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J_Master

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As by being King of France, the inheritance of Charlemagne is rightfully Anglois. However, one mustn't squander the potential rewards with, hmmm, "overenthausiastic" actions. Pushing a rightfull claim now would still lead to the combined ire of the Holy Roman Empire and thus a inability to rule even if the title is taken. As for the rightfull claims on Flanders as a part of the French crown, with highly regionalistic sentiments in the lands of the Lotharingian crown, and the long history Flanders has with revolting, it may be better to forfit any claims and use lands under the direct rule of Konrad V as a carrot to entice princes into the Anglois camp. We already know of Hollander-Frisian rapproachment, they could make a powerfull ally within the Empire for example and Flanders and Brabant are tempting territories. Hainaut, Namur, Liege and Luxembourg also make for some fine offerings for the younger sons of multiple princes...

There's a very real chance here at achieving the Universal Monarchy here, let's not squander it

Voting:
1- B
Back down (for now)
2- C Flanders is of no (direct) interest to us
 
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Idhrendur

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1B
2A
 
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TWR97

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Let the Germans squabble with themselves over such an already outdated title, and with the effeminate Greeks long since defeated, well we already know who are the TRUE heirs to both the Roman Legacy and Charlemagne's empire, and that's the First Daughter of the Church and the land of the Anglos! As for this matter with the Flemish, it is imperative that the Franconians aren't gaining ground, we cannot however afford to have a coaltion thrown at the realm but the Empire must not appear weak, so concessions must be made if war can be avoided.

Option 1: B
Option 2: B
 
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Midnite Duke

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1B Let Kaiser Konrad orchestrate his own demise. Much of the HRE lies outside the dual monarchy's traditional sphere of influence.
2B Take Flemish gains without bloodshed to look like a savior rather than a tyrant.

Thank you for the update and ending the bloodshed in Galicia.
 

Steckie

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Question 1: B
There's no need for the Imperial Crown....

Question 2: A
..... while the wealthy trade cities of Flandres are rightfully Anglois.

I'm actually a bit curious as to how the union will find a balance between the English and Flemish traders that are now competing for New Worl trade, having to work 'together' in the future. Should make for an interesting story. If this option will get chosen that is.
 
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ibicko

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Voting is now closed!
And so (belatedly) that brings an end to the voting period. The results are as follows:

On the issue of the claim to the title of Holy Roman Emperor, the Estates General is clear in its stance. Philippe's claim would be a step too far. By a thumping majority of 7-1, the King's subjects believe that restraint is in order. Given time, the Franconian Emperors would orchestrate their own demise and Germania will naturally fall into the Anglois sphere.

On the issue of Flanders, a close vote has seen the Estates General vote to claim the County in its entirety by a majority of 4-3-1.

The Estates General is clear in its stance, though it remains to be seen whether His Majesty will heed the advice of his loyal subjects...
 
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Chapter XXI - The War of the Grand Coalition - Part I: Ave Caesar!

ibicko

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Chapter XXI - The War of the Grand Coalition - Part I: Ave Caesar! (1755-1759)

As a murky fog fell over European politics, the Estates of the realm debated the King’s actions long into the night. Though some wholeheartedly supported Philippe’s claim to the throne of the east, calls for caution seemed to be carrying the day. Worried about any potential conflict, and the instability that Philippe’s claim would cause, a majority now spoke with one voice: contesting Konrad’s claim was too far. Franconian misrule would bring the empire into the Dual Monarchy’s sphere in time, there was no need for confrontation.

As for Flanders, the Estates General backed a full claim to Flanders. Having lost the County centuries earlier, it was only right that it be reunited with its mother country. Surely showing restraint in the Holy Roman succession crisis would give French claims credence.

As days passed the voices only grew louder and louder, disputing Konrad’s election was a step too far. France and England would be much better served to secure their own position rather than engaging in a costly and reckless campaign. Yet on the final day of deliberations, Philippe II made a personal intervention at the Estates General. Previously the King had not so much as even set foot in the halls in which the estates of the realm had congregated; an active reminder of the division between the mortal subject and the absolute ruler.

When presented with the conclusions of the debates, the King merely sat in silence unmoved, until several seconds later when the quiet was broken but with one sentence.

"L'état c’est moi.”

A deafening silence fell over the hall once more as all looked on at the King, sternly unmoved. It seemed he had already made his decision. The King’s chief supporter, the Dauphin Louis, was the first to break the uneasy tension.

“Grand Dieu Sauvre le Roi!” he bellowed, soon joined by a small chorus amongst Philippe’s most loyal supporters and courtiers.

A closeted anger began to grow over the opposing nobility and the King’s advisors, particularly those residing in England. It seemed Philippe was intent on claiming his own personal glory at the expense of stability, and potentially the realm. Truly, he cared little for the voice of the governed.
For his was a rule in the French absolutist tradition. Nobody, not his own advisors, nobility or courtiers could defy the King’s rule. They may remonstrate as they wished, but all knew where power in the realm truly lay, and naturally where any responsibility would lie…

As international pressure continued to build around the Holy Roman succession, Philippe’s rhetoric had at least dimmed somewhat; moving from the outright denunciation of Konrad to appeals to Franconian misrule and central European instability. Such a pivot would prove sufficient for the Dual Monarchy’s closest allies, Castile and Poland to announce their support, along with the Princely states of Brandenburg and Mainz, both of which maintained a questionable level of independent diplomacy. A similar coalition would soon emerge around Konrad’s camp, backing the Franconian claim to Charlemagne’s legacy.

Eventually, once it became obvious Philippe’s claim would not be recognised the French and English King took it upon himself to claim the title, demanding a suitable coronation be arranged in Aix-la-Chapelle with the Pope in attendance. International outrage soon poured out across the continent. By the spring of 1756, a new alliance had been formed amongst the Germanic states and their allies in support of Konrad V. The Grand Coalition would finally look to stand against the Anglois hegemon and his claim to universal monarchy.

Despite pleas from his advisors and nobles to back down, to heed the advice of the Estates, Philippe refused to give in, tacit voices of support continued to roll in from his closest aides and relatives; whilst the court continued its vociferous backing of the King, perhaps more out of fear than loyalty. This was to be the crowning achievement of Philippe’s personal reign. All of his achievements, grand as they already were, would pale in comparison with his crowning glory. Even Archambaud and the French Kings of old would baulk at Philippe’s crowning. War would decide once and for all the destiny of all of Christian Europe.

As the drums of war sounded, the Anglois alliance stood firm. Catalonia, Castile, Poland, Brandenburg, Friesland and Mainz stood behind Philippe’s claim. In opposition stood the Princes of the Empire, many joining Konrad’s cause following Philippe’s self-proclamation as Kaiser; as well as their Andalusian allies.

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All Philippe’s advisors would do was sit back and let it all unfold.
The war of the Grand Coalition had begun…

The initial campaign was set for the summer of 1756, to capture old Lotharingia and push on to the old Holy Roman capital of Aix-la-Chapelle. In a ceremonial event at Verdun, much like the Emperor’s of old the French armies, led by Philippe himself anointed their ruler as “Caesar” before crossing the banks of the Moselle into Luxembourg. The die had well and truly been cast.

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Initial intelligence reports from the east talked of a grand, yet hurried mobilisation at Frankfurt. The vast majority of the Princes had come to Konrad’s aid no doubt buoyed by his rhetoric of the French invader seeking continental dominance. Yet soon the hordes of Germanic armies began to pour forth like the barbarian invaders of times gone by. Bypassing the French fortifications, the Princely armies marched through Reims and Barrois, outmanoeuvring Philippe’s advanced forces and laying siege to Troyes and Verdun. In the advance the King’s own son Louis le Dauphin had been killed in the defence of Verdun. It seemed the campaign was already headed for disaster.

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Despite smashing through the Franconian defences on the border, Anglois progress was slower than anticipated. Summer soon turned to winter and Lotharingia was yet to fall. Worse still was news that the German armies had pushed through Troyes and were now laying siege to Paris itself.

That Konrad’s armies had been allowed to make such progress was unacceptable and clearly demonstrative of the inadequacy of France’s network of defensive fortifications. In response the Marshal of France Louis d’Auvergne was dismissed from his post, whilst Philippe’s armies abandoned their positions in Wallonia to sweep south-east to relieve the stricken capital. It seemed the King had no intention of entering mourning for his lost son, this campaign had now a firm grip over every second of Philippe’s energy and attention.

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Both sides first clashed at Artois, with the Anglois armies easily scattering the 25,000 German defenders before pushing on to Caux to relieve pressure on Paris.

As word of the shift in Philippe’s tactics and engagement at Caux reached the German camp, nearly 100,000 Holy Roman troops abandoned their siege in hopes of cornering the Anglois king with nowhere else to run.

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Yet the French and English armies held firm, inflicting a decisive defeat upon Konrad’s forces at Caux. Battered by Philippe’s armies, a counter-attack was sure to follow, driving the Holy Roman armies out of France with further sieges across Lotharingia to follow.

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And despite a vain attempt by General Schonswetter to break in across Alsace, the French frontier would hold firm once more. Disaster had been averted.

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As it was becoming clear to Konrad’s camp that France would not fall without great effort, the Holy Roman campaign shifted to focus primarily on Philippe’s allies before circling in once more for the kill. Franconian troops had pushed into Limburg, Northern Brabant and Brandenburger Hesse. Meanwhile Andalusian troops had managed to defeat the Castilian and Catalonian armies, straining Philippe’s southern flank. Valladolid and Barcelona were liable to fall within weeks.

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Nevertheless, the new Anglois offensive was proceeding with much haste. Lotharingia had all but fallen by April of 1758, putting the low countries under French control. The following month Aachen, or Aix-la-Chapelle as it was also known would fall, with Philippe II entering the city and its cathedral to much fanfare. The fall of the city became a huge morale booster for Anglois forces, with the conquest of the ancientImperial capital demonstrating the justness of Philippe’s cause. A mass would be held in the city with the King’s attendance, a small moment of quiet for the embattled King. Philippe later promised to return to the city for his official coronation as Emperor and to rightly honour the death of his son in the process. Even some of the previously opposed nobility had begun to warm to the King’s campaigns following this success. More tight-lipped dissidents remained concerned for what lay ahead in the future.

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With the frontier along the Rhine secured, Philippe’s main force moved into Friesland in an attempt to reduce the pressure on their Dutch allies. Simultaneously, a bulk of the King’s forces were diverted south to Iberia in an attempt to alleviate pressure on Castile. Philippe’s second-cousin Alfonso VII had been forced to flee the capital of Valladolid to Navarra following its surrender to Andalusian forces and was now begging his allies for aid. Around 60,000 French reinforcements soon began the march around the Pyrenees to lift the siege of Burgos and drive back the Moors.

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Out east though the Andalusian fleet had begun to raid Anglois holdings in Sumatra, whilst the Sultan’s diplomatic wrangling had also seen Chola Lanka intervene in the conflict, with the Indian state recapturing control of an undefended Ceylon putting further pressure on the Dual Monarchy’s overseas empire.

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Yet as battles littered the fields of western Europe, other states saw this as an opportunity to further their own interests with little diplomatic blowback. The Kingdom of Scandinavia which too had fought for influence in the Holy Roman Empire had managed to use the conflict to seize control of Schleswig Holstein as well as a number of other holdings along the African coast. The Treaty of Copenhagen would also see the lands of Greenland and Vinland, controlled by the exiled Norwegian monarchy, firmly subjugated under Scandinavian influence and protection. Naturally Hakon III would be forced to relinquish his crown, settling for the more modest Grand Duke of Vinland.

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Meanwhile, with a free hand in colonial pursuits, Brittany had declared war upon Galicia in an attempt to seize a portion of the ailing empire’s overseas holdings.

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With control of the defensive frontier along the Rhine seemingly secured, French and English forces set about capturing Romandy, lands which the French crown had eagerly eyed as part of its “natural boundaries”. 80,000 troops would march to the mountains to relieve Geneva and secure a dominant position within the Alps. Meanwhile, the King’s own forces looked to conquer Alsace and extend France’s defensive perimeter to include the fortifications at Strassburg.

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But as September rolled around once more the Germanic hordes had reappeared recapturing much of northern Brabant before Philippe’s forces could even respond. With their armies destroyed and their internal stability threatened, Friesland was the first of Philippe’s allies to cave, laying down their arms and surrendering to the Grand Alliance. Moderate territorial concessions would be extracted from the Dutch. Philippe was furious when he heard the news, cursing the Dutch for their supposed cowardice.

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With Friesland having fallen, the northern frontier appeared open once more. Orders were sent to General Cameron’s forces in the south to redeploy to Reims to mount a new defence of Lotharingia. Yet it appeared those orders never reached their intended destination and the general continued his march into Jacquardian Provence to secure France’s southern frontier with Italy.

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As the Andalusian campaign raged on, French forces had managed to recapture Valladolid and mould together the remaining Castilian forces into a sizable army of just over 40,000. The march south was to continue, putting pressure on the Cordoban Sultan. Whilst out east Andalusian Borneo had fallen with the Anglois navy reasserting a measure of control in the region. The armies of the east were to be reorganised at Palambang for a new campaign to retake Ceylon.

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As 1759 approached, Philippe’s forces advanced from Romandy to Brussels, pushing back German forces in the region and reasserting their defensive positions. Yet as the battle raged in the misty winter mornings, a cavalry charge from Bremener forces managed to reach the King’s retinue unspotted. As a melee commenced, the German cavalry would be forced into retreat, but not before Philippe was unseated from his horse and wounded in the attack. The King would be rushed back to safety so that his wounds could be assessed.

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Yet the news proved grave, Philippe’s wounds were worse than feared, leaving him bedridden and incapable of leading the campaign. Forced back to Versailles, his Generals would now command the front.

However, it seemed the situation had begun to spiral, Poland; the Dual Monarchy’s primary eastern ally and the main diversion for the bulk of the Grand Coalitions forces had conceded defeat, surrendering control of Silesia to Meissen in the process. With Poland and its junior partner Brandenburg now out of the war, the entire focus of Konrad’s forces would soon be aimed squarely at Paris and the Dual Monarchy.

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And just as it seemed the news could not get any worse, on the 25th of March 1759, Philippe II of France and England passed away. It seemed the court had looked to keep the full extent of his injuries a secret so as not to impact the campaign and the realm’s stability. Yet it would not take long for word to spread from the palace in spite of the King’s advisors to keep the situation hushed.

With Philippe’s grandson and heir Herbert too young to assume personal rule, a regency would need to rule the realm; the question was who would comprise this council?

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Anglois politics continued to be divided between Philippe’s loyalist who supported the war effort and large sections of the nobility and burgher elite who had voiced their concerns at the Estates General. It seemed the court and government was about to unravel and descend into chaos.
Fortunately, it was the clergy which stepped forth to ease the tensions. They would head a new regency led by the influential Jesuit Pierre-Antoine Joubert. Advisors for the new regime would be taken from both camps; yet with the King’s death and the recent losses the balance had well and truly shifted towards peace.

King Philippe II had dragged the realm into this war for his own ambitions and it would be to the estates of the realm to end it. Initial peace feelers were sent out to Konrad’s camp. All would be rebuffed within days.
It seemed the recent victories in the east had re-energised the Holy Roman camp who were now looking to punish France and England for her hegemonic expansionism. This was now not a war for the Imperial throne, but a war for an honourable peace which could maintain the stability and integrity of the Dual Monarchy…
 
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Fool Esquire

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L'état c'était lui - et la royaume a souffert.

If the opponents are not currently willing to make peace, things will get very bad. Better try to focus down each of their allies one at a time, and maybe you can secure a white peace. Otherwise you will be subjected to the true horror of EU4: AI territorial demands.
 
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Idhrendur

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We are, of course, loyal to the king. Both the dearly departed and the new. But these events demonstrate the need for kings to listen to their trusted advisors.
 
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Chapter XXII - The War of the Grand Coalition - Part II: Le Déluge New

ibicko

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Chapter XXII - The War of the Grand Coalition - Part II: Le Déluge (1759-1763)

Though King Philippe II of France and England may have departed this world, the war he brought about raged on. The battlefields of Europe continued to be littered with the dead, freshly restocked after each engagement with distressing regularity.

At court, the new French regency, hastily arranged following the old King’s passing had managed to maintain an uneasy unity, though almost all members were now firmly on the side of peace and reconciliation, not that Kaiser Konrad was willing to allow France and England an easy way out.

On the eastern frontier, German troops began to circle the Rhineland, preparing for a new assault against the Franco-English positions in Lotharingia. Out in the Mediterranean, Anglois forces were already in retreat as the Provencal and Andalusian navy was able to send the Anglois Mediterranean fleet back to port, ending any naval support for the southern front.

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Despite this loss on sea however, the peninsula campaign continued unabated. Barcelona would be retaken in March, whilst by spring General Cornelis’ forces had captured Toledo and were marching on the Andalusian capital of Cordoba.

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By the summer of the same year Cordoba would fall, striking a hefty blow against the once mighty Andalusian Empire, the pitiful relief force sent to recapture the city would be easily dispatched by the some 50,000 men under Cornelis’ command. Peace envoys were soon sent to Andalusian officials to discuss terms, but there seemed little interest from the Moors in abandoning their coalition allies. With the peninsula campaign seemingly at an end, the General’s forces would be ordered north once more.

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And seemingly not a moment too soon as the new Holy Roman offensive began. Around 100,000 troops marched into Lotharingia, quickly recapturing the countryside whilst the Anglois armies remained hunkered down in the region’s urban centres.

Reinforcements from the south would eventually see the bulk of the first wave defeated and forced back to the Rhine, but by this point it was clear that tensions had begun to boil under the surface back home. The war had sapped the realm’s able bodied population leading to economic strains and social unrest. Riots began to break out in more remote areas of the country, the most prominent in Cestre, England. Such a distraction would need troops diverted from the front to be dealt with.

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As revolts engulfed the north-west it was then the English Parliament that proved bold enough to take a stand. Long subjugated beneath the jackboot of the monarch, the Westminster parliament had been relegated to a mere appellate court in the mid-Seventeenth century, yet now with no monarch to keep them in line, the commons had begun to reassert its ancient rights and privileges. Traditionally, no English monarch was able to raise revenues without first gaining the consent of parliament, and with the unpopular war raging on, Westminster was now refusing to collect the old King’s taxes, causing a political crisis and a significant shortfall in the crown’s revenues.

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Despite appeals from the Lords and backlash from the French Parlements, Westminster remained firm in its disobedience, only further fuelling the ongoing anti-war rioting.

As the Royal army reached Cestre to put down the ravenous rabble, further rebellions sprung up in Chardives. It seemed this instability was not going away any time soon.

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Yet it was not only England that was falling to rebellion, revolutionary rebels had risen up in Cordoba tired of the misrule of the Rafid dynasty. Their leader Muhammad Ibn Sa’d was calling for the proclamation of a revolutionary Islamic Republic, yet Caliph Hisham VI and his army 40,000 strong was soon to put a swift end to such far-fetched ambitions.

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Meanwhile on the Burgundian front, the second Holy Roman wave had crashed into Anglois forces at Fribourg. 150,000 coalition troops hit the Anglois positions in the spring of 1760. The ferocity of the German attack forced the Anglois forces at Bern to abandon their positions to aid in the defence, but more and more enemy reinforcements continued to pour in from the north. By late April the battle was lost and with it control of Upper Burgundy.

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Mere months later, Holy Roman forces led by the Franconians hit Brussels, looking to dislodge French forces from Lotharingia. Despite holding off the initial assault, Brussels would ultimately fall to the onslaught, its defenders put to the sword or captured. With the loss of the entire northern army it seemed a new strategy would be needed to defend the frontier.

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With the loss of the forward positions, peace terms began to roll in from Wurzburg, but their contents were so offensive as to not even dein a response from the regency. The Kaiser was effectively demanding an end to the Dual Monarchy and the creation of an independent England and the creation of an independent Champagne on France’s eastern frontier, terms that were completely unacceptable. The war would continue until favourable terms could be secured.

As the situation seemed increasingly dire, unity within the Anglois camp seemed to dissolve, any sense of a command structure amongst the country’s generals seemed to shatter, with each looking to take their own initiative as to what action or strategy would bring about the best hope for peace. One such figure to strike it out alone was George de Broglie, a longstanding French general who had long held an almost unwavering sense of loyalty to the old king. De Broglie’s strategy was to launch a last-ditch offensive against the Imperial capital in the hopes of holding Wurzburg and brining about a decisive end to the conflict. Slipping across the Rhine with an army 45,000 strong, the general laid siege to the city. Yet as word of his actions reverberated around the German lands, a response was not too far off.

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As the weeks passed, the Princes planned their relief effort and in late August they struck, led by Andalusian reinforcements waves of enemy forces buckled against the Anglois lines. With under 2000 losses to their ranks, General de Broglie had managed to completely destroy the advancing army.

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Yet word of more enemy troops circling led de Broglie to abandon his siege to head back west. Only 3 days later enemy reinforcements arrived, ambushing and outnumbering the General’s forces 2:1 at Aschaffenburg. Despite his battlefield heroics the Anglois army stranded east of Rhine could not hold on, its remnants retreating back to friendly territory as fast as their legs could carry them.

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The word from Iberia was just as disappointing. With the Anglois armies having withdrawn, Andalusia was making progress regaining its lost lands. Order had been restored to the capital and the revolutionaries put to the sword and Toledo was next to fall. Little now stood in the way of the Moors marching back into Catalonia and threatening the Pyrenean frontier. Worse was the news of the Castilian exit from the war. With the campaign looking increasingly fruitless and with great public pressure for peace, the Castilian King and Cortes signed a peace agreement, the terms of which were to be decided upon the Dual Monarchy’s defeat.

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Without any remaining allies and vultures circling on all sides, chaos seemed to be reigning strong across both court and army. It seemed the regency was losing control. Revolts began to break out across the province in protest of the war and the demands placed upon the populace, further exacerbated by harvest failures and a lack of manpower.

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Yet in the depths of the carnage, Regent Joubert was able to enlist the support of General Orson de la Bretonniere to restore a semblance of order to the army. With no allies and the coffers running dry, the plan was to organise a new defensive perimeter and bleed the Imperial armies as they encroached upon French territory. But new offensives would be needed to establish this frontier. 60,000 troops soon re-entered Upper Burgundy to capture Franche Comte and hold the Alpine passes.

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Meanwhile, General de Bretonniere personally led the new assault on Nancy with hopes of pushing on to to Alsace. Whilst the initial battle was won, little hope remained of reaching the Rhine before Imperial reinforcements could arrive. The fortress at Nancy would have to do.

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As 1761 rolled around, the great German offensive came, hitting Burgundy first. Alpin Cameron would be forced to retreat as South German troops crossed to Franche Comte, but reinforcements from Nancy were able to rescue the Alpine front.

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The assault through Wallonia also began in earnest, with German troops clashing against the walls of Verdun, only to be repulsed and sent packing east by the defenders. With Franconian forces having captured Brussels and pushing into Picardie, the Army of Montpellier was evacuated from Antwerp and redeployed back in French territory to stem the oncoming assault.

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The German assault on Bruges in early March also faltered, leading Konrad to order his troops south through Burgundy instead of a headfirst assault through Lotharingia and Alsace. Clearly General de Bretonniere’s strategy was paying dividends.

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And division was beginning to rise in the Imperial camp. Several parties were now willing to entertain a separate peace with Salzburg and Angria both signing peace agreements with the Anglois regency. The infighting had begun and the pressure of six years of continuous conflict was now becoming all too apparent. With little to gain territorially from the struggle, smaller and more remote princes of the empire were beginning to fall away from the wider cause and a long a gruelling campaign into the French interior would only exacerbate these issues.

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As 1762 turned to 1763 the Anglois defenders stood strong. The realm’s manpower remained sapped though had recovered somewhat but the coffers remained just as bare, the war effort propped up on various loans and IOUs. But so long as the frontier held and the outward appearance of strength remained a chance of a fair peace was there.

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And so it would come in April of 1763. Andalusia enduring civil strife of its own and far less attached to the grand struggle of the Princely German states signalled its intentions to negotiate. With their exit from the war, more French troops could be routed north, further bogging down any efforts to penetrate the realm’s defensive frontier. With little appetite for further dragging out the war and inflicting a humiliating defeat upon the French and English, Konrad made it known he was willing to negotiate a mutual settlement.

Both parties would meet at Aachen for peace talks and to decide the future of European diplomacy and politics. The Anglois delegation would endure jeers and ill-treatment throughout their stay in Aachen, gifted with cramped living quarters and limited access to servants. If there was any semblance of rapprochement between the two camps it was certainly not evident here.

The first days of the peace talks were dedicated solely to the claims to the title of Holy Roman Emperor, a title the Anglois regency was more than willing to surrender. The Franco-English diplomat Gaston de la Rochelle was definitive in his statements. The Dual Monarchy would recognise Konrad V’s accession, revoking the illegitimate claim of the late Philippe II. La Rochelle was also forced to give assurances that the Dual Monarchy would refrain from any further interventions in Holy Roman elections or internal politics "in perpetuity". As such the Anglois-friendly regime in the Archbishopric of Mainz would be quickly toppled and replaced with a more suitable candidate, with the Pope’s blessing of course.

The days that immediately followed focused on the Dual Monarchy’s allies which were each one by one treated to the gaze of the various princes and rulers of the coalition. Unlike France and England, each of Philippe’s backers had been definitively defeated, signing a conditional agreement of surrender with the grand coalition.

Friesland was the first to be put to the sword, as a prince of the Empire; Frisian treachery was looked upon with great suspicion by the allied powers who called for great concessions to be extracted to teach the rebels a lesson. Yet anti-Imperial sentiment had been on the rise for a while amongst the Frisian people given the increasingly German-centric tendencies of the later Empire. The intervention of the Franconian ambassadors did much to curb the worst excesses of the princes. Instead minor territorial concessions would be extracted with Limburg ceded to Franconia and the border regions around Munster and Dorpen ceded to Angria.

Poland was the next focus, though this section of the treaty had already largely been dealt with through negotiations within the conflict itself. Poland was to revoke its territorial claims on Silesia, with the lands ceded to the Duchy of Meissen. Yet the elephant in the room remained Brandenburg. The Polish King continued to rule as Margrave of these lands, giving him significant influence over Imperial politics. Calls for King Zygmunt I to be stripped of this title were widespread, yet once again compromise prevailed. Poland would retain Brandenburg, yet upon the death of Zygmunt, Brandenburg would be ceded to his second son Michal, whilst the first son Stanislaw would gain Poland. Various protocols were also put in place in case of a death in the family, but all seemed assured that given time, Poland and Brandenburg would divorce.

Castile would undergo minor territorial adjustments, with Andalusia regaining control over the city of Madrid, once again restricting Christian territory to the lands north of the Sistema central. Additionally, the disputed borders between the colonies of Aljanubiyah and Brasil would be redrawn, naturally favouring the former party.

With that, attention turned to the Dual Monarchy. France and England however would not take terms lying down. After all, for the most part, the Anglois Empire’s territorial integrity remained largely intact, whilst it also retained occupation of several territories in Alsace, Upper Burgundy, Wallonia and a few holdouts in Andalusia. Yet the coalition would not allow the Dual Monarchy to escape unscathed, territorial adjustment would be necessary and some recognition that Philippe II’s war had not been a victorious one, lest the same ambition come over future denizens of the Palace of Versailles.

After weeks of tense negotiations, la Rochelle agreed that the Dual Monarchy would cede its recent gains in Savoy and Geneva, sacrificing the country’s control over the western Alpine crossings. Nevertheless, this concession did provide the realm with a hand to pursue minor territorial ambitions elsewhere. The claims to Flanders had long been a sticking point though whilst there proved no prospect of regaining the entire county, minor readjustments in Artois would be acceptable, creating a much more defensible northern border with Franconia.

Meanwhile, territorial trades with Provence would see the Catalan march regain control over Tarragona, creating a more defensible southern border.

In terms of colonial possessions, the Dual Monarchy was able to largely retain the territorial integrity of its empire, mainly owing to the lack of colonial powers in the coalition. Some minor territorial trades would be made with Andalusia in Africa and the spice isles, though otherwise, the empire remained intact. The main sticking point proved to be Ceylon, the return of which was demanded by the Indian princes of Chola Lanka, only for the European powers to turn on their unappreciated eastern ally.

As for monetary reparations, these remained moderate within the final negotiations given the mutual nature of the final settlement between Franconia and the Dual Monarchy. France and England would pay minor reparations in recognition of the destruction wrought by Philippe’s claims. Nevertheless, the realm’s coffers were already buckling under the weight of the wartime expenditure and further debts would not aid the situation.

Though the Dual Monarchy may have survived the old King’s foolhardy war as one, they had left the realm far weaker than it had ever been in centuries. The following decades would be testing and the regency would need a firm hand to guide the realm towards newfound stability and prosperity…

Map of the known world, circa 1763:
eu4_map_Z00_1763_08_31_1.png
 
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J_Master

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The Holy Roman Empire seems to remain a hard hitter. Plenty of internal political divisions but influence of foreign powers is almost definitively put to a halt so now the Emperor may just look to subduing the unruly princes and create somthing resembling a modern state
 
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J_Master

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Welp, that went poorly. Neither flanders nor the Holy Roman EMperorship, and all Dual Monarchy influence in the empire has been shattered. Let us hope that before long the germans are punished, one way or another, for their terribly crass insubordination against the Dual Monarchy.
We can honestly be happy the Dual Monarchy just survived that, considering the sheer animosity it faced in Europe and the discontent in England
 
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Idhrendur

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That was horrific, but went better than I feared.
 
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