Prelude part 4 (this is where things become somewhat ahistorical)
The Red Army is celebrating victory. Lenin and Trotsky are in the center.
First clashes
While peace was concluded in Transcaucasia and on many other revolutionary fronts, in the new center of the revolution, in Moscow, the battle was only beginning.
1921 showed the first signs of bitter factionalism within the RCP(b). The seemingly not very important at the time issue of trade unions and their relation with the state attracted much attention and provoked heated debate. In this case, the main opponents were Lenin and Trotsky.
Trotsky was arguing for dissolution of independent trade unions and their inclusion into Soviet state apparatus. Lenin opposed this “militarization” and insisted that the willing, disciplined, and organized labor “cannot be achieved by bureaucratic methods and orders from above”. Trotsky’s view was eventually supported by Bukharin, while Lenin’s position was viewed more favorable by Stalin and Zinovyev, both of whom found it more profitable to side with Lenin in the debate in order to discredit Trotsky.
First major intra-party conflict involving Trotsky
The Trotsky’s faction was eventually defeated and was forced to renounce its position. Lenin was furious at Trotsky for promoting factionalism when unity was needed.
Matters became worse for Trotsky when Stalin was appointed to (then insignificant) position of General Secretary of the RCP(b) and formed alliance with Zinovyev and Kamenev against him, the faction which became known as Troika.
Lenin was at first unaware of this conspiracy against Trotsky, but once he found out about it he decided that it is in the best interest of the party that troika’s power within Politburo is marginalized and kept under control.
Formation of Transcaucasia
Stalin, as the People's Commissar for Nationalities was responsible for all affairs involving Soviet republics and their inter-state policies. In fact, his word had more power in the affairs of the republics than the actual governments of the republics, then called Sovnarkoms. The republican governments, independent in theory, where in fact strongly dependent on Russian support, much to the dismay of their leaders.
The officials in Russia maintained a firm grip on the affairs of other Soviet Republics
Most of all Stalin was eager to further centralize the inter-state structure and unify the separate states into one whole. The first attempt at forming a federation came in early 1922 when Stalin pressured the Transcaucasian states to from a union known as Transcaucasian SFSR. Nariman Narimanov was a strong supporter of the idea of unification, and initially the idea got the support it needed. Lenin was, however, suspicious of Stalin’s plans. While agreeing in principle to the idea of a federation, Lenin argued that Stalin’s methods were too heavy-handed and were not always in the best interest of the states in question. Yet Stalin and his Troika supporters pushed the issue through, and Transcaucasian Federation was formed.
Flag of Transcaucasian SFSR
Political situation in the former Russian Empire at the time of TSFSR formation
The union of Transcaucasia was supposed to be a test of how well can the republics work together and how efficient becomes their organization as the result of unification. The highest authority in the union republic was to be its Union Council consisting of its republican Sovnarkom representatives:
The representatives in the Union Council of TSFSR
From left to right: Mdivani Budu, Aleksandr Myasnikyan, Nariman Narimanov
Transcaucasian Crisis
By June 1922 it was becoming obvious that the test was a failure. The union council was becoming completely unable to come to compromise and the whole situation was in danger of exploding. It was started when Armenian leader Myasnikyan demanded that the issue of Karabakh be revised in Armenian favor. He was convinced that Karabakh, having Armenian majority, must belong to Armenia and its official language must be Armenian. Tens of thousands of ethnic Armenians marched through Stepanakert in a peaceful protest demanding separation of Nagorno-Karabakh from Azerbaijan. In response, Narimanov ordered the protest to be put down and several clashes occurred between Azeri police and the protestors. About 15 people were killed. Narimanov sent a letter to Moscow threatening to quit the federation if nothing is done to resolve the situation. Troika responded by calling upon a general meeting of the council in Moscow where they would discuss their problems with Politburo and Stalin personally.
In 18th of July the leaders of the federation arrived to Kremlin where they hoped to resolve the Karabakh conflict once and for all, however the actual discussion took a very different path. Myasnikyan accused Stalin of treachery, he reminded that during the Soviet invasion, the Armenian communists were promised the return of Karabakh to Armenia, but the Bolsheviks never did return it. Instead, they signed an alliance with the Armenian arch-enemy – Turkey. He accused Bolsheviks of supplying Turkey with arms and ammunition when the Turkish forces were near Yerevan. Aleksandr called the Treaty of Kars completely treacherous as it surrendered half of Armenian territory to Turkey and was thus against the interests of Armenian people. Kemenev tried to assure Myasnikyan that the Treaty of Kars is a temporary measure and it was signed only in the interests of peace and stability in the region, however it was too late.
The Georgian representative in the council, Mdivani Budu (his actual name is Polikarp Gurgenovich) sided with Myasnikyan and also accused Moscow of deliberately trying to exploit Georgia and Georgian people in the interests of Russian nationalism. Previously unknown in Moscow, the long-lived personal animosity between Mdivani and the first secretary of Georgian Communist Party, Sergo Ordzhonikidze finally surfaced. In a battle of words, Mdivani and Ordzhonikidze accused each other of all earthly crimes including robbery, treachery, anti-Sovietism, and collaboration with the enemy. The discussion heated up and became violent when Ordzhonikidze (with Stalin’s approval) pushed Mdivani off his chair. In the fist-fight which followed, police intervention was needed to pull apart the combatants. After the battle, in response to Zinovyev’s shouts that Mdivani should be put to death by a firing squad as a traitor, enraged Mdivani shouted back “I know I was already given a death sentence, I know it for a fact. I shouldn’t be just shot, I should be sliced to pieces for my crimes, for it was me who invited the 11 Army into Georgia, for it was me who betrayed Georgian people and sold Georgia to these sons of bitches like Stalin and Beria whose goal is to enslave all people and bring Lenin’s party to its knees! It is all my fault!”
Narimanov, despite being at odds with Myasnikyan, sided with him and Mdivani against Ordzhonikidze and publicly announced that Stalin is incompetent in his duties and must step down, or be brought down from his post.
Transcaucasian Crisis: The council members are on the left, Stalin’s supporters are on the right
