Tariq and the Sword of God: into Arabia, 1861-1865
In August of 1861, HH the Amir held a conference on on of his estates in Mosul to discuss the 'Bedouin Question' with his top aides and generals. It had come to Amir Baqi's attention that most Arabs were trapped in Egypt and the Ottoman Empire; with there being only small Arab minorities in the majority-Bedouin nations of Abu Dhabi, Nejd, etc. The question at hand was whether Bedouins were close enough to Arabs to attempt to 'bring them into the fold'. Whilst the Amir personally approved of such a tactic; he had decided it was necessary to consult the military leaders who would be commanding any prospective operations. Khalid al-Baghdadi, soon-to-be commander of the First Army after it was restructured, opposed the plan due to Iraq's current military weakness and from his noted distaste for Pan-Arabism. Other military advisors agreed with al-Baghdadi and recommended that the army be completely finished restructuring before any attack was launched.
The Amir acquiesced to their recommendations and also agreed to avoid a potentially disastrous war with Persia by not striking at their ally of Nejd; but instead going for those states ringing Nejd so as to be able to encircle and destroy her when the time was right. To this end, some of the Amirs most skilled diplomats were sent to treat with Nejd. The cadet branch of the Hashemites who had ruled Iraq under Ottoman suzerainty had fled to the nation after having been ejected by Baqi during his soldier days; and had influenced their relatives -especially the Sultan, Amal Hafiz- in their anti-Iraqi policies, and so the negotiations were fraught with mutual distrust and tension. However on September 22
nd, over a month after the Mosul Conference, the Foreign Minister received a report from Riyadh: Nejd had finally agreed to a military alliance.
Some time after the end of 1861 the First Army was completely modernised with well-trained infantry replacing the irregulars and cavalrymen of earlier times and General al-Baghdadi place in commend; whilst another unit of infantry was undergoing training in Kirkuk. The Amir's plan of dismantling the army and remolding it in his own modern visage was progressing well. During the War of Independence, many of the Arab Freedom Brigades had been Ottoman units in Iraq that joined the popular revolution sparked by the assassination of Prince Taj, son of the Hashemite Emir. Trained and equipped with only the most modern technology as befitting a Great Power such as the Ottomans, only their determination -according to the Amir- had allowed the War to succeed and for his own Brigade to seize Baghdad. However he never forgot the marvelous efficiency and skill of those modern regiments; and was determined to replicate them as best he could.
And so in his wisdom, His Sultanic Majesty soon ordered a general recruitment drive in the capital city, a massive propaganda campaign to promote the lifestyle and glory in becoming a 'Soldier for Arabia'. Although the campaign draw sharp criticism from the substantially-Kurdish northern provinces of the country for it's Arabic pan-nationalist stance and grumbling from those who preferred to look to Iraq's Babylonian past rather than to an Arabian future; it was an undisputed success for the Amir and his policies. Men signed up in droves and nearly 10% of Baghdad's total population either signed up for active duty or for the reserves to replenish depleted units in future wars.
On May 12
th, a shot rang out in Nasiriyya. An elderly man bedecked in silks fell to the ground, clutching his stomach and screaming in pain, as Hameed Tawfiq hurled his military-issue musket away from him and ran madly through the crowd. The man was Nadir Sulaiman, personal friend of the Amir and Grand Mufti of Iraq; supreme religious authority for the Sunni majority in Iraq. The incident sparked riots in cities across the Emirate and the deaths of hundreds of Shi'ites. Rebels agitating for the return of the Hashemites and of Ottoman tradition broke out in Baghdad, Mosul, and Kuwait; before being savagely put down by the new First and Second Armies. The Amir soon had the situation under control, but Tawfiq had already fled to Abu Dhabi which was refusing to extradite him. The freeze in relations between the two nations, and the general infeasibility of moving extraction troops through Nejd lead to the Amir being pressed to develop a navy for Iraq.
Under the aegis of Jamshid Shapur, a Persian shipwright who had fled his native land after managing to achieve the dream of every Persian man and sleep with the beautiful daughter of the Shah, the construction of a clipper each was began in the coastal cities of Basra and Kuwait both in an attempt to hedge the Persian hegemony over the Straits of Hormuz and the Arabian Sea. Soon Iraq would be able to move her troops anywhere in the world; setting the stage for conquest on a global scale.
The Iraqi Military, July 1862
1862 had been a year of much excitement; from the alliance with Nejd to the assassination of the Grand Mufti and the military expansions on land and by sea. The newly assembled Upper House for 1863 showed a marked shift from the Conservative faction that supports the Amir's pan-Arabism to the more Ottoman-leaning, reactionary Hashemite faction. The Liberals who advocated looking to the roots of Iraqi history stayed static; as did the small Anarcho-Liberal minority. The 'Soldiers for Arabia' campaign was still bringing in recruits for the Iraqi military whilst the Iraqi navy had just recently sprung into being; with Jamshid having been promoted to the status of 'Shipwright to His Sultanic Majesty' and enjoyed the benefits of status, political asylum, and a hefty government paycheck as two more Clippers were slated for their maiden voyage by the end of the month.
By the last months of 1863, the Amir decided it was time. After convoking another conference at his Mosul estate; Amir Baqi spent sever days in late August discussing recent military developments and the capacity of the Iraqi army for war with the nation of Abu Dhabi. The Mosul Conference of 1861 had settled the ideological question of welcoming Bedouins into the nucleus for a Arabic state in the mind of the Amir, but several more hardline Pan-Arab advisors remained staunchly unconvinced and spoke against it; much to the displeasure of the Amir. Others from the Liberal faction spoke against it in favour of breaking the Alliance with Nejd and going for Nejdi Kaf instead.
Whatever the ideological quibbles however, one fact remained: if the Amir so desired, Iraqi troops would be in Dubai as soon as there was a reason; and they had ample resources to do so. The Iraqi Army had a standing number of 18,000 troops, twice the number of Abu Dhabian troops at their highest reinforced strength of 9,00 men; and the newly-appointed Admiral ibn Khalid gave his utmost assurances to the Amir that the Royal Navy could not only transport the troops to the theatre of battle but could effectively fight off the Abu Dhabian naval forces in addition to blockading the little fellow Emirate from the Persian Gulf and Straits of Hormuz. Strategically speaking Abu Dhabi would be an invaluable resource for Iraq. Besides additional provinces in which to raise troops, the various ports that would be won would be an excellent base for colonial expeditions in Southeast Asia and would also guarantee virtual control over the Arabian Gulf and the Straits of Hormuz. The fact that a conquered Dhabi would be an excellent base to launch an invasion into the very heart of Nejd.
The matter was sealed. The Foreign Ministry was given orders to start manufacturing a casus belli against the Emirate of Abu Dhabi.
A little over a month later, the Foreign Minister was executed on charges of high treason and the entire Foreign Ministry was sacked. And burned. A slip in the paperwork lead to the justification process having been exposed by a Persian newspaper. This lead to significant repercussions concerning Iraq's status and reputation amongst the international community. Already being viewed by many as a warmonger, it would be quite a while until Iraq could safely afford to attempt to conduct a war other than that with Abu Dhabi. The Iraqi government strenuously denied any accusations of fabrication or warmongering; stating that is was instead Abu Dhabi who was the danger. Any nation who would willingly harbour and refuse to extradite a terrorist as Hameed Tawfiq could not, surely, be considered as anything other than a menace to world peace?
This satisfied the international community as a whole; especially after the Amir himself personally released a statement, addressing concerns by the Ottoman Empire, that Iraq wished only wished to extradite Tawfiq, and would then return him to Iraq for a fair trial. Many nations were not placated by this explanation; but by and large it was a dodged bullet. Iraq managed to keep justifying its war to lessen the blow once war was declared, and it avoided the heinous wars of containment that could be visited upon a nation that -in the eyes of the civilised powers of the world- had gone too far.
Almost within a week of the now-infamous "
Nashwa Incident" (so named because the fabrication that lead to Iraq being discovered; ie. the fictional sinking of an Iraqi fishing boat named the
Nashwa by Abu Dhabian guns) the Bureau of Information accidentally leaked a report from an 'Iraqi official' in Abu Dhabi claiming that a spy from within the government of Abu Dhabi had in turn leaked to
him information indicating an impending assault on the Iraqi port of Basra in an attempt to secure the fertile Kuwait region.
The Iraqi public was whipped into a fierce jingoistic frenzy by such outrageous plotting; and especially by further unfortunately leaked reports detailing the princely life being lived by Hameed Tawfiq in Dubai with tales of royal titles bestowed by the Emir and lavish dinners being held to fete the Shi'ite terrorist. With the public baying for Dhabian blood, the job of the Bureau of Information was made much easier. Now coming out strongly in favour of a war with Abu Dhabi in the first place the public wouldn't care to look to hard at any justification for war. Work could progress much, much faster and 1863 slipped quickly into the past.
The Iraqi Military, January 1864
It is dangerous to wake an Amir from his sleep; but some brave nameless soul had the temerity to wake up Adam Baqi, Amir of Iraq from his sleep on the evening of April 11
th, 1864. While being furiously strangled by said Amir the servant managed to burble out that Foreign Minister Iskander just reported that the Foreign Ministry had completed the justification of war with Abu Dhabi. Amir Baqi graciously ceased strangling the man and instead handed him over to the professional strangler kept in-house for such purposes as a concession to the Hashemite faction. The parties, drunkenness, and wanton harlotry lasted for several days before it was time to get down to business.
The 2
nd and 5
th Armies were both stationed in Kuwait at this time, under the commands of Shukri al-Bagdadhi, twin of the esteemed General Khalid al-Baghdadi, and Yusuf al-Basri respectively. Due to a falling out between the two and troubles with getting the troops on their transports Iraq was still not quite ready for war yet; but when she was the Dhabians would know it.
Forwards, men of Iraq! Forwards for Arabia!
On May 10
th 1864, war was formally declared upon the Emirate of Abu Dhabi in retribution for harbouring a know terrorist and multitudinous other sins and crimes against the Iraqi people. There was jubilation in the streets of Mosul and Baghdad, and crowds of thousands crowded into Kuwait and Basra to see off the brave 12,000 Iraqis who were about to give their lives for their Amir, their nation, and the Arab people. It was a bold preemptive strike against a crafty and dangerous foe; but the people knew they could pull it off.
Operation Tariq, the military codename for the invasion, swung into action with the advance into the province of Abu Dhabi. The 2
nd and 5
th Armies had consolidated into the 4
th Army, and the entirety of the Operation placed under the direct command of Shukri al-Baghdadi (by express order of the new Chief of Staff in Mosul, Khalid al-Baghdadi) for Phase
Qurṭubah. The Abu Dhabian army had entrenched itself in a defensive position within their capital of, oddly enough, Abu Dhabi; no doubt hoping to end the offensive before it began.
Phase
Qurṭubah, named after the famous city from the heyday of Islamic Spain, initially involved occupying the outlying provinces of Doha and Bahrain and establish beachheads there in case further reinforcements were needed from Iraq. However, realising that the attrition involved in occupying even those minor provinces would cause the invasion force to suffer from attrition; al-Baghdadi instead ordered that the 4
th, led into battle by him personally, would beach at Abu Dhabi and immediately engage the main force.
The Battle of Abu Dhabi was the most important battle of the entire war; with nearly 3,000 Iraqi soldiers perishing in the face of staunch Dhabian resistance within merely the first few days of pitch battle. Ultimately, however, luck and skill was with Iraq. The vastly larger 4
th Army quickly overwhelms the Abu Dhabians even in the face of mass casualties and eventually managed to force a retreat into Dubai.
Flight through the Desert, October 1864
Reports of two major victories filtered into the General Staff HQ in Mosul by December; the only two battles of Operation Tariq having been won decisively. The Battle of Abu Dhabi was regarded to be more of a Pyrrhic victory than the great victory that al-Baghdadi himself regarded it; the casualty lists being nearly equal in proportion and severity and wiping out a good third of the invasion force.
Abu Dhabian forces were routed and forced into Dubhai, where the Abu Dhabians were overwhelmed and forced to surrender. Jubilant celebrations breaking out in the streets, Mosul ordered that Phase
Ghirnaṭah be undertaken immediately. A base of operations was established in Dubai and occupation forces branched throughout the Emirate and began besieging the provinces of Abu Dhabi, Doha, and Bahrain. Abu Dhabi lay prostate before the Iraqi Dragon. Now all she had to do was finish off the body.
A little spasm...
Victory! Abu Dhabi, now fully beaten and occupied by Iraq forces, capitulates to the Amir in the first days of August. The Amir makes a rare public appearance in the streets of Baghdad; to wild adoration and jubilation from the people. Thousands of new citizens added to the Emirate, an excellent base of naval operations with four ports and allowing Iraq unprecedented access to Southeast Asia and the rest of the world and giving her the opportunity to build into the premier naval power of the Middle East. Times are bright for the Iraqi people; and Arabia sleeps, awaiting liberation by the Sword of God.
The Emirate of Iraq, 1866