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Hell of a beating you gave the Andalusians, they still prove to be a very formidable foe despite the circumstances, especially their navy. Better start upgrading em if a rematch is gonna occur. By the way, Hungary and Georgia are looking thicc in the known world map. Seems those two are gonna be gearing up for a war on their own. I'm also surprised that Byzantium is still alive and kicking, you'd think with them being reduced to Greece proper would give Rum all they need to take the Queen of Cities already.
 
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I’m not sure @BlackBarook is going to like this. Granted they cursed the Dual Monarchy whenever it so much as breathed; but this time, now that Andalusia has directly suffered at the hands of perfidious Albion-Gaul, I’m sure the invectives they hurls will be glorious
 
I’m not sure @BlackBarook is going to like this. Granted they cursed the Dual Monarchy whenever it so much as breathed; but this time, now that Andalusia has directly suffered at the hands of perfidious Albion-Gaul, I’m sure the invectives they hurls will be glorious
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FR: A Dream of Russia
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A Dream of Russia

Russia.
For many, a far off, vast and savage land in the east. But for the Russian people themselves, their homeland now remains all but a dream…

Once the lands of Rus were one. A federation, loose albeit united under the banner of Kiev. For centuries the Rurik kings kept the peace in the east, guarding against the Tartar warlords of the steppe and the pagans of the north. Yet the thirteenth century saw this unity crumble. As civil war and religious strife devoured the old federation, with its lands divided between Terteroba, Hungary and the short-lived Pomeranian Empire.

With the onset of the early modern period, the Russian lands remained weak and divided, yet the promise of new unity remained on the horizon. The monopoly of the Islamic horse lords had been broken. The vast empire of the Terteroban princes had been broken up by dynastic feuds and petty disputes, with their lands now split between Terteroba proper and the upstart Itlarid Khanate. In the north, the Finnic and pagan princes had been forced back, whilst the Hungarians had been forced to agree to concessions in their Kievan possessions. The dream of a new union, a new Rus, was real.

By the mid-Fifteenth Century, Orthodox Russia was centred upon the Princes of Rostov, Tver, and Vladimir. Three evenly matched realms, each with designs of their own.

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The first to strike would be the Salian Princes of Vladimir. The lands of Vladimir had come under the rulership of the Germanic family in the late Fourteenth Century, and the Russian branch of the family appeared just as ambitious as their Lotharingian counterparts.

Recognising the weakened position of the steppe warlords, Vladimir forged a powerful, if temporary, alliance with the Hungarians to strike out against Terteroba and Itlarid. The Volga War as it came to be known, was a significant moment in Russian history. The power of the steppe had been broken. The horse lords no longer commanded sufficient power to pillage and exact tribute from the Russian princes. The destiny of Orthodox Russia appeared to be in its own hands for the first time in centuries.

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18th Century painting depicting Yevgeny of Vladimir riding into battle
against the Terterobans at the Battle of Tambov


With victory secured in the south, Vladimir’s attention turned north to Rostov. High on their victories against the steppe nomads, Vladimiran troops stormed into Rostov, subjugating the realm under Russia’s newest rising star. The Batbayan monarchs of Rostov were reduced to but a slither of their original territory. In recognition of Vladimir’s new rising status, Yevgeny I of Vladimir would crown himself as not a Prince, but a King. The Kingdom of Vladimir, foremost of the Russian princes was born.

Only Tver now stood between Vladimir and dominance of Orthodox Russia. Only unity would be enough to bring down the mighty Hungarian Empire and liberate the ancient capital of Kiev. In 1494 Yevgeny was on the warpath again, marching his troops into Tver. Exhaustion seemed to bother them little, as the Tveran armies fell one by one. This victory however was not as complete as that over Rostov, with Tver retaining much of its original territory. Yevgeny only needed a symbol of his dominance and a concession of his primacy in Russia. Many historians would call this brief period the Vladimiran Rus, though the unity of this new federation was incomparable with that of its medieval namesake.

Yet it was with the onset of the Sixteenth Century that this new Russian unity began to unravel. Historians of the subject are almost unanimous in believing it was a mistake for King Yevgeny not to consolidate his position before preparing for further conflict. However, the conquest-addicted King had set his eyes upon Norway and its holdings in Karelia.

The Norwegians were not in the strongest position themselves, having lost many of their territories in Britain and Normandy at the hands of the Dual Monarchy. The North Sea Empire appeared to be crumbling, providing what seemed to be a ripe opportunity for Vladimir to take back Karelia and win over those Russian princes who remained unconvinced.

The Karelian War proved to be an unmitigated disaster for Vladimir. Overextended and tired of constant fighting, Yevgeny’s armies proved incapable of defeating their adversaries. The King’s son would be killed during the siege of Arkhangelsk. The situation only worsened when the King himself declared he would lead a second campaign deep into Finland, only to be killed barely a week later at the Battle of Oshta. Yevgeny’s death proved to be the end of the Kingdom of Vladimir. Factionalism at court ripped through the realm, whilst independence revolts stripped away the Kingdom’s fringe territories.

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With the Kingdom of Vladimir collapsing from within, Tver proved able to fill the void, capturing the former Kingdom’s territories as they descended into anarchy. Yet Tver was not the only realm in the Rus to take advantage of the shifting balance of power.

The fall of Vladimir had provided the young Kingdom of Georgia an opportunity to expand its influence across the steppe unopposed. Without a balance to check against its expansion, the Georgian frontier now stretched north of the Don River, and east of the Volga, its territory having tripled in size since independence from the Byzantine Empire.

Farther north, the tribal lands of the Urals had formed a new unity centred on the lands of the Mari people in Cheremisa. This new realm utilised a system of elective succession, with rulership regularly passed amongst the tribes of northern Russia.

Hungary meanwhile had been able to consolidate its influence over Kiev, quashing attempts at rebellion and reinforcing their position as the foremost eastern European realm. Furthermore, Hungarian influence had begun to spread farther north. Under Pest’s protection, Novgorod was granted nominal independence, further strengthening the grip of the Hun on the Russian lands. It seemed Russia was once against a distant, unachievable dream.

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Hungarian forces capture Novgorod during the War of the Protestant League

The War of the Protestant League did not aid the cause of Russian unity. With Hungary siding with the Catholic powers of Europe, Tver and its allies sought to exploit the situation to their advantage by siding with the League of Schmalkalden. Uprisings in the Novgorodian puppet state seemed to indicate a change in the tide, yet as Hungarian troops pivoted east, bearing down upon Orthodox Russia, Tver found itself cut down to size to the benefit of Novgorod.

In the aftermath of the war, the situation was laid bare for all to see. Tver and the other Russian states stood little chance against the intervening foreign powers if they remained weak and divided. Only one Russian state could save her people. It was 1589 when the electors of Cheremisa gathered for one final vote. The death of their previous King Yermolay IV had left the throne vacated and the various clans of the Cheremisan Kingdom gathered to stake their claim. Yet amongst the gathered was Yuri III of Tver. No laws forbade an outsider taking the throne, only that the nobility acquiesce to their ascension.
Tensions were high amongst the electors, yet Yuri prevailed, calling for unity amongst all Orthodox Russia, or risk complete annihilation at the hands of the Hungarians and Georgians. The controversy of an outsider winning the throne caused no end of issues for the Cheremisan nobility, as pretenders rose up to proclaim themselves the true King, only to be beaten down. Tver and Cheremisa were now one and the same.

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The early years of this new union proved successful. The united forces of Tver and Cheremisa liberated the White Sea coast from Norwegian rule. New expeditions were organised to survey and settle the lands east of the Urals. A glimmer of hope began to appear in the future of Russia.

Yet, as time progressed, the fragile nature of this unity was exposed. King Yuri’s death in the early-Seventeenth Century shook the fabric of the union. Many of the Cheremisan clans sought to take back the throne from themselves, yet Yuri’s successor Mikhail I refused to partake in an election. Both realms were one, and his by divine right.

The situation only worsened as Georgia sought to exploit these new divisions, promising independence to the Cheremisan rebels. Many of the clans now await only an excuse to rise up in revolt.

It seems unity has no place in these wild lands. Only time will tell what the future has in store for Russia, and whether she will be a reality, or forever a dream…
 
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A distant dream indeed, but one that might be realized in due time, assuming Mikhail I has what it takes to make it happen.
 
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Have you switched tags or just a review of interesting areas? A settled Russian from Tver being granted power by the tribes from beyond the Urals! :confused: Thank you for the update.
This is a further reading article, so it covers events in nations other than the Dual Monarchy. I have created a few flavour decisions for several other nations that have the potential to fire based on a few circumstances. In this instance the event fired for Tver and Cheremisa, but it seemed the global event didn't work properly. I switched to Tver and manually fired it just to show it off for the article.

Cheremisa is by no means just a few tribes from beyond the Urals, they've come a long way since and are now one of the major players in the region. They're certainly more settled than their tribal origins, though their society continues to be divided along those lines. As one of the last remaining Orthodox states, and with a sizeable Russian population it is only natural they side with Tver against the encroaching Hungarians and Georgians, provided their autonomous rights continue to be respected of course...
 
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Chapter XIII - The New Century
Chapter XIII - The New Century (1601-1621)

As the Seventeenth Century dawned over the Dual Monarchy, Louis IX was surveying a map of his realm. Reminiscing about the man he had become and the realm he had built.
Of that young boy, barely 8 years of age, ushered into the position of King during the instability of the Little Winter that gripped mid-sixteenth Century France. Of a realm divided, disjointed and bruised. Coming to the throne in 1561 few had any hopes for the timid, indecisive ruler; yet forty years into his personal rule, Louis IX had become one of the most prestigious and renowned rulers in all of Europe, renowned for his cunning diplomacy and military success. His realm now once again discussed as the foremost power of Christendom, striking fear into the heart of the Moors. Yet as a new era dawned for the Dual Monarchy and as his 55th birthday approached, the Good-King Louis recognised that his work was not yet done.

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Late Sixteenth Century Portrait of Louis IX

In his son François, Louis had a capable heir and keen administrator. The succession was not an issue of concern. But Louis’ vision of a renewed Dual Monarchy for a new age would mean sewing seeds for a plan he knew he would never live to see flourish. Already Louis had brought France and England into an ever closer union, eliminating the independent bureaucratic and legal quagmires of each realm. But now it was about extending this process, to lay the foundation for a return to Archambaud’s empire of old.

For much of the remainder of his reign, Louis took residence at one of his estates in England in Sudeley. François would remain in France, laying the foundations for his inevitable personal rule, whilst Louis worked his way to endear himself further to his English subjects. The process of reintegration would take time, and it would take a lot of convincing for the nobles north of la Manche to willingly surrender their much-beloved autonomy and privileges.

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The 'Great debate' of the early Seventeenth Century dominated the agenda of the
English parliament and would ultimately define the fate of English autonomy


During his time in England, Louis oversaw the maiden voyage of the Duc d’Aquitaine, the newest flagship of the French fleet, built to bolster the navy's forces following their clashes with the Andalusians. Nevertheless, Louis’ time in England was not without issue. Emigration, particularly from the north and midlands had become a major concern for landholders who found their lands drained of talent and labourers. Many of these migrants were moving down south, but more and more were emigrating to Floride. Such was the extent of this migration that large sections of Floride colony were becoming more English than French.

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Yet the more time Louis spent in England, the more concerned the French nobility got. Was this a sign of things to come, of Kings in England? Naturally, questions began to be asked about France’s continued status within this union. Nevertheless, François was sure to put these thoughts at ease, whilst communications from the north reassured the French nobility that their concerns remained at heart. For Louis had authorised a new campaign against the Occitan states of Dauphine, Provence, and Upper Burgundy, satisfying the French nobility's demands for expansion.

As instability was gripping Occitania, Aquitanian separatists had risen up in the region. Tired of Provencal rule, the rebels were hoping to create an independent Aquitanian Kingdom. Yet, as rightful inheritors of the Crown of Aquitaine, it was only right that the Dual Monarchy enforce such demands, with Aquitaine under their rulership of course…

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French troops marched into Provence and their allies Dauphine relatively unopposed, seizing much of the countryside. No real resistance would be met until the Armée de Dijonnais marched north towards Geneva, crushing the Burgundian defenders stationed there.

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With the fall of Toulouse however, the Provencals finally got their act together, sending in their army of just over 15,000 men under the command of General Guy von Luxemburg. Despite the numerical superiority of the French troops, General Luxemburg proved able to outflank Louis’ forces in the hills of Rouergue and sent the Armée de la Marche packing. The defeat however was but a delay, as the overwhelming French numbers would soon return.

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Upper Burgundy quickly acceded to peace with the fall of Vaud. The frontier city of Lyon would become a possession of the Dual Monarchy in the process. The other states would all fall one by one, the frontier moving further south once more. The Dual Monarchy was very close to retaking the entirety of its original southern lands.

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However, as 1612 rolled around, Louis IX gasped his last breath. At 65 years of age, the old King departed this world, leaving the realm to François I, already a man of middle age. A firm hand to guide the realm into its next era, but with massive shoes to fill. Like his ancestors before him, Louis’ body was transferred from England to the basilica of Saint-Denis. Mourners lined the streets as the Good King made his final journey, whilst the Pontiff sent his personal condolences to the Dual Monarchy and her people.

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Yet the death of Louis IX was not the only major development of this new century. In Norway, the long-term instability brought about by the feuding of House Haarde was no more. The Swedish monarchy had captured the throne for themselves as ‘protectors’ until a suitable candidate could be found to fill the power vacuum.

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Across the frontier, Bohemia had lost its once firm grip on the Imperial throne. The fallout from the War of the Protestant League had been significant, and a strong Protestant contingent remained in northern Germany. With the hardline approach of the Bohemian emperors threatening to throw the Empire into chaos, the electors chose the religious moderate Heinrich of Franconia as the next Kaiser, no doubt hoping for a return to some semblance of stability.

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Further east still, the once-proud Hayyid Arabian Empire had fallen into disarray. Rebellion gripped the Levant and Hejaz. With new candidates for the title of Khalifa, it seemed the balance of power in the Islamic world was shifting.

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And in the west, Galician explorers under the command of Ferdinand Magellan had claimed to have circumnavigated the entire globe; charting a sea route from Europe, south of the New World, to the Spice Islands of the east and back around the Cape of Good Hope.

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Meanwhile, in the New World, new plans had been drawn for the development of a new colony to the north. Many had expected Norway to have widely settled the region through its Vinland colony, though financial issues and instability at home had prevented any such activity. In their absence, the Dual Monarchy would look to take advantage, establishing the settlement of Québec on the banks of the Fleuve Saint-Laurent.

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It was soon after this settlement that the Pope declared a new Papal bull known as the Sublimis Deus. As a reaction to some of the unsettling stories emanating from New Castile, the bull declared the natives of the New World to be fully rational human beings, forbidding their enslavement. This new declaration was tactfully utilised by French authorities to declare a guarantee of independence over the lands of the Muscogee Creek, west of Floride. Though propagandised as a move aimed at protecting native rights, in reality, the move was aimed at preventing further expansion by the Galician colony of Lusitania which had begun to expand throughout the basin of the Rio Sinuoso, or the Misi-Ziibi as it was known to the natives.

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But it was in 1616 that the real test of France’s new King came to the fore. Border disputes along the Rhine basin between Friesland and Lotharingia had exploded into outright warfare. With the intervention of Saxony and Holland, the Frisian War soon came to be a proxy conflict between the Protestant and Catholic states of the Empire, and now the Dual Monarchy was called in to honour its obligations to their Frisian allies.

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It was March when French troops crossed across the frontier. The border fortress of Rethel fell within three months, a testament to French advances in cannon technology and Lotharingia’s inadequate and outdated defences. Further north the Saxons were holding their own, only to eventually be pushed back by the growing Lotharingian numbers.

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By March of the following year, François’ forces had stormed across Lotharingia, surrounding the capital of Aachen by spring. If it had not been evident before, it was now all too apparent, the Dual Monarchy had returned to its prime, and the European balance of power would never be the same.

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With the capture of Aachen, Lotharingian forces staged their final stand at Nanzig. Jules de Balay proved unable to stem the tide of French forces under the command of Claude de Villeneuve.

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The resultant Treaty of Utrecht would see the boundary disputes solved in favour of Friesland who gained the important trading city of Breda in addition to the disputed territory of Altena in northern Brabant. Lotharingia was also forced to cede a number of border territories, notably releasing Alsace and Dortmund as independent states. In the aftermath of the war, suspicions were beginning to rise amongst the European powers as to the newly pre-eminent position of François’ realm. Yet by not taking any territory, the wise King was able to position himself as a moderator in European disputes, rather than a conqueror. The aspersions of the other European powers were eased, at least for the time being.

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Yet François’ rule would ultimately prove short-lived. The wise King would fall ill and perish merely 9 years after taking the throne from his father. With his own son having passed several years prior to his coronation, it fell to his grandson, Louis X, once again a minor, to take the throne.

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And if the instability of a regency was not sufficient, it seemed internal divisions had begun to rear their heads once more. The southern conquests of the past few decades had seen France’s protestant population balloon. With the gaze of religious officials firmly fixed on the ongoing inquisition in northern England, the growing influence of the Occitan Protestants had remained unchecked.

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Religious riots had begun to sweep across the south, and the influence of heretical beliefs had even begun to spread to a number of local nobles who were now eliciting sympathy for the Huguenots.
In a panic at the situation unfolding before them, the regency elected to take what would come to be seen as desperate and foolhardy measures. A new royal edict was to be introduced on behalf of the young King, aimed at protecting the rights of these growing religious minorities. The Edict of Saint-Germain, though initially aimed at promoting civil unity at the expense of religious uniformity, would ultimately come to undermine the regency and centralised royal power. The ill-advised edict, whilst passed on the basis of promoting unity and stability during an unstable regency, would be deeply abhorred by the predominantly Catholic nobility of the north whose own grievances towards an increasingly absolutist and bureaucratic state had only grown over the past few decades. Without a strong figurehead to lead the French state, the nobility had sensed their opportunity. The Edict of Saint-Germain would inevitably be cast as a rallying cry for all disaffected nobles, and it would spark the beginning of a long and slow-burning conflict between the nobility and the crown…
 
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Dark times ahead for the Dual Monarchy with that cliffhanger, this might undo everything Louis IX has been building. Only time will tell now, God save the Dual Monarchy.
 
Chapter XIV - Archambaud’s Ambition
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Chapter XIV - Archambaud’s Ambition (1621-1638)

As the Dual Monarchy descended once more into regency, instability was brewing. The confirmation of the Edict of Saint Germain, whilst not the primary cause of discontent, proved to be a rallying cry for an increasingly marginalised and disconnected section of the French nobility.
Though initially supportive of increased noble involvement in political affairs, as the reign of Louis IX progressed, the increasingly confident King proved unwilling to consult the nobles of the realm in matters domestic and foreign; trusting his own will and position as the embodiment of France. As fewer and fewer sessions of the Conseil du Roi and États généraux were called, the old noblesse d’épée of France found their influence waning. In its place was rising an increasingly absolutist crown supported by a vast and growing bureaucracy embodied by the noblesse de robe.
As the influence and wealth of the old landed elite declined, murmurs of discontent began to emerge in the provinces, quiet at first, but such voices only grew as the Good King passed on, to be replaced by a man who would never match his father’s reputation, and then an unstable regency for a child.

The new regency, headed by Cardinal Lussier, was not the most stable of regimes. The power vacuum left in the absence of a strong, absolutist monarch was plain for all to see, and in their desperate clamour for stability, granting new rights and protections to the Huguenots had in fact done more harm than good. The old elite now had their rallying cry, evidence that only they had the divine right and the skill to be the realm’s administrative officials. It was this clash between old and new nobility that brought about the Fronde.

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The Frondeurs found their political heartlands in Anjou, governed by the distant cousins of the Bourgogne monarchs. Charles Prince of Anjou was quickly appointed leader of this upstart rebellion and was soon actively positioning himself as an alternative candidate to his misguided and naturally illegitimate relative who would come to inherit the throne upon his coming of age.

The Frondeurs were quick to seize control of Anjou, gathering an army of 21,000 strong and marching out into the provinces, hoping to gather key allies for a march upon Paris. Had it not been for the quick mindedness of General Claude Villeneuve and the loyalty of the Bourgogne Dukes of Berry, relatives to the crown, the Frondes could have spelt disaster for the regency. Instead, the rebellion petered out into nothingness. This great rebellion of the old nobility swiftly became a disaster, a complete farce. The times were changing and it seems the old elite were no longer the most privileged officials in the French state. No doubt though that their struggle and grievances would continue to simmer across the coming decades. The legacy of the Fronde would long outlive the event itself…

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It was in the aftermath of the Frondes that the Dual Monarchy’s latest ruler came of age. Louis X, named for his grandfather, had taken on the teachings of Cardinal Lussier and his father Francois. France and England required a strong, absolutist monarch, an embodiment of the state and her people to succeed.

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It was soon after Louis’ official coronation at Reims that he was to receive one of the greatest gifts from his namesake. The years of groundwork and preparation had been laid for this very moment. A re-affirmation of the perpetual union which existed between France and England.
Centuries of debate, centuries of politicking had led to this. No longer could the two crowns of the Dual Monarchy remain separate, a complete reunion of both realms would ensure the realm’s global pre-eminence whilst providing considerably lucrative opportunities to the grandees of the English parliament. As the Act of Reunion passed narrowly through the English Parliament, few of its members understood the significance of their actions. The opportunities brought about by reunification were all too apparent. By utilising the combined power of both realms, the Dual Monarchy’s international status and position would be protected, providing great opportunities for the prosperity of all His Majesty’s subjects. Very few at Londres truly believed they were voting away the last vestiges of English autonomy, but in time England’s status would become clear…

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Evidently, not all of the King’s English subjects were so taken with this renewal of the bond between each realm. The northern lords in particular had long voiced their opposition to French influence, with many of the region’s rulers actively rebelling against the crown. With the passage of the Act of Reunion however, the cry of rebellion had returned. As the speaker announced the results of the pivotal vote in the House of Lords, the Dukes of Northumberland, York, and the Earl of Lonsdale turned their backs in disgust, immediately exiting the chamber. It was soon apparent that these lords would be taking up arms in protest of the recent developments.

It was 1625 when the news came through of the revolt. Three armies totalling nearly 50,000 soldiers soon took control of the north. Mercenaries, professional soldiers, and peasants made up their ranks but at its heart were the lords of the north, traitors each and every one.

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The English parliament called for reason to prevail, for the lords to lay down their arms and a peaceful solution to be found which recognised the north’s grievances. Yet soon 23,000 Royal troops were marching up from Londres on the orders of Louis X. This force would soon be bolstered by 20,000 Frenchmen shipped across la Manche. The first force engaged the smallest rebel force at Scarbourg, soon scattering the rag-tag gang of misguided fools.

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The two forces would then descend upon the northern stronghold of York where the largest of the rebel forces had gathered. The battle began on the southern side of the city’s walls on the western banks of the River Ouse. The Duke of York had hoped to hold off the main force for long enough that reinforcements could arrive from Cumbria. Yet with the arrival of Royalist reinforcements from the east, the lines would never hold. A hasty retreat was ordered back inside the gates of the city. Hundreds were slaughtered in the panic even before they could get anywhere near the walls. Louis’ French forces lined up outside the walls in anticipation of the prolonged siege, whilst the English army was sent to rout the rest of the traitors in Cumbria.

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Yet it did not take long for the city's antiquated walls to crumble against the might of modern artillery. French troops poured into York. The Battle of Euroic would see the decimation of the northern rebels, yet for those inclined to support the defeated, the Slaughter of York would live long in the memory as a rallying cry for English independence. French troops massacring soldier and civilian alike, the city’s riches looted and carried across la Manche. York Castle, so long a symbol of northern pride, shattered by cannon fire. Naturally, such stories would be brushed off as fabrication or mere propaganda, but no matter the truth in their words, the tale would prove a powerful reminder of the ‘true’ face of the Dual Monarchy in the ensuing centuries…

The last of the northern rebels would eventually be defeated at Lancaster. The fall of York had shattered the resolve of those who were left. All that remained was to suppress a small copycat uprising in Wales which sought to also free that region from Parisian control. With the failure of the northern revolt, England and France were confirmed as one and the same, both equal under one monarch. The dividing line now whether you believed those last few words...

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Yet the reunification of the Dual Monarchy was not the only major development of the early Seventeenth Century. In the east, the Sultan of Rum had finally succeeded in capturing the second Rome and stripping the city out of Byzantine control. No doubt the following centuries will see the Byzantines struggle to retake their lost crown.

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Even farther east, it seemed European trading companies were beginning to establish a presence in India, with the Breton East Indian charter securing a trading post near Bharuch. The Castilians would soon follow with a base of their own at Goa.

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In the southern New World, the Andalusians had succeeded in breaking the power of the Incas, capturing almost the entirety of the Qaf mountains, and securing their colonial presence in the region.

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With the rising European presence in Asia it was becoming increasingly clear to the crown that it had to expand its influence east. To the north, the Scottish crown remained weak and was coming increasingly under the influence of the Swedes. Their trading posts on the African coast would prove an adequate target to kick-start this process of Asiatic expansion.

By late 1631 Anglo-French troops had landed at Gabon whilst the navy set about blockading the Scottish colonies. 8,000 Scottish troops made up of Scottish officials and local mercenaries were decisively defeated at Calabar. With little more resistance to offer, the Scots were powerless to resist King Louis’ demands. The Cameroonian coast was his, and now the Dual Monarchy had a staging post to look east.

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In the aftermath of the Scottish War, Anglo-French diplomacy was once again at work. In an effort to exert greater influence on continental politics, a new alliance was signed with the newly-reborn Kingdom of Poland. It was hoped that over time Louis’ new eastern ally could be nurtured into a suitable counterbalance against Holy Roman and Hungarian influence in central Europe.

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Yet it was once again colonial affairs that sprung the Dual Monarchy to war. The Bretons had set about claiming the Chesapeake Bay for themselves, establishing the Port of Nevez Lorient. The Anglo-French crown had longstanding designs in this region and its lands had been claimed as part of the territories of Floride and Nouvelle Flandre as confirmed by Papal bull. Such interference was unacceptable and provided the necessary casus belli to intervene.

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Negotiations between the French and Breton crowns took place over the following weeks, but Vannes refused to back down, claiming the lands around the Chesapeake Bay in their entirety. Naturally, war would solve this dispute swiftly.

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As 1637 rolled around, French troops mobilised, crossing with relative ease into the undefended Breton peninsula. Yet, Brittany was no longer some push-over French vassal, her colonial wealth and Irish holdings had significantly bolstered her strength, evidenced by the 50,000 troops that met the French forces at Armor. But still, these numbers proved no match for the Armée Royale.

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On the seas however, the Anglo-French navy was not enjoying as much success. One of the main strategies of the war was to blockade Ireland in the hopes of landing troops once continental Brittany had been subdued, yet the outnumbered Breton fleet was putting up stiff resistance. Concentrated attacks and hit-and-run tactics were disrupting the ability of the Anglo-French navy to control the seas.

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Still, it did not take long for Brittany proper to fall. The peninsula was under complete French control by October. Louis’ forces soon moved east to deal with Vannes’ continental allies, few of whom put up any stern resistance. It was under these circumstances, of French troops crossing the Rhine that the election for the next Holy Roman Emperor would take place. Franconia had proved unable to maintain the fragile peace, and so now the crown returned to the Salian dynasty of Lotharingia, with Sigebert I assuming the mantle of Emperor.

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On the seas though, what initially began as an annoyance soon turned into a disaster. At the Battle of Quiberon Bay, the Anglo-French fleet battled against the Bretons, yet as the month of November wore on the outnumbered Bretons scored a massive victory against Louis’ forces. Sinking 31 ships and capturing 12 whilst only losing one of their own which proved to be a captured French ship. The flagships Duke of Aquitaine and Falmouth were sunk and captured respectively. It was a humiliation that crippled the Anglo-French fleet and sent the Admiralty into a frenzy. This had been the culmination of decades of neglect in their eyes. For far too long the army had been favoured over the navy and this was the result.

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With the Anglo-French fleet crippled, Breton forces began to close in on Floride and Quebec, leading French diplomats to scramble for a peace deal whilst Louis’ forces retained their edge. Peace would eventually be signed, in the Dual Monarchy’s favour, but the gains from the war hardly met any of the initial objectives. Chesapeake was captured, with Brittany revoking any claims to the region, whilst the islands of Xamaica, St Vincent and Dominica were transferred to Anglo-French control.

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And so the Bretons found themself defeated once more, but not without first bloodying the nose of Louis’ forces. If the Dual Monarchy was truly to become a global power far more resources and reforms were necessary to rule the seas. This line of thought proved particularly prominent in the English half of the crown which had a long-held preference for naval matters. But it was up to the crown to follow through and ensure any future investment and dedication to the navy was thorough and absolute in contrast with its previous piecemeal efforts...
 
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This war is yet another proof that the Dual Monarchy has to focus on upgrading their Naval presence now, what good are the dreams of a colonial empire if you are unable to project power in the seas? Let alone rule the waves?
 
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Chapter XV - The New Hegemon
Chapter XV - The New Hegemon (1638-1646)

As the Admiralty of the realm presented Louis with their plans for modernisation littered with drawings of new dockyards and statistics of the naval strength of rival powers, the young King’s attention began to wane. All this talk of the sea was proving a bore. Louis X’s eyes remained firmly set on the battlefield.
“My grandfather cared little for the seas, it was on the fields of Andalusia and Occitania where he made his name”, he would regularly opine much to the bemusement of his advisors.

After several hours of back and forth discussion, the King finally relented to spare some of his state’s coffers on a wooden wall, though such a concession was primarily motivated by a desire to make these quarrelsome advisors disappear rather than some new commitment to naval rearmament.

In the immediate aftermath of the talks, Louis turned to his foremost General Gauthier d’Estrées to talk of matters much more attuned to his interests. Unable to fully achieve his aims in Brittany, Louis sought conquests elsewhere to enshrine his name as the uncontested absolutist that any French monarch ought to be. War was the talk of southern Europe. It seemed the Bishop of Churrätien had gotten himself mired in a conflict against the southern German powers and their Breton allies. Such a situation could be easily exploited to the Dual Monarchy’s benefit, allowing its influence to expand to the Alps, even opening a pathway to Italy.

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This tasty morsel of an opportunity proved too much for Louis to pass up, war would soon be declared against the Bishopric, their allies unwilling to stand against the might of the Dual Monarchy. Nevertheless, the Emperor was sure to intervene to defend the frontiers of Holy Rome, only for Lotharingia themselves to soon be embroiled in another war with Austria over the fate of the Duchy of Gran following the demise of its final ruler.

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Not that the Admiralty was best pleased with the situation. The King’s continued favouritism of the army was not helping their desired reforms and the few concessions that had been offered proved insufficient. With prospects and opportunities emerging elsewhere, many of the Dual Monarchy’s most prominent shipwrights moved on to seek employment elsewhere. England was naturally the most impacted by this exodus of shipbuilding talent, with Parliament notably vociferous in its criticism, though its members were cautious not to name Louis as the cause of their departure.

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As the war began French troops took their position west of the Pyrennees hoping to take the region before Churish forces could mobilise. Meanwhile to the north French and English troops marched into Lotharingia breaking through the forts at Rethel and Brugges in record time. The Emperor proved no match for the forces of the self-proclaimed Roi Soleil.

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Yet to the south, Louis’ troops were not fairing as successfully. The army of Churrätien soon crossed into Delfinat, beating back General d'Estrées' army and marching on Forez. The opposing army then counterattacked at Auvergne, crushing the French army before reinforcements could arrive.
Fortunately, reinforcements re-routed from the north eventually beat back the Swiss, but not without considerable losses.

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With Churrätien defeated, attention once again turned to the Emperor, his lands almost completely overrun and only the Imperial seat of Aachen remaining. Louis was to personally lead the charge against the city and would be the first to march into its gates in a triumph reminiscent of the Roman Emperors of old.

In June of 1641, Louis got his wish. The gates of the city swung open and his triumph would be immortalised both in the history books and in his own commissioned artworks. The Emperor was slain and soon after Lotharingia made peace. Louis’ terms were lenient, with the frontier town of Verdun ceded to the Dual Monarchy. In the south, the army was pushing for further inroads into the Alps, but a new development soon put a stop to this. The Treaty of Lyon was swift with Forez absorbed into Louis’ realm.

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It seemed the King's attention was now fixed upon another nation, his eyes were now fixed on Provence. A diplomatic spat between Provence and Castile had severed their alliance, and now the Dual Monarchy was given a free hand to finally reclaim its remaining lost lands, pushing its border back to the Pyrenees. The ever-opportunistic Louis saw the chance to strike at Provence as so ripe that he was even willing to sacrifice further gains in Savoy at the expense of Churrätien.

The odds were not in Provence’s favour. Despite a sapping war against Lotharingia, Louis’ seemingly endless supply of troops soon poured into Toulouse and Rouergue, quickly capturing both provinces before moving to overrun the rest of the Duchy’s territories west of the Rhone.

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Yet despite the numerous victories of Louis’ armies, overseas his empire was not entirely healthy. An increasing focus on continental affairs had led to the neglect of many of the Dual Monarchy’s overseas holdings. In the Caribbean, it seemed the grip of colonial authorities had grown so weak that pirates had succeeded in capturing the Bahamas, proclaiming the creation of a free and independent Pirate Republic. Caribbean authorities vowed to recapture the islands, but with little aid coming from Paris it was certain to be a difficult task.

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Meanwhile, further east efforts to establish a colonial settlement on the island of Sumatra were underway. Led by the East India Company, this new eastern focus was aimed at closing the gap to both Castile and Galicia who had both established considerable influence in the region. Plans were soon drawn up to conquer the entire island, though not before the settlement at Bengkulu was faced with considerable setbacks caused by native revolts and limited supply from the homeland.

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Back in Europe, the Anglo-French army continued to steamroll all within its path. Its next victim was Trier, an ally to the Dukes of Provence. Needless to say, Metz would fall in a matter of months, with a swift peace following shortly thereafter.

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By 1644 all of Provence had fallen to Louis’ armies, leading the Armée de Gironne to be ordered on a march into Italy to knock the Tuscans out of the war. Meanwhile, Louis’ remaining armies set about defeating the final Provencal holdouts.

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With the destruction of Provence’s final army at Labourd, negotiations began. The war would soon be settled with the Treaty of Toulouse which would see much of the Duchy’s inland territories returned to their rightful owners in the French crown. Provence would retain control of the coastline, but all those present knew it was only a matter of time before the Dual Monarchy pressed its remaining claims.

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Yet it had become all too apparent to the states of Europe that the Dual Monarchy, particularly under the leadership of this brash and warlike Louis X, was a threat to the wider stability and peace of Christian Europe. The states of the west were soon lining up to form a united front against this new menace, lest all of Europe fall under the influence of its new hegemon…

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Map of the known world, circa 1646:
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