "If we can free the Congo, we have an obligation to export socialism there, at the point of a bayonet if necessary. If the imperialists are foolish enough to declare a war that suits our purposes, the worse for them!" In spite of his words, though, he had to reconsider. The war might be useful, but was it worth splitting the Party over? Then again, how good was Bjørn's threat? He took a quick head-count; the pacifist wing was loud, but it was perhaps half the size of the faction trying to shout them down - not so much in enthusiasm for war as in indignation over the threat. Moreover, only Bjørn among the pacifists was a delegate to the Storting, or at all prominent in the Party; apart from him the pacifists were mainly young idealists, without the street connections that gave the Party its fighting and voting strength. They could walk out without much weakening Landsorganisasjonen; and to give in to threats was a bad precedent. Should every man with some following be able to veto a vote by threatening to split? Geir set his jaw.
"We'll take the vote, and it will bind our delegates," he said. "Those in favour of war credits, to the right - my right, that is." There was some scattered laughter; confusion over which way was right was an old joke in these meetings. "Those against, to the left, and both sides remember, no enemies to the left."
It was a formality; Bjørn's threat to split the Party had made it a point of Party unity rather than policy or tactics. Even among those who hadn't been convinced by Johannes's clever rhetoric few wanted to associate with splitters; only the hardcore pacifists went left, perhaps one in ten - and seeing which way the wind was blowing, a few even of those bolted back across the floor at the last moment.
"The ayes have it," Geir announced. "The Party will vote in favour of the bond issue."
Bjørn didn't waste further words; he turned on his heel and walked out, taking his comrades with him.
September 17th, 1879
Arbeidernes Hus, headquarters of Landsorganisasjonen, Copenhagen
Evening
"No blood for dye! No blood for dye!"
"Quiet, there!" Geir wished uselessly for Gjest's booming bass to overcome the rowdiness of his party comrades; but he was stuck with his own tenor - musical, his wife liked him to sing while she played the piano, but not the sort of voice that shouted down an organised claque. He had, nonetheless, a trick up his sleeve, if an experimental one: He gestured to Håvard, standing in the door to the side of the lectern in the plain gray uniform of the Strike Guards. Håvard pulled a switch, and popping and snapping sounds announced that the ultramodern electric gear, expensively imported from Russia, was active. Geir spoke again: "QUIET, I SAID." This time his words boomed out like gunshots, somewhat distorted but recognisable enough, and underlined by a harsh squeal of feedback. Even Geir, who had been expecting it, was surprised by the effect; the Russian salesman had not exaggerated. The claque, startled, lost their cohesion. Another amplified shout made it clear that Geir could carry on all night; unaided human voices weren't going to win the competition with machinery. Even among Socialists, Geir thought wryly; it was, in microcosm, a demonstration of the very problem Landsorganisasjonen had been intended to solve, that machinery could make one man do the work of twenty, and thus put nineteen out of work.
The problem couldn't be solved by smashing the machines, however; the system had to be reformed so the nineteen could eat, not destroyed. And tonight the amplification was useful.
"Thank you," Geir said in a more normal speaking voice. "Now perhaps we can discuss this matter like men grown." There were rumblings of discontent to his left, where the peace faction sat, but no more attempts at making discussion impossible; probably it had only been a demonstration of strength. There had been fistfights in the Workers' House before, and once something rather close to a pitched battle with knives and broken bottles. For a moment Geir wished for the dignified, low-voiced decisionmaking, in smoke-filled rooms open only to invited gentlemen, that was said to create the consensus of the Kristelig Folkeunion. But then, that staid old organisation had been bleeding voters for twenty years; Landsorganisasjonen might be unruly, but it was also vigorous.
"Bjørn," he said. "Five minutes. Tell us why we should not vote for war credits. No personal insults, if you please." That meant insults against Party members; a few epithets against capitalists and exploiters were expected. The man thus named rose to his feet to speak:
"Why should the people pay for a capitalist war? This is nothing but mystification, a short victorious war to stem the tide of revolution. And a stupid target at that; a war with India will be anything but short. If this bond issue passes there will be others, mark my words. And money to one side, it's a rich man's war but it'll be a poor man's fight. The regiments are out drumming up men already." The phrase was literal; Norwegian regiments announced their need for men by marching up and down streets beating on drums, advertising enlistment bonuses by the number of beats between pauses. The day before Geir had heard a pattern of five beats, meaning five shillings; an unprecedented amount. "You don't think the exploiting swine will do their own fighting, do you? War with India means ten May Massacres a day!" There were indrawn breaths; the Massacre, with its three hundred dead, was a founding myth of the Landsorganisasjon. Privately Geir thought that an underestimate; but then, men who joined the regular army instead of the Strike Guards - well, hunger could make a man desperate, but there was a difference between martyrs for the workers' cause and casualties in an imperialist war. He kept the thought to himself, however - many of the men in the room had brothers in the colours, or had served themselves - and called on the next speaker. "Johannes. The case in favour. Five minutes, no insults."
"Bjørn is perfectly correct," Johannes said. "A war with India will not be short. When the drummers go through the streets beating seven, nine, twelve beats, and nobody signs up, won't the workers be radicalised? When the fourth and fifth issues go out, even the so-called patriots who club together to buy state bonds at a shilling each will understand that wars are not fought for their benefit. The worse the situation, the better for us; the exploiters are playing right into our hands! If they'd picked Bavaria as their target, or France - but they have their marching orders from Moscow, of course. The worse for them! A long, bloody war is just what we want, to educate and radicalise the masses. When the army comes home, the streets will be full of veterans, and will they be given pensions as a thank-you? It is to laugh. The Strike Guards can make good use of such men."
"As for the people paying, after all we speak of loans. The war won't be short, but I notice nobody argues that it won't be victorious; India can't defend its coastline any more than so many African chiefdoms. The aristocrats will turn the screw on them, make them pay; that's how feudal classes make their money, by exploiting directly using raw force instead of indirectly using hunger. And, fair's fair, why shouldn't the Indian manufacturers pay for our bread, for a change? You can't tell me we've no use for Indian silver, honestly stolen; most of it was ours to begin with." There was a murmur of appreciation; the older Landsorganisasjon men still had a soft spot for Gjest's old occupation of directly stealing from the rich."
"And finally, what of the Congo? The blacks are our brothers, as exploited as any matchstick girl; we should stretch out our hands and help them rise, strike off their chains so they can help with ours. Arise, all the Earth's bounden thralls! Are we international socialists, or exploiters of African labour? Many of us wear Indian cloth; it's cheap because the Congolese work, not for slave wages, but with a rifle to their heads and a whip to their backs! Is not their freedom worth fighting for, too? Or do we only care for our own, like so many bourgeoisie?"
Freedom for the black colonies was a popular cause, even among some of the ruling classes who were otherwise utterly opposed to everything Landsorganisasjonen stood for - likely because Norway didn't have any such colonies, Geir thought cynically. Someone at the back of the room took up a chorus of "This is the final struggle". Geir let it go on until "unites the human race," pounding the point home, then interrupted before anyone could start on the actual verses - he didn't have to be completely impartial, but he couldn't make his partisanship too obvious, either.
"All right, that's enough," he said. "I call the vote." Before he could formally set forth the question, though, Bjørn interrupted:
"If you vote credits for an imperialist war we'll split the Party!"
Geir blinked; that was a new one, and not good. "We've had castle-peace in the workers' movement since Gjest's day," he remonstrated. "It's our one advantage over the exploiters. Show some Party discipline, comrade."
"You show Party discipline," Bjørn shot back. "If the Party betrays the revolution by fighting an imperialist war, it is no longer the castle of the workers against exploitation - it is their tool!"
"The Revolution is not a tea party," Geir said. "If we can free the Congo, we have an obligation to export socialism there, at the point of a bayonet if necessary. If the imperialists are foolish enough to declare a war that suits our purposes, the worse for them!" In spite of his words, though, he had to reconsider. The war might be useful, but was it worth splitting the Party over? Then again, how good was Bjørn's threat? He took a quick head-count; the pacifist wing was loud, but it was perhaps half the size of the faction trying to shout them down - not so much in enthusiasm for war as in indignation over the threat. Moreover, only Bjørn among the pacifists was a delegate to the Storting, or at all prominent in the Party; apart from him the pacifists were mainly young idealists, without the street connections that gave the Party its fighting and voting strength. They could walk out without much weakening Landsorganisasjonen; and to give in to threats was a bad precedent. Should every man with some following be able to veto a vote by threatening to split? Geir set his jaw.
"We'll take the vote, and it will bind our delegates," he said. "Those in favour of war credits, to the right - my right, that is." There was some scattered laughter; confusion over which way was right was an old joke in these meetings. "Those against, to the left, and both sides remember, no enemies to the left."
It was a formality; Bjørn's threat to split the Party had made it a point of Party unity rather than policy or tactics. Even among those who hadn't been convinced by Johannes's clever rhetoric few wanted to associate with splitters; only the hardcore pacifists went left, perhaps one in ten - and seeing which way the wind was blowing, a few even of those bolted back across the floor at the last moment.
"The ayes have it," Geir announced. "The Party will vote in favour of the bond issue."
Bjørn didn't waste further words; he turned on his heel and walked out, taking his comrades with him.
France was in high spirits. It had recently won a war against Bavaria and it was now enjoying good relations with all its neighbours. The long standing allies of Norge and Britain were friendly as ever. The old enemy of Spain had been reconciled and efforts were being made to increase relations with Bavaria: The border between France and Bavaria was opened up so German families could easily visit each other, while politicians regularly visited Bavaria to discuss future economic and diplomatic co-operation.
Everything seemed to be going well for once.
"General, we have lots of reports coming in: Bavarian troops are massing in the West and Italian troops have crossed the Alps and are heading our way." said an out of breath messenger, Jacques, having just run to the camp from the nearby train station.
"Perhaps they just fear that we will attack them again. Return to your post and await further developments," the general said, "anyway, if we have defeated them before, we can do it again, especially in a defensive war!"
Jacques returned to his post, in a small office near the border with Bavaria, where the French spy network operated from in the East. For several weeks he waited, hearing only reports of murdered magistrates or smuggled grain, none of which mattered to him. Then, one day, an agent burst into the office. His shirt was stained with blood.
"What happened?" asked Jacques.
"I was at a conscription centre in Bavaria. You have to go now. The Bavarians are equipping their working class for war, the Italians have already arrived with rifle-armed farmers. Go! Quickly!" the agent said.
Jacques sprinted out of the office towards the train station. It was a short distance, but made worse by the station being on top of a hill.
He arrived to see the hind carriages of a train vanishing round a corner. The trains only arrived twice a day. He'd have to wait 8 hours for the next train.
Luckily, his special privileges allowed him to commandeer any vehicle necessary to deliver an important message. And so he ordered the next freight train, which would have otherwise sped past the station, to decouple its cargo and pick him up. Meanwhile, the passenger train ahead of him was made to wait on a side rail.
The locomotive arrived within a half hour, and since it had nothing to drag along, it covered the rest of the distance in a short while. Jacques hopped out of the cabin onto the platform before it had hardly slowed down. He sprinted down the road towards the camp and the general.
He informed the general of the situation in Bavaria. The general nodded and gave him a note to be sent to Paris by telegram. (There was no telegram post in the camp yet, so Jacques had to take the note back to his office).
The telegram was sent to Paris and the politicians acted quickly.
"Do not worry. Our new friend Spain will help us, and even if he does not, Norge and our armies will easily defeat this rabble of 'soldiers'."
A diplomat was promptly sent to the Spanish embassy.
"We afraid that Bavaria and Italy will attack us." said the French man.
"And so you should be." declared the Spanish diplomat, before leaving the discussion chamber.
Before he politicians could decide what the Spanish intention was, Bavaria declared war and its horde of ill-equipped farmers and labourers crossed the border. French troops, whose munition levels had been reduced to save money, could hardly defend themselves. All armies retreated to Belgium where they could be re-equipped from imported munitions.
Before they had even reached Belgium, Spain, with it's more professional and larger army, attacked France.
The generals decided to focus on one front, hoping the other would be content with victory and even help France afterwards. And so, French troops left Belgium after a few weeks re-supplying and started fighting the Italian and Bavarian soldiers. Due to their poorly disciplined conscripts, they both took great losses, but by sheer numbers they overwhelmed France. Meanwhile, in the west, the Spanish spread across Northern France, occupying all major cities, unfortunately, not a rare event in French history.
France was forced to sign the peace, returning a couple of states to Bavaria, hardly any more than it had won in the previous war, and giving large concessions to Spain.
Everything seemed to be going well for once.
"General, we have lots of reports coming in: Bavarian troops are massing in the West and Italian troops have crossed the Alps and are heading our way." said an out of breath messenger, Jacques, having just run to the camp from the nearby train station.
"Perhaps they just fear that we will attack them again. Return to your post and await further developments," the general said, "anyway, if we have defeated them before, we can do it again, especially in a defensive war!"
Jacques returned to his post, in a small office near the border with Bavaria, where the French spy network operated from in the East. For several weeks he waited, hearing only reports of murdered magistrates or smuggled grain, none of which mattered to him. Then, one day, an agent burst into the office. His shirt was stained with blood.
"What happened?" asked Jacques.
"I was at a conscription centre in Bavaria. You have to go now. The Bavarians are equipping their working class for war, the Italians have already arrived with rifle-armed farmers. Go! Quickly!" the agent said.
Jacques sprinted out of the office towards the train station. It was a short distance, but made worse by the station being on top of a hill.
He arrived to see the hind carriages of a train vanishing round a corner. The trains only arrived twice a day. He'd have to wait 8 hours for the next train.
Luckily, his special privileges allowed him to commandeer any vehicle necessary to deliver an important message. And so he ordered the next freight train, which would have otherwise sped past the station, to decouple its cargo and pick him up. Meanwhile, the passenger train ahead of him was made to wait on a side rail.
The locomotive arrived within a half hour, and since it had nothing to drag along, it covered the rest of the distance in a short while. Jacques hopped out of the cabin onto the platform before it had hardly slowed down. He sprinted down the road towards the camp and the general.
He informed the general of the situation in Bavaria. The general nodded and gave him a note to be sent to Paris by telegram. (There was no telegram post in the camp yet, so Jacques had to take the note back to his office).
The telegram was sent to Paris and the politicians acted quickly.
"Do not worry. Our new friend Spain will help us, and even if he does not, Norge and our armies will easily defeat this rabble of 'soldiers'."
A diplomat was promptly sent to the Spanish embassy.
"We afraid that Bavaria and Italy will attack us." said the French man.
"And so you should be." declared the Spanish diplomat, before leaving the discussion chamber.
Before he politicians could decide what the Spanish intention was, Bavaria declared war and its horde of ill-equipped farmers and labourers crossed the border. French troops, whose munition levels had been reduced to save money, could hardly defend themselves. All armies retreated to Belgium where they could be re-equipped from imported munitions.
Before they had even reached Belgium, Spain, with it's more professional and larger army, attacked France.
The generals decided to focus on one front, hoping the other would be content with victory and even help France afterwards. And so, French troops left Belgium after a few weeks re-supplying and started fighting the Italian and Bavarian soldiers. Due to their poorly disciplined conscripts, they both took great losses, but by sheer numbers they overwhelmed France. Meanwhile, in the west, the Spanish spread across Northern France, occupying all major cities, unfortunately, not a rare event in French history.
France was forced to sign the peace, returning a couple of states to Bavaria, hardly any more than it had won in the previous war, and giving large concessions to Spain.
I sympathize with you here, from my experience of multiplayer strategy games the strongest power always gets ganged up on no matter how peaceful and friendly they have and intend to be.
Can Russia really make Greece a satellite when Greece isn't even in the war?
An interesting point. I guess that makes the game much more interesting since the same player(s) won't be dominant for the entire game.
Also, Bavaria and Italy teamed up with France in the War to Restore French Honor. It is currently ongoing, though we are winning.
From Rundstedt's description it sounds like some minor concessions were made, not enough to be crippling, but enough to satisfy the coalition for a couple of years and let it disintegrate. "Speculate based on two short sentences" Perhaps a Chinese intervention could have made the thing drag on forever, which made negotiations more favourable?
The French war is against Spain? And to think they once ruled Europe.
The French war is against Spain? And to think they once ruled Europe.