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Alerias

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Once before, we stood on the brink of destruction in the wake of the disaster at Manzikert - but the first of the Komnenos emperors, Alexios I, narrowly averted disaster. The Alexiad reveal the beginnings of a century of recovery and rebirth for the World's Desire. Despite the growing threat of the Crescent and Star, and the blood spilled by the Crusades, the old Empire recovered lands and prosperity as multiple skilled Komnenos rulers restored order and skillfully wove ties with western kings and archbishops.

A century of great works, undone in one tragic night as the Angelos dynasty arose from intrigues in the shadows. Under their weak and corrupt rule, the Empire's fortunes spiraled down and the last of the Komnenos were hunted from Cyprus to Georgia. Angelid ineptitude and the untimely death of Frederick Barbarossa prevented the Crusaders from rescuing holy Jerusalem from the powerful Ṣalāḥ ad-Dīn, and the obvious weakness of the false emperors was the blood in the water that spelt disaster.

With the usurpers barely able to even maintain order in the City, the Doge of Venice bribed a great Latin host and turned it against the heart of Christian civilization. The brutal siege and rape of Constantinople is remembered as the greatest tragedy in the history of man since the destruction of the Library of Alexandria. Countless dead and wanton destruction of ancient knowledge brought the Empire to it's knees, shorn in two; it's heartland now ruled by a cabal of foreign knights and usurpers at the heel of Venice. It was truly our darkest hour. In this time of despair, a young exile bearing the noblest blood, born in the Purple and the true heir to the throne, foretold: 'It's always darkest before the dawn'.

Prologue: Our Darkest Hour

Chapter I: The Dawn

Chapter II: For a Mass in the Hagia Sophia

Chapter III: Crowns United in Blood

Chapter IV: The Wars before the Storm

Chapter V: Interregnum with Mongols at the Gates

Chapter VI:

Author's notes: This AAR may remind you of my last one; same timeframe, same story-oriented writing style, same region, one obvious twist. Instead of writing about the Latins, this time, we fight and write for the true heirs of Rome, rather than the glorified usurpers. Character portrait improvements brought to you by CPR, the nice map improvements are thanks to NBRT+, and me-not-going-crazy-trying-to-play-without-proper-hotkeys is brought to you by Keyboard Shortcuts and Interface Adjust. I regret ending my last one early though, and will keep going longer this time. Playing on normal difficulty, no scumsaving, all DLC but SI on. Update frequency may vary. English is not my first language. Screenshots optimized for 1920*1080. May contain traces of allergens. Enjoy the read and please leave your comments :)
 
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Alerias

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Prologue: Our Darkest Hour

As the weak Angelid dynasty seized power in the 1180s, it's chief concern was to quell any opposition by hunting down all of the remaining Komnenos. Their assassins were numerous and the bounties astronomical. They struck again and again against the large and successful dynasty that had preceded them, quickly proving dedicated to the task to the point of infanticide, forcing the Komnenos to scatter to every corner of the Empire and beyond. Their most coveted target was the grandson of the beloved emperor Andronikos, Alexios. As a young child, he fled beyond their reach to a Georgian palace under heavy guard and the close protection of his Aunt, Tamar the Great, the mighty Queen in the East. Many of his cousins were far less fortunate and fell in the night, to poison, steel and perfidy.

Safe for a time beyond the eastern mountains, Alexios was tutored by the finest and most skilled of the loyalists, biding his years to adulthood. Bearing the same name as the founder of the dynasty was a point of pride for the young man, who swore on his 12th birthday to return to the City triumphant. But he certainly did not expect then the extent of the challenges ahead.

As the misrule of the Angelos became evident, the greed and hunger of Venice grew in the west. Doge Enrico Dandolo coerced and flattered, bribed and coaxed a great Host into waging the the most tragic and fatricidal of wars. He managed to pit the west's finest, which had gathered for the noblest of wars, to instead fight in the name of Venice's greed. Venetian galleys would not carry salvation against the infidel, but only despair and strife; the final blow to the hopes that Christian brothers divided could still live together as one. His would be the most brutal assault imaginable against the seat of Roman power.

The Crusaders wrecking havok in the name of the Serenissima Repubblica, whether they realized it or not, were raping a wonder of the world; nearly turning to dust millennial knowledge and Christendom's last true bastion standing still in the way of Mohammedans. The grim and horrific records of the fall of the World's Desire would stain their names forever.

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"O City, City, eye of all cities, universal boast, supramundane wonder, nurse of churches, leader of the faith, guide of Orthodoxy, beloved topic of orations, the abode of every good thing! Oh City, that hast drunk at the hand of the Lord the cup of his fury! O City, consumed by fire..." Niketas Choniates lamenting the brutal fall of our holy City to the Latin usurpers.

Not all was lost, however. The Latins hoped to make the City the seat of a new Empire and kept some of it relatively intact, while a handful of scholars fled in the night on frail crafts with sacred relics and the most precious of the old texts. Even as disaster struck, columns of loyalists and old knights, flanked by Georgian warriors and Kurdish mercenaries were riding and marching west, in the shadow of Mount Ararat. It's only when he was about to enter Trebizon triumphantly that Alexios learned the full extent of the horrors unfolding in the heartland, and spoke the famous words, 'It's always darkest before the dawn'. Nowhere else did his family have firmer support than on the coasts of the Black Sea, and his ranks grew every hour. He was crowned later that night; Alexios I, Emperor of Trebizon, to great applause.

Alexios, much like the founder of the dynasty, swore to drive out the invader and restore the glory of Rome. Given his blood and pedigree, there was no man with more rights than him to make such a claim, but he was still young and untested - facing immeasurable odds. Beyond the large crusader Host in Greece, his control of Trebizon fell well short of sufficient to claim the whole of the Empire. In Nicaea, a military commander named Laskaris had rallied the other half of the Empire's remnants, and quickly proven himself unnameable to talks of unity. Meanwhile, half of Anatolia struggled against the brutal occupation of Turkish barbarians who also hoped to bask in Imperial glory and already styled themselves 'Rum'. Orthodox Christianity itself, shorn of it's holy sites and under siege from both Crescent and Cross, seemed almost on the verge of collapse...

And so stood once glorious and mighty Rome; divided, occupied, on the brink of civil war. It was 1205, and the darkest hour before the dawn.

ck2_1.jpg

The sad state of the Eastern Empire, January 1205, with Jerusalem and the City both in enemy hands, and Rome divided.
 
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Alerias

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Chapter I: The Dawn

With Trebizon still reeling from the news of the City's fall, Alexios' first act was to try and secure all of Cherson, the southern tip of Crimea. The majority of the baronies were long-loyal to the old dynasty and already acknowledged his rule; however, Genoan traders had built fortresses there. Genoa, while Venice's rival, was also an aggressive trading power and by no means a friend of what was left of the Empire and it's Crimean holdings were too far away to easily defend – a perfect target for a first campaign.

As armies were marshaled for war, Alexios' first wife, Theodora, died in childbirth in late 1205. No records give us any real insight into the Emperor's state of mind at the time, but we do know their daughter lived. In dire need of alliances, he remarried within weeks to the young princess Sbyslava of Rus. Beyond her remarkable skills, this cemented an highly convenient alliance between Trebizon and the most prominent faction of the powerful Rukovirich dynasty.

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The alliance of Komnenos and Rukovirich was then Orthodoxy's best - and perhaps only - chance.

Back to the war - Genoese garrisons were swiftly overrun, and seaborne reinforcements fell well short of the ten thousand men Alexios was able to raise under his banners. By early 1206, it was obvious that the Crimean campaign would end in triumph, but the victory would be rapidly eclipsed by more urgent matters. With Nicaea strongly rejecting Trebizon's suzerainty, it seemed a given Romans would have to come to blows against Romans, but nobody was eager to do so with the Latins and the 'Rum' barbarians literally glaring at the gates. Yet, Laskaris' unsuccessful battles in Thessaly essentially forced the issue, as his own vassals began reconsidering their allegiances.

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Rebellions in Nicaea in Alexios' name forced Trebizon's hand. No strategos would dream of passing on such an opportunity!

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There were fears this could allow Genoa to recover, but the City-state gave up still on Crimea just in time to redeploy the armies.

Even before Genoa formally acknowledged the loss of Crimea, the bulk of the old Imperial Navy was put to the task of rapidly redeploying Trebizon's entire forces to western Anatolia. Deserted by it's best commanders and battered from fresh defeat, the armies of the western upstart prove hardly a match for Trebizon and his allies from the north.

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It became brutually obvious that Laskarid was defeated through and through, and that it was only a matter of time before Rome stood as one anew. Dawn approached.

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But the enemies of the Empire did not sit idly. Even as the the remnants of Jerusalem fell to the Mohammedans, the Turk barbarians marched north to prevent unification.

The barbarians besieged the coastal strip, marshaling 40,000 to their banner, and it seemed highly unlikely for Alexios to expect to be able to stand in face of the Rum Turks, and the main strategic priority was to focus on unifying the Greeks. A temporary loss of coastal territories to the Crescent Moon. The painful strategy of keeping the armies in Nicaea and avoiding battle with the Turks seemed necessary to achieve unification, but at what cost?

It sat uncomfortably with the young Emperor to abandon his most loyal bastions to the invader, however. As Nicaea returned to the fold, first hand accounts reveal that he was increasingly confident that this was a war that could be won, after all and boiling with religious fervor. Locked up with his strategos late into the night, studying the lessons of past wars with the infidel, he seemed ready to risk it all.

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Unification was achieved even as the Turk rampaged the land. Once recrowned Alexios VI, Emperor of Rome, his first act was to rally the Varangian Guard and raise fresh armies.

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Alexios' zeal extended to the battlefield and even in times of war, there was no doubt for him that this was all part of God's plan for the rebirth of the Empire.

The extent of the danger posed by the invaders was not lost on the Nicaeans either, despite the wounds of the civil war. The Emperor issued generous pardons to mend the rift and was able to raise thousands more men to his banner there, and bolstered them with Georgian mercenaries and most crucially, by the bloodthirsty Varangian Guard - led by a brilliant if unpredictable commander named Oysteinn. His unorthodox tactics would be a crucial asset in the battles ahead.

Despite new armies and exceptional leadership, the young Emperor would still have had little chance to overcome the numerical superiority of the enemy if it had not been overconfident. The barbarians made the mistake of splitting their forces in two; and while each of the halves were the size of the imperial legions, this arrogance would ultimately prove their undoing, allowing Alexios to dispatch them in detail.

ck2_10.jpg

Emperor Alexios VI and Oysteinn the Norse dispatch the core of the barbarian armies, late 1208.

After winning a series of straight victories in the field culminating with the liberation of the provinces that had fallen to the invader, Alexios mercilessly pursued defeated armies, and let his zealous fury rampant. In stark contrast with the mercy he had shown in the Nicaean campaign, he notably ordered not to give quarters to any enemy who refused to abdicate their false faith, and went on to behead half a dozen noteworthy captives without discussing terms of ransom – including the heir of the barbarian pretender and his grand vizier, Beylerbey Togtekin. Only after hunting down enemy armies to the last, and a final one-sided bloodbath at the gates of Ankara, did he accept their surrender on Christmas eve, 1209 - and the vast tribute in gold that came with it. Pulling such a stunning victory despite numerical inferiority, with armies weary from civil war, cemented the return of Komnenos to the Purple and ensured that Alexios' name would be forever etched in military history. Word of the brutality displayed against the infidel traveled far and wide, earning both praise and scorn, instilling both fear and thirst for vengeance. There was little doubt more blood would flow in time, but none at all that the remnants of the empire would now exact a dear price for it's own.

On Christmas that year, the Empress gave birth to a boy. With such joyful news on such a joyful day and after such achievements, one would have expected the young Emperor to be in high spirits, but it is written he spent the day cloistered in somber prayer with his wife. When questioned about it, he replied that Christmas would only be a day of celebration for him when his people could once again attend Christmas Mass in the Hagia Sophia.

ck2_11.jpg

The state of the Empire in 1210. Surrounded by mighty foes as it may have been, there was now a ray of light, and a true ruler to protect it.
 
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Andrzej I

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Wonderfully written. I look forward to more updates :)
 

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Excellent! I really enjoyed your writing on your Latin Empire and this time I can cheer you on unreservedly, as you've taken the Roman side. Judging from Alexios's closing remarks, I expect a war with the Latin pretenders is up next.
 

Alerias

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Chapter II: For a Mass in the Hagia Sophia

It would be a tremendous understatement to say that the early victories did not bring peace to the empire. Pax Romana was a distant memory, and it would be fair to say that for all his accomplishments, Alexios wanted the land in what came as close to permanent war footing than the high middle ages allowed. This posed significant challenges, as he did not then yet command the authority of older monarchs, even though Imperial laws and traditions gave Alexios more power than a traditional feudal monarch. The Crown had been weakened by civil war and the practical extent of it's authority was unusually limited in the early years. He worked around this by cobbling together a small permanent and private army of sorts; it included the Varangian guard, lesser mercenary units and an ever-growing retinue of battle tested Kataphraktoi that proved often sufficient to wage smaller wars and served at least as elite reinforcements in every war. The realm's levies would still be extensively taxed and managing manpower and keeping the nobility's support required many efforts. To alleviate this, the emperor strove to minimize casualties, notably by insisting on overwhelming concentration of force through constant naval support, and shock tactics relying on heavy use of cavalry.

The first major objective of Imperial policy after unification was the recovery of the World's Desire, but the obstacles were immense. Beaudoin the Fat, the usurper, made the prospect more difficult with his unusual decision of picking a merchant's daughter when he remarried in 1211. It was of course not any merchant's daughter, but the youngest of the Doge of Venice; tying in blood the unholy alliance that still ravaged the heartland. Venice's vast navy, bottomless coffers and mercenaries side by side with the vaunted Latin knights made for a formidable coalition, and there was no doubt anymore they would stand together as one. Alexios needed to wait for an opportunity to challenge them on favorable terms, though admittedly his notion of 'waiting' boiled down to to fighting someone else.

Both 'Rum' Turks and the Bulgars were embroiled in warfare. Having lost his only male heir and his entire army, the barbarian sultan was facing major revolts, that created a power vacuum in Theodosopolis, just south of Trebizon. While it's 'lord' was away betraying his master, his fortress and cities were swiftly taken and incorporated back in the Duchy of Trebizon. Meanwhile, the Bulgar armies were being overrun in the south by the Latins and pressed in the north by the increasingly aggressive horde of Cuman nomads. This was a problem, as the rich Crimean province faced frequent raids, but also an opportunity; the Bulgar coastal strip was defenseless. The empire had legitimate reasons to wish to incorporate all Bulgaria back into the fold, but for now, one province had to do; Constantia fell swiftly without any actual resistance. This left on the table the Cuman threat, to which there was no easy answer at first. Their powerful cavalry was nearly unmatched and there were hopes it might even meet the Latin armies in the field, but the Tengri High Chief was too crafty to seek battle against the powerful knights only to march in a land protected by renowned fortresses of the empire, which he was ill-equipped to siege. Instead, after ravaging Wallachia, he turned his horde north and invaded lands beyond the Volga in the spring of 1212. This forced the issue; having likely underestimated the complex tapestry of the Rukovirich web of blood alliances, the Horselord found himself at war with most of Rus' Grand Prices, while a fast ship sailing down the Dniper towards Trebizon carried message requesting that Rome defends Empress Sbyslava's homeland.

Instead of merely honoring the pact, Alexios declared Holy War and ordered the fleet to support operations from Wallachia to Azow. He aimed to secure Wallachia first and foremost; in addition to being an ideal base of operations to eventually secure Bulgaria, it's fortresses were still reeling from the Tengri assaults and made for easy targets. In Crimea, he likely hoped that a show of force might deter future pagan raids; either way, with the bulk of the Tengri marching on Rus, and Rome's imposing and growing fleet to support operations, the war would be substantially easier than one could suspect if merely glancing at the immensity of the nomads' territories, which technically ranged from Bulgaria to Mongolia.

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I do not accept the premise that these faithless horsemen have anything on my Kataphraktoi - Alexios VI rejecting the Council's advice not to attack Cumania.

Said premise would be tested in the fields near Azov in the key battle of the 18-month campaign. Unable to progress north in winter, the High Chief turned around nearly fifteen thousand men to repel the imperial assault. As soon as advanced scouts reported the maneuver, overwhelming reinforcements were brought to Azov exactly when they were needed - Oysteinn's Varangian guard and the growing Praetorian guard at the forefront. Suffice to say, the Council was wrong. The routed horde was pursued and dispatched 'Rum style', though unlike the Mohammedans, these barbarians were often quick to abjure their 'Old Gods' to save their own hides. Though it still took months to secure enough land to convince the enemy to surrender, victory was ultimately complete. Beyond the capture of Wallachia, it vindicated the Emperor's strategic thought, creating the blueprint for the 'real war' and cementing his love for cavalry.

As levies returned from war, the Dux of Nicaea, formerly also 'Imperator' there, voiced discontent at the cost of 'all these wars' in open court, prompting hushed whispers at the challenge. Alexios clearly saw it as an opportunity to reaffirm the Crown's authority, stripping him of his main title in favor of his former subject, the Countess of Nikomedeia - who, unsurprisingly, was then quick to distance herself from her new vassal. Though infrequently, this authority would be used again several times to maintain the war footing of the empire in the following decades. In the immediate aftermath of the Cuman campaign, though, there were no other incidents, and even a brief interbellum to provide for a period of recovery, during which many more galleys were added to the navy.

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Beyond strategy, Alexios was quite skilled with arms and tested himself frequently. He also grew into a scholar, with a passionate lust for life.

Late the next year, an opportunity of sorts presented itself. Boniface of Montferrat, the Italian in control of Thessalonica and an old rival of Beaudoin, was in open revolt, while the Venetians were fighting a trade war further west. Admittedly quite far from the perfect storm, but it was better than nothing, which is precisely how much of the City Alexios would rule for a long time if he missed this window of opportunity. Knowing well the Venetians would stand with the Latins, he issued declarations of war to both. Estimates were that the Latins would field 40,000 troops including a few thousand knights, which Venice could be counted on to ship nearly 20,000 mercenaries and tie up the fleet - there would be no walk in the park - but the City could not be left in enemy hands any longer.

Knowing well the legendary thickness of the Theodosian Walls, though, Alexios had no plans to siege it before the core of the Latin Knights had been dealt with. Further south, he also planned on retaking the island of Chios from Venetian hands, and drew up a plan to reach both objectives in one fell swoop.

In the opening weeks of the war, the navy seemed focused on keeping Venetian reinforcements at bay and the straits were not strongly contested, allowing the core of the Latin armies to march into the empire. The risk paid off when Beaudoin the Fat decided as planned to march south to relieve the siege of Chios. The full naval reserves poured into the Aegean sea, in a replay of the strategy used at Azov. Hundreds of galleys poured into the bay, deploying the elite of the army all around the Frankish knights.

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The knights of the west, despite their fame and their shining plate, proved vulnerable to mounted archers andoverwhelming concentration of force.

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Out in full force in the bay, the Imperial navy blocked and harassed the Venetian fleet all over the Aegean, proving more than a match. Venice's mercenaries arrived too late.


The destruction of the core of the Latin and Venetian armies in Smyrna paved the way for the siege of the City. Several other minor battles were fought against Latin troops returning victorious from Thessalonica, but deprived of their elite and with the full Roman navy out and in control of the Aegean, the pace and locations of the battle were out of their hands; none ever came close to lifting the siege of the City. Desirous to save his Empire even at the cost of it's sacred capital, the usurper relented in late 1216.

ck2_15.jpg

The costs and sacrifices of the war were entirely vindicated when the second Rome was returned to the Empire - though the trauma she had endured was still evident.

The Latin Empire was shocked by the loss of it's capital, though it remained an important power. But it's alliance with Venice was shattered forever by the trial; never would they fight together again, and this may well have been the most crucial strategic consequence of the war. Alexios' masterplan for rebuilding Constantinople would keep the treasury dry for many years, but as much as his victories in the field, his efforts to erase the ravages of the Fourth Crusade stand at the forefront of his legacy. But this would come later; the Hagia Sophia thankfully remained intact and towering over the World's Desire. Soon after securing the great Cathedral, joyful festivities began as a light snow covered the City. A great Triumph was held, with soldiers celebrating the war that wiped away their shame. And as fate would have it, it was just in time for Christmas.

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Much blood had been spilled for this Mass in the greatest of all cathedrals. They prayed and rejoiced, and even the Emperor - for a time - set aside thoughts of trials to come.

These troubled years also made for interesting times in the rest of Europe. In 1210, a Catholic crusade against the Almohad in Andalusia has seen the Sicilian branch of the von Hohenstaufen dynasty take over half of Iberia. In the land of the Franks, a bitter dispute with England over Aquitaine boiled into a long war with no end in sight. In the north, a powerful Danish king managed to put to torch an upstart republic in the north of the western empire that was threatening his supremacy over the Baltic sea. In Rus, in part thanks to the timely assistance of Rome, the Cumans were beaten back entirely by the league of the grand prices, and one amongst them gained enough preeminence during the invasion to style himself king - though most of the Rukovirich princes scoffed at the notion and steadfastly maintained their independence still. It also came as a surprise to most when news arrived that in the far south-east, the traditionally isolationist dark-skinned Miaphysites were in the process of successfully pushing the Mohammedans out of the horn of Africa. War clearly had no intention to loosen it's grip on the continent just yet.
 
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brucepm

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Ah, Byzantium, I'll always have a soft spot for you. Especially when you're such a godawful underdog. Go and smash some stupid Venetian face for me! Subbed.
 

Hashasheen

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It's a bit odd, I have a great love for the Byzantine, Latin & Roman Empires but I've gotten bored of the gameplay. Same thing usually happens: Reformation, Expansion, World Conquest. I usually try mixing it up by changing some of the details (change culture to Norse and turn the entire empire so as a result of Varangian influence, create a Greek Sicilian family to create the Kingdom and then leverage into control of the Empire, expand with the Latin Empire, etc...), but ultimately the Second Rome (whichever incarnation you wish) is too strong to be overcome for long.

It's only the character-work that keeps me invested for long, and you've managed that thus far. Keep it up! :)
 

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Very, very good. In a mere 10 years, Alexios has already taken over the mantle of the Roman Emperor, reconquered the Anatolian possessions, beaten the Cumans and conquered Wallachia, and now he's taken the City itself! I wonder if his future deeds can live up to his achievements so far - and I wonder if any of his successors will measure up to this giant of a man.
 

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Je vais suivre cette histoire!
 

Alerias

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Thanks for all your comments. They really are any amateur author's lifeblood :)

I've started work on chapter 3. I'll be experimenting with trying to make each chapter roughly 10 years worth of content instead of 5. Might improve the pace, plus I have played till game to the 1300s already and would like the AAR to catch up sometimes this year :)
 
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Alerias

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Chapter III: Crowns United in Blood

The great festivities in Constantinople were marred by the absence of Empress Sybyslava, who had followed in the sad footsteps of Alexios' first wife and died in childbirth earlier in the year. News of her passing were slow to spread, given the titanic struggle still ongoing at the time. She had given her husband both a prince and a princess, sadly, both of them born outside the Purple Chambers, as the City still remained in enemy hands. Her third pregnancy alas, ended poorly for both mother and child.

Political necessities gave Alexios relatively little time to remarry. In 1217, his beloved Aunt Tamar the Great of Georgia, was embroiled in war against her most powerful vassal and well-aware that the troubles in her realm made the eastern Crown a tempting target for Mohammedan warlords of all stripes. So she wrote her old protégé to offer him the hand of her eldest daughter, whom was at the time a year short of majority. 'The stars whisper that numberless hordes from the east are approaching, and our Crowns must stand united as one. You must become my true heir, dearest nephew.' the message wrote, enigmatically. Yet her daughter, Princess Rusudan, was only second in line for the throne, behind her older brother. Soon after, a tragic bandit raid was about to change all that by taking the life of her sole son.

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The Court at Blachernae heard Alexios announce his betrothal to his cousin Rusudan even as rumors floated that she was now heir to the eastern Throne.

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With the promises barely exchanged, the Varangian and Praetorian guards immediately boarded ships to put an end to the rebellions in Georgia.

For the skilled vanguard of the Empire, the Dux of Kartli in the east was not a terrible threat, but time would be needed to restore order. Those battles in the Georgian heartland left it's borders precariously unguarded, and the long gaze of Rome now watched over them jealously. As the armies rested and recuperated from the costly war against the Latin usurpers, it was readily apparent to all at court that they would be raised again at the slightest hint of a a threat to the eastern Kingdom. Out of loyalty perhaps for the Aunt that had sheltered him from Angelos treachery in his youth, but more likely because it was now part and parcel of the inheritance he intended to leave to his heir. Though his eldest son Manuel from his first marriage had now reached maturity and was charismatic and able, Alexios' writings indicates he hoped for another male heir, one duly born in the purple like he himself had been. In June 1218, the scouts returned, with news expected and dreaded. The Sultan of 'Rum', not having learned his lesson a decade ago, was calling his banners to march on Georgian Armenia!

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Out of question to wage another purely defensive war against him - with the blessings of the Patriarch, this was Holy War to free Mesopotamia!

The wide region of Mesopotamia was not the richest of the occupied provinces under 'Rum's sway , but it stretched all across it's border with Georgia. It was unmistakable that striking there would achieve the desired effect. Yet this mountainous land was unsuitable to the heavy cavalry tactics favored by Imperial doctrine and there was no way to conquer it through naval support. To avoid horrible attrition losses in the interior, the enemy had to be decimated early, on favorable terms and grounds.

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As planned, heavy assault on Ankara lured the bulk of the enemy towards the northern coasts, where cavalry could deal crippling blows. But it was far from over.

The Sultan of Rum prove more able to survive initial defeats than he once had. As the legions slowly occupied his provinces, they faced harassment by smaller armies, and had to repel two major assaults in the coming years - largely made of enemy mercenaries funded by what appeared to be a remarkably deep war fund. Furthermore, responding to his cries, infidel armies from deeper south provided him with steady reinforcements. This war thus dragged on longer than planned, but strategically, there were relatively few setbacks; none major. Slowly and surely, the enemy was giving ground.

As he read the latest reports, Alexios was briefly shaken as explosions rocked the docks of the City, sending shockwaves all the way to Blachernae. In the fall of 1220, a daring pirate raid on the City essentially deprived the Empire of it's secret weapon at sea, Greek fire. A pirate 'King' operating from Cuman Azov had masterfully destroyed stocks and captured alchemists, and was holding them for ransom. Neither spies or the fleet were able to conclusively deal with him. By mid-1221, he tried to exact a huge ransom, almost managing to underhandedly empty Imperial coffers.

This situation was worsened significantly when the once-Emperor once-Dux of Nicaea managed through a string of political assassinations to regain control of all Nicaea, and presumably with the financial support of Rum, raised his flag in rebellion. Shorn of his titles and with Imperial armies and navies busy east, he was angry and lurched at the first opportunity to claim back what he could. The pretender still clung to the idea that he had a right to the Empire!

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But the Dux' armies were too small. A few hastily hired, cheap mercenary companies were a fair match for his meager levies.

As armies progressed against the Turks, so did the mercenaries against the traitor in Nicaea. The fleet prevented reinforcements or foreign funds from ever reaching him, and his cities and fortresses fell one by one; all the more for the fact that the Emperor was now beloved in these lands and few were wholeheartedly eager to replay the long-settled civil war. When the adventure ended, there was no second blanket pardon. The traitors were severely punished or executed. Nicaea himself pleaded for his life, and though he managed to cling to one county, he abdicated all claims, was blinded alongside his wife and they both had to swear fealty to a new Dux of Nicaea - the very son of the noblewoman they had murdered to steal her title. After retreating to their castle, no document attest to them ever attending court in the City again. There is not even a clear record of their date of death, though their county would be re-appropriated by the new Dux some twenty years later. The house of Laskaris died with them.

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In 1222, in a daring maneuver, Alexios then beat the pirate 'King', recovering treasure and wiping out his fleet. Under torture, he confessed Cuman backing.

Though the affair was concluded, this, coupled with the odd pagan raid on Crimea, reminded the Emperor and the strategos that the Cumans remained a growing problem, even if it was too early to retaliate just yet. For now, there were better news, as the war in the east was drawing to an end, with Mesopotamia firmly in Imperial control. The marriage between Constantinople and Georgia's heiress had been consummated to great pomp and festivities in both capitals. Georgia was safe, and the union of the growing and prestigious Komnenos and Bagrationi dynasties was yet one more sign heralding the growing resurgence of Orthodoxy, and the Empire.

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She is remembered as a skilled and diplomatic Empress, although they sometimes clashed about matters of faith. Piety was not her strongest suit.

Further south, a surprising turn of events was the return to the continent of Amaury of Jerusalem. Emboldened by the defeats of the infidel in Rum, and backed by Rome's arch-foes the Latins, he re-conquered Galilee and marched on the Emir of Jerusalem, in a long struggle of his own. With the Latins bleeding in the Holy land, they had to contend with a few domestic problems of their own as well, however, when Guillaume, Duc de Morée, rose his flag in southern Greece, backed by a couple minor lords in the surrounding archipelagos. This was precisely the kind of opportunity that the strategos wanted to return to the area. Long drawn out battles against the whole Latin forces were costly in blood and gold, but when five hundred galleys surrounded Morea, attacking the lords in open rebellion, resistance was minimal, and Naxos and Achaia were recovered in the process. With Imperial power returning to his doorstep, the independent Dux of Dyrrachion - still reeling from the loss of one of his counties to the Latins years before, saw an opportunity to gain Alexios' protection as well. Slowly but surely, the Latins were being encircled, and their hopes of being able to challenge successfully the true Emperor in open field were dwindling.

Beaudoin the Fat was outraged of course, by how Byzantium used his campaign for Jerusalem to rearrange the borders, but his armies had suffered from a difficult campaign and he had few options. Adding insult to injury, he soon after learned that his ally Amaury had accepted the hand of one of Alexios' daughters! After all, Rome had no problems with the Luisignans... nor any interest in seeing the two Catholic powers in the Levant becoming a twin threat to his own ambitions. Jerusalem, meanwhile, knew how precarious it's reconquest was, and needed the backing of the strongest military power in the region. The marriage was celebrated on midsummer 1224.

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Though glorified in the west for recovering Jerusalem, Beaudoin knew he had been outmaneuvered strategically and that the Holy land remained well beyond his grasp.

With Georgia secure, Rum reeling, and his hand strengthening in Greece, Alexios must have appreciated a moment of calm in military affairs. At home, the best stonemacons of the Empire were working tirelessly to restore the beauty of the World's Desire, which welcomed more dignitaries and young men in search of work every week. His authority was growing firmer, and he amply rewarded those lords whom had suffered most during the wars. And then news arrived, yet again, of Tengri raiders in Crimea and Wallachia! But this time, there were resources and manpower available to do something about it - and take revenge for Cuman involvement in the Greek Fire plot.

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The Black Sea ablaze, 1225. Restoring the Imperial border to the Dniester was meant to deter Tengri raids, and strengthen the Imperial foothold in the Balkans.

After smashing initial resistance, there was little notable enemy presence in the greater Crimea. Far in the North, a series of Rukovirich victories had certainly weakened them, and in fact, served as the catalyst for the growth of a unified kingdom finally gaining momentum and absorbing many of the Grand Prices. But it did not entirely explain the lack of organized resistance encountered by the legions. It was in truth, the 'whispers from the stars' of his Aunt Queen Tamar finally coming to pass. Deep in central Asia, in a fierce clash of nomads, countless Mongols under a 'Great Khan' were brutally putting to the sword or absorbing much of the eastern Cuman-Kipchak. A mere year after the reconquest of Moldovia was finished, a fast ship sailing on the Caspian sea brought message to Georgia that Samarkand had fallen to 'hundreds of thousands of horselords'. If the threat still seemed distant in the World's Desire, from Persia to Cumania, despair and panic settled in as tales of the Horde's brutality preceded the first signs of it's arrival.

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1227. Three large East-Christian states had recently risen from the horn of Africa to the White Sea, but were any of them ready to weather the storm ahead?
 
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Viden

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Tought times for the Komnenos! I will follow them!
 

Stuyvesant

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Things were moving along swimmingly until those darn Mongols had to show up and spoil the party. <Sigh>

Great maneuvering, both on the battlefield and the arena of diplomacy. The Empire stands strong and perhaps you can even think about dislodging the Crusaders from Jerusalem. Except for those Mongols (who may or may not be a big deal at this stage - Byzantium is pretty powerful already), everything is looking good.
 

Alerias

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The Wars before the Storm

An old saying speaks of 'The calm before the storm', but in these heady years before the arrival of the Mongols at the doorstep of the Empire, there was no such thing. The Emperor, the Strategos and the Varangian commanders were all in agreement that vigorous expansion and restoration was the only path that would ensure the strength to stand up should the numberless Horde strike into Anatolia. The military machine was in increasingly good shape, and the respect commanded by the Emperor had reached new heights in light of the string of victories he had pulled so far.

Many of his neighbors had clashed with the legions, and would again. But in early 1227, it would strike an unexpected target. One of the last friends of Venice was the independent Grand-City of Ancona in central Italy – which enjoyed neither the protection of the papcy nor that of the western Empire. The entire region legitimately still belonged to the defunct Exarchate of Ravenna as far as the admittedly-far fetched claim went – and there were many dusty old land deeds and decrees stored in a box somewhere. Alexios had three aims; returning to Italy, isolating Venice completely, and stationing a legion on the border of the Papal states. And so he did.

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The Varangians and the Praetorians swiftly occupied the province before anyone could react. The city's meager defense fell to the first assault.

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During the recovery of Ancona, Alexios' wish was satisfied when the Empress gave birth to a boy in the purple chambers.

The birth of an healthy heir born in the purple was always a joyful event. Less so for Manuel, the previous-heir apparent and eldest son of Alexios. For several years, the eldest son would try to persuade his father to bestow on him the title of Despot, that would have entitled him to retain preeminence, but the Emperor refused. Manuel was a good man, but not ambitious enough to be a threat nor driven enough to rebuild an empire, he likely thought. The security of the infant prince was however exceptional – an elite preatorian unit sworn to fall on their swords if harm befell the heir.

The sudden death of the Caliph of the Ayyubid in late '27 triggered a vast uprising in the south. Aleppo, the Sinai, and the peninsular possessions were in open revolt. It seemed imperative to use the opportunity to weaken the powerful Caliphate – as long as it remained strong, it strengthened Turkish occupation and deprived the Empire of many of it's key cities and the sacred sites of orthodoxy. In what we might as well call the usual modus operendi, Alexios focused on attacking the disorganized rebels before Cairo could restore order.

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After large scale enemy combats in Edessa, the victorious enemy army was lured north and annihilated near the old fortress at Taron.

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Meanwhile, the main objective, Antioch, was retaken, with the fleet's reinforcements rapidly overwhelming the defenders.

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Regaining Antioch and restoring it's Patriarch was a significant event, celebrated all the way to Rus.

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The greater injury to the Caliph, however, was to split his empire in two by snatching the Sinai, too! Jerusalem made token efforts to assist in the battle.

When the dust settled, the Caliphate reunited but had lost important land to the Empire, and it's southern Arabian possessions had been lost as well. Some argued at court that this could make a vengeful Caliph attack at the worst moment later – but Alexios apparently calculated that the hatred the infidels had for him since his victories against 'Rum' could not be any greater, and that it was wiser to weaken them as much as possible than to try to avoid conflict. Furthermore, the new Caliph seemed absurdly incompetent and hardly able to keep his own vassals in line. The further civil strife that would shake the Caliphate years later vindicate his thoughts.

This entire campaign had taken a few years, and there was a short pause in expansion to let troops regain strength and numbers. Great games were organized, in which Alexios took part personally to great effect. Despite being older than the other racers, he went to win multiple victories, and even uncovered a plot to sabotage both of the beloved main teams in the process.

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The people loved having an Emperor who dared fight in melee with his soldiers and could even win his own games.

Worrisome news of the Horde's brutal advance in Persia were taken particularly seriously by Tamar the Great. In the north, the Cumans had regained some strength, under a new Chief. Unable to win great victories in Central Asia, where Cumania steadily gave ground to the Mongols, he pushed west, with his own forces reaching Poland in '33. More importantly, he attacked and annexed the peaceful Christian state of Alania, traditionally under the protection of Georgia. That was probably a mistake.

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Tamar invading Cumania caused some surprise. Never missing an opportunity, Alexios ordered the fleet to transport three legions to Crimea.

Once again, the large Cuman state had trouble defending it's expansive borders. Already embroiled with Rus over it's westward expansion, things became much more complicated for them when the northern Mongol horde began ravaging the northeast. Meanwhile, with Georgian operations in Alania progressing well, the Empire focused on pacifying Crimea, which would forever end the threat of raids on Kaffa. Within a year, Georgia had successfully stretched itself to the Volga, which it began to reinforce. Tamar ordered several fortresses to be built at key points along the great river, with facilities to dock the Caspian fleet. While they would be seen to completion, she would not herself see the last of her great works. The Aunt of the Emperor passed peacefully in her sleep. Empress Rusudan was crowned Queen of Georgia in the Hagia Sophia the following week. The young prince Augustin, as new heir-apparent to the eastern Throne, was knighted into the Order of St-Georges and showered in honorifics.

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This 'Golden Horde' was late to the party, but within 10 years, it would end the Cuman state, nothing less.

The interbellum was short after the Crimean campaign. Truces with the Sultan of Rum were over, and Manuel, who had been made Dux in Antioch, badly wanted to prove himself; likely in hope of gaining that Despot title after all. He pleaded for an army to invade Cicilia, arguing that Rum was a serious threat to this small and isolated province and that the Christians remaining there were being persecuted needlessly. Given that the goal was all along to wipe out this state when opportunity arose, it was a difficult request to deny. And Manuel, it turns out, had been sold short by his father.

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Defeating the bulk of Rum's forces competently was good. But executing an ambush to kill the enemy Sultan was simply masterful.

The death of this old tiger and his unpronounceable name was a game-changer in Anatolia. Not only did it ensure success in Cicilia, but it caused over the next few years a collapse of the remnant of the Turk state that would lead to it's simple extinction. No entity can survive such a long string of military defeats, and only the iron hand of the old Sultan had kept it holding together for this long.

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The first of the dominoes to fall would be Cibyrrhaeot, taken as Cicilia surrendered. These twin victories reduced Rum to a landlocked rump and liberated Adana.

Prince Manuel was rewarded generously, with gold and titles - but not the one he wanted. His diary, recovered only in parts, reveals in an entry dated from the summer of 1237 that his father explained emphatically that the union of the Crowns was a strategic priority - essentially admitting the true cause of his preference was not the location of Augustin's birth but having been born to the right wife. Since his birth, Rusudan had bore the emperor 4 more children... all princesses. But Augustin was growing quickly, and quite well, under the personal and close tutelage of his father. Even at family dinner, his food taster and the Praetorians clad in ceremonial plate, always one hand of their hilts, always standing by his sides must still have been a frustrating reminder to Manuel of his young half-brother's favored status.

That year, messengers went back and forth between the World's Desire and the palace of the Myaphysite king in Nubia. His kingdoms had flourished ever since the infidel had been pushed out of the horn of Africa, and during the troubles in the Caliphate, his armies had even briefly been in control of Alexandria. Now, they had even taken over some of the land lost by the Ayyubids in southern Arabia. And this great king wanted quite badly, for his young daughter to marry into the prestigious House of Komnenos. It seemed unthinkable at first. He sent gifts to the Emperor, promises of assistance against the new Caliph. Alexios rebuffed him politely twice. There is scholarly speculation that this was the prime reason the King decided to unite the crowns of Nubia and Abyssinia in perpetuity and style himself Emperor; it stands to reason that the hand of an Imperial princess would be harder to refuse. Then he came with her on a diplomatic visit, where the young lady quickly impressed with her wit and charm. Though she was still young, it was obvious she had an unusually brilliant mind. Her Greek was as fluent as Augustin's, and they became fast friends.

Only two years later would Alexios relent and negotiate the betrothal. Princess Dilla was to be schooled at the Hagia Sophia and renounce the physis heresy. The Emperors agreed, to the surprise of many. A dark-skinned Empress on the throne of the World's Desire? The Mystigos is rumored to have questioned the choice in council, whereas according to minutes, Alexios replied "My son likes her. She quotes Marcus Aurelius from the top of her head, and she's 9. What color do you think the skin of Cleopatra was? We also need stronger allies. If you're unaware, ninety percent of my Empire is held by infidels, barbarians or pretenders, and I'm hearing about half a million savages with hungry horses who've heard there's good grassland around here." Aside from surely settling the matter, the figure recorded gives us a glimpse into the extent of the aging Emperor's ambitions. Clearly they extended well beyond Ancona.

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State of the Empire, fall 1237. The Mongols had now reached Georgia in the south... but Baghdad was the true jewel within grasp. Could the Abbasid hold?
 
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