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I have to say that I've really enjoyed reading this so far. Keep up the great work!
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Chapter X - An Empire on the Edge
Chapter X - An Empire on the Edge (1558-1569)
Though peace once again returned to the Dual Monarchy, war remained the one thing on the regency’s mind. The threat of it, the waging of it, and how best the realm could prepare. The Hebridean campaign hadn’t exactly been taxing, but it had displayed the need for France to ensure it could quickly replenish the ranks of its vast new standing army. The spoils of war did not stay in the coffers for long, swiftly reinvested into new barracks and recruitment stations throughout the provinces.
Farther east, the situation was continuing to simmer, with the two camps of Protestants and Catholics growing in strength. Andalusia was the latest addition to the cold war, forging an alliance pact with the Protestant league. Envoys from both camps continued to arrive at the gates of Paris on a daily basis. The common folk called for decisive action against their chosen evil, be it the heretical princes and their infidel allies, or the dastardly Catholic German menace. Still, the regency would not commit. Pope Paschalis on a personal visit to court pleaded for French and English forces to join the Catholic cause, but it was to no avail.
Yet to the north, the Dual Monarchy was faced with religious divisions of its own. Thus far, Protestantism’s influence in the realm had been minimal. The Huguenots as they had come to be known were a small minority. Catholicism still held firm throughout much of the realm, with Protestant influence restricted to the fringes of the southern and western frontier, such was the crackdown on religious nonconformity. Yet, across la Manche, new heretical movements were developing. Influenced by the teachings of Jan Łaski, heretical minorities had begun to sprout in England, particularly in York and Northumbria the most ardently anti-French regions. Over time this movement grew and soon northeast England had become awash with Laskist influence. Evidently, English authorities were taking an increasing number of liberties in regard to policing religious obedience. The scale of the situation was such that key figures in the English parliament were openly denouncing Catholic abuses, praising the heretical reformers for their devotion to so-called “pure Christianity”. Southern lords were seeking to organise an inquisition with the aid of their French counterparts, yet many northern officials and Justice of the Peace were flatly refusing to cooperate. For now, the regency’s hands were tied. No action would be taken before the new monarch’s coming of age.
In the far west, French settlements were expanding. The settlement of Port au Potanou was now self-sustainable, opening the gateway to the northern mainland. Word of the flowing rivers of gold and vast open plains soon fed back to Paris, and a rush to colonise the surrounding region began. The seeds of the Floride colony had been sown.
It was the summer of 1561 when Louis IX finally came of age, a bright young man lacking in worldly experience. The instability of his father’s rule and his untimely death had led young Louis to be coddled by his mother, ushered away from the uncertainty and instability at court, leaving Bosquet to the task of navigating the instability. This upbringing may have spared Louis from would-be assassins or pretenders, but it hadn’t exactly endeared within him the virtues of a true absolutist monarch. The man was indecisive, absent-minded, and over-reliant on his courtiers and advisors. Though his mother would attempt to instil within him the manners of the grandfather, patron of the French absolutist tradition, the young man remained firmly within his shell.
It was then perhaps no surprise that once Bosquet stepped aside for the second time that the pretenders stepped forth once more. Jules Galard, a distant Bourgogne relative, had been unleashed from his refuge in Guyenne and had begun gathering support for his claim in the south. Fortunately, the Conseil du Roi unanimously advised the King to swiftly crush the upstart before he could gain any traction. With the Royal Army sent in, Galard stood no chance and was soon executed for his crimes of treason.
Yet, Galard’s feeble attempt to gain the throne had opened a new opportunity for France to assert its influence southwards. Guyenne had long proved to be a haven for the pretender, a matter that could not go unpunished. Though Louis remained somewhat averse to engaging in armed conflict, the advice of his courtiers assured him that any engagement with Guyenne would be a truly one-sided affair. And so it was that in January of 1562 Louis IX declared his first war against the Guyennese.
As French troops marched south, however, word was arriving from further north. It seemed the Bretons had finally seen fit to reveal their true allegiance, backing the Guyennese and dishonouring their centuries-old alliance with the French crown. Such insolence could not go unpunished. Brittany would have to be put in her rightful place. But with French troops tied down at Bordeaux, it was the navy’s job to deal with the traitorous Bretons.
Both navies met at Quiberon Bay, but it seemed Louis’ forces were woefully unprepared for the might of the Breton fleet. Admiral Salomon de Rohan commanded a fleet twice the size of the French and so it was perhaps no surprise that a retreat was ordered merely 20 days after the fleet first left port. The Bretons would rule the waves…for now.
On land, Bordeaux would fall relatively quickly with the Guyennese army and their allies retreating to the defensible highlands of Auvergne. What Breton troops that could be mustered were quickly dispatched at Haut-Poitou leaving their peninsula unguarded and defenceless to the French onslaught.
Yet, Brittany’s allies were not about to stand idly by, pouncing upon French troops at Bourbonnais and outnumbering Louis’ forces. The battle raged through the October winds, both sides trading blow for blow. The enemy general Frédéric de Foix was unwilling to be drawn into a decisive engagement, favouring hit and run tactics to whittle away at the less numerous French forces. His plan may have succeeded, if not for the strategic genius of the French commander, Augustin de Rochmaure, son to the disgraced general who had led that disastrous campaign to lift the siege of Paris. Augustin’s actions that day did much to repatriate his family’s name. Using his cavalry to draw a sizable portion of the enemy army across the Allier river, Augustin pounced with pikemen he had deployed in the nearby forests. Unable to effectively retreat, Frédéric’s forces were slaughtered, allowing French infantry to quash the remainder with relative ease. With victory at Bourbonnais, the battle on land was all but won.
At sea the English navy had finally made its presence known in the Bay of Biscay, engaging both the Breton and Guyennese fleet. With French reinforcements, Salomon de Rohan’s brief rule of the seas was finally ended. With a blockade of the coasts now in place, French forces were able to capitalise, capturing the Breton capital of Vannes in the summer of 1563.
With the fall of Vannes and the destruction of their much-prized fleet, Brittany finally recognised the war was lost, agreeing to a large sum of war reparations and tearing up their alliance treaty with Guyenne. And with the Franco-Breton alliance at an end, the rulers of Brittany would soon have to come to terms with the precarious nature of their continued independence.
Yet the Guyennese still refused to make peace. Their final ally Tuscany had not yet played a role in the conflict, but with aid from what remained of Guyenne's forces, they were now making a desperate play to retake Bordeaux. Little did they know that nearly 40,000 French troops would soon descend upon them.
With rebellions engulfing their homelands, and English forces marching across the Po valley, perhaps the Tuscans should have been paying more attention to their struggles at home, than to a conflict across the Alps they had no reason to interfere in.
With the remaining forces thoroughly crushed, peace was finally declared. France would regain its rightful territories in Auvergne, Limousin, Quercy, and Périgord. Guyenne would retain its independence…for now, but soon the French kings would be eyeing even that up.
However, the war against Guyenne had ramifications elsewhere. Expansion into Occitania had not exactly endeared Louis IX to his Upper Burgundian allies who appeared to have designs of their own on the region. With the Burgundians breaking their alliance commitments, the French administration quickly moved to establish ties to Friesland. Their naval power could prove useful, whilst militarily they would provide a new front for any future conflict against Lotharingia. Yet, the question remained as to whether this was merely a movement of alliances or a wholesale diplomatic realignment.
The Saxons, leaders of the Protestant league were still pushing for an alliance and an increasing number within the Conseil du Roi were considering the proposition. Louis himself was more risk-averse. The strength of the Protestant league paled against their Catholic counterparts. Any conflict would surely be one-sided?
Yet word soon filtered through from Rome. Pope Paschalis had passed on, Provence was now the Curia controller. Throwing in with the Protestants was no longer politically unthinkable.
Yet Louis remained unconvinced. The pressure continued to mount. It seemed the empire to the east was spiralling closer and closer to religious warfare. The only question was, would the Dual Monarchy be involved, and if so, on whose side?
Map of the known world circa 1569:
The Estates-General of 1569
Welcome to the interactive portion of this AAR.
It is here where you the reader will have the power to influence the direction of this campaign as well as the very fate of the Dual Monarchy of France and England.
With the Holy Roman Empire and wider Christendom on the brink of religious warfare, pressure is mounting on the Franco-English monarchy to join one of the emerging factions. Envoys from both factions are pressuring us to commit, yet Louis IX and the wider nobility are cautious of what such a declaration could bring. Joining the Protestants could provide a chance to strike against the Catholic prices, weakening the empire. But it would undoubtedly destroy France and England’s influence over the Pontificate. Furthermore, the current strength of the Protestants is no match for the growing Catholic league. As for joining the Catholic cause, it would do much to improve ties abroad, as well as Papal influence, but would likely only play into the hands of France’s rivals in Bohemia and Lotharingia. Yet, a growing number at court are now actively advising indecision. With Europe at odds with itself, remaining neutral could provide a unique opportunity to exploit the situation to our advantage. With our manpower reserves untapped, the Dual Monarchy could secure gains on its frontier with relative ease depending on the course of the impending religious war. This could also provide Louis IX with a free hand in the New World...
The decision lies with you…
OPTION A: Join the Protestant league
The Dual Monarchy will join the Schmalkaldic League as an attempt to weaken the unity of the Empire and the status of Bohemia and Lotharingia
OPTION B: Join the Catholic league
The Dual Monarchy will join the Catholic League, remaining true to the Catholic cause, gaining favour with their religious brethren and the Pontiff
OPTION C: Remain neutral
The Dual Monarchy will remain neutral in this ostensibly Germanic conflict, looking to take advantage of the situation as it develops and focus on overseas expansion
To cast your vote, simply indicate which option you are voting for, please include the letter so it is easier for me to identify! Voting will last exactly 1 week, after which the results will be tallied and announced. In case of a tie, I will cast the deciding vote. Please note this is not a place for debate, though you may give reasoning as to why you selected your option.
Voting will close on Saturday 18th December.
The fate of the Dual Monarchy is in your hands…
Though peace once again returned to the Dual Monarchy, war remained the one thing on the regency’s mind. The threat of it, the waging of it, and how best the realm could prepare. The Hebridean campaign hadn’t exactly been taxing, but it had displayed the need for France to ensure it could quickly replenish the ranks of its vast new standing army. The spoils of war did not stay in the coffers for long, swiftly reinvested into new barracks and recruitment stations throughout the provinces.
Farther east, the situation was continuing to simmer, with the two camps of Protestants and Catholics growing in strength. Andalusia was the latest addition to the cold war, forging an alliance pact with the Protestant league. Envoys from both camps continued to arrive at the gates of Paris on a daily basis. The common folk called for decisive action against their chosen evil, be it the heretical princes and their infidel allies, or the dastardly Catholic German menace. Still, the regency would not commit. Pope Paschalis on a personal visit to court pleaded for French and English forces to join the Catholic cause, but it was to no avail.
Yet to the north, the Dual Monarchy was faced with religious divisions of its own. Thus far, Protestantism’s influence in the realm had been minimal. The Huguenots as they had come to be known were a small minority. Catholicism still held firm throughout much of the realm, with Protestant influence restricted to the fringes of the southern and western frontier, such was the crackdown on religious nonconformity. Yet, across la Manche, new heretical movements were developing. Influenced by the teachings of Jan Łaski, heretical minorities had begun to sprout in England, particularly in York and Northumbria the most ardently anti-French regions. Over time this movement grew and soon northeast England had become awash with Laskist influence. Evidently, English authorities were taking an increasing number of liberties in regard to policing religious obedience. The scale of the situation was such that key figures in the English parliament were openly denouncing Catholic abuses, praising the heretical reformers for their devotion to so-called “pure Christianity”. Southern lords were seeking to organise an inquisition with the aid of their French counterparts, yet many northern officials and Justice of the Peace were flatly refusing to cooperate. For now, the regency’s hands were tied. No action would be taken before the new monarch’s coming of age.
In the far west, French settlements were expanding. The settlement of Port au Potanou was now self-sustainable, opening the gateway to the northern mainland. Word of the flowing rivers of gold and vast open plains soon fed back to Paris, and a rush to colonise the surrounding region began. The seeds of the Floride colony had been sown.
It was the summer of 1561 when Louis IX finally came of age, a bright young man lacking in worldly experience. The instability of his father’s rule and his untimely death had led young Louis to be coddled by his mother, ushered away from the uncertainty and instability at court, leaving Bosquet to the task of navigating the instability. This upbringing may have spared Louis from would-be assassins or pretenders, but it hadn’t exactly endeared within him the virtues of a true absolutist monarch. The man was indecisive, absent-minded, and over-reliant on his courtiers and advisors. Though his mother would attempt to instil within him the manners of the grandfather, patron of the French absolutist tradition, the young man remained firmly within his shell.
It was then perhaps no surprise that once Bosquet stepped aside for the second time that the pretenders stepped forth once more. Jules Galard, a distant Bourgogne relative, had been unleashed from his refuge in Guyenne and had begun gathering support for his claim in the south. Fortunately, the Conseil du Roi unanimously advised the King to swiftly crush the upstart before he could gain any traction. With the Royal Army sent in, Galard stood no chance and was soon executed for his crimes of treason.
Yet, Galard’s feeble attempt to gain the throne had opened a new opportunity for France to assert its influence southwards. Guyenne had long proved to be a haven for the pretender, a matter that could not go unpunished. Though Louis remained somewhat averse to engaging in armed conflict, the advice of his courtiers assured him that any engagement with Guyenne would be a truly one-sided affair. And so it was that in January of 1562 Louis IX declared his first war against the Guyennese.
As French troops marched south, however, word was arriving from further north. It seemed the Bretons had finally seen fit to reveal their true allegiance, backing the Guyennese and dishonouring their centuries-old alliance with the French crown. Such insolence could not go unpunished. Brittany would have to be put in her rightful place. But with French troops tied down at Bordeaux, it was the navy’s job to deal with the traitorous Bretons.
Both navies met at Quiberon Bay, but it seemed Louis’ forces were woefully unprepared for the might of the Breton fleet. Admiral Salomon de Rohan commanded a fleet twice the size of the French and so it was perhaps no surprise that a retreat was ordered merely 20 days after the fleet first left port. The Bretons would rule the waves…for now.
On land, Bordeaux would fall relatively quickly with the Guyennese army and their allies retreating to the defensible highlands of Auvergne. What Breton troops that could be mustered were quickly dispatched at Haut-Poitou leaving their peninsula unguarded and defenceless to the French onslaught.
Yet, Brittany’s allies were not about to stand idly by, pouncing upon French troops at Bourbonnais and outnumbering Louis’ forces. The battle raged through the October winds, both sides trading blow for blow. The enemy general Frédéric de Foix was unwilling to be drawn into a decisive engagement, favouring hit and run tactics to whittle away at the less numerous French forces. His plan may have succeeded, if not for the strategic genius of the French commander, Augustin de Rochmaure, son to the disgraced general who had led that disastrous campaign to lift the siege of Paris. Augustin’s actions that day did much to repatriate his family’s name. Using his cavalry to draw a sizable portion of the enemy army across the Allier river, Augustin pounced with pikemen he had deployed in the nearby forests. Unable to effectively retreat, Frédéric’s forces were slaughtered, allowing French infantry to quash the remainder with relative ease. With victory at Bourbonnais, the battle on land was all but won.
At sea the English navy had finally made its presence known in the Bay of Biscay, engaging both the Breton and Guyennese fleet. With French reinforcements, Salomon de Rohan’s brief rule of the seas was finally ended. With a blockade of the coasts now in place, French forces were able to capitalise, capturing the Breton capital of Vannes in the summer of 1563.
With the fall of Vannes and the destruction of their much-prized fleet, Brittany finally recognised the war was lost, agreeing to a large sum of war reparations and tearing up their alliance treaty with Guyenne. And with the Franco-Breton alliance at an end, the rulers of Brittany would soon have to come to terms with the precarious nature of their continued independence.
Yet the Guyennese still refused to make peace. Their final ally Tuscany had not yet played a role in the conflict, but with aid from what remained of Guyenne's forces, they were now making a desperate play to retake Bordeaux. Little did they know that nearly 40,000 French troops would soon descend upon them.
With rebellions engulfing their homelands, and English forces marching across the Po valley, perhaps the Tuscans should have been paying more attention to their struggles at home, than to a conflict across the Alps they had no reason to interfere in.
With the remaining forces thoroughly crushed, peace was finally declared. France would regain its rightful territories in Auvergne, Limousin, Quercy, and Périgord. Guyenne would retain its independence…for now, but soon the French kings would be eyeing even that up.
However, the war against Guyenne had ramifications elsewhere. Expansion into Occitania had not exactly endeared Louis IX to his Upper Burgundian allies who appeared to have designs of their own on the region. With the Burgundians breaking their alliance commitments, the French administration quickly moved to establish ties to Friesland. Their naval power could prove useful, whilst militarily they would provide a new front for any future conflict against Lotharingia. Yet, the question remained as to whether this was merely a movement of alliances or a wholesale diplomatic realignment.
The Saxons, leaders of the Protestant league were still pushing for an alliance and an increasing number within the Conseil du Roi were considering the proposition. Louis himself was more risk-averse. The strength of the Protestant league paled against their Catholic counterparts. Any conflict would surely be one-sided?
Yet word soon filtered through from Rome. Pope Paschalis had passed on, Provence was now the Curia controller. Throwing in with the Protestants was no longer politically unthinkable.
Yet Louis remained unconvinced. The pressure continued to mount. It seemed the empire to the east was spiralling closer and closer to religious warfare. The only question was, would the Dual Monarchy be involved, and if so, on whose side?
Map of the known world circa 1569:
The Estates-General of 1569
Welcome to the interactive portion of this AAR.
It is here where you the reader will have the power to influence the direction of this campaign as well as the very fate of the Dual Monarchy of France and England.
With the Holy Roman Empire and wider Christendom on the brink of religious warfare, pressure is mounting on the Franco-English monarchy to join one of the emerging factions. Envoys from both factions are pressuring us to commit, yet Louis IX and the wider nobility are cautious of what such a declaration could bring. Joining the Protestants could provide a chance to strike against the Catholic prices, weakening the empire. But it would undoubtedly destroy France and England’s influence over the Pontificate. Furthermore, the current strength of the Protestants is no match for the growing Catholic league. As for joining the Catholic cause, it would do much to improve ties abroad, as well as Papal influence, but would likely only play into the hands of France’s rivals in Bohemia and Lotharingia. Yet, a growing number at court are now actively advising indecision. With Europe at odds with itself, remaining neutral could provide a unique opportunity to exploit the situation to our advantage. With our manpower reserves untapped, the Dual Monarchy could secure gains on its frontier with relative ease depending on the course of the impending religious war. This could also provide Louis IX with a free hand in the New World...
The decision lies with you…
OPTION A: Join the Protestant league
The Dual Monarchy will join the Schmalkaldic League as an attempt to weaken the unity of the Empire and the status of Bohemia and Lotharingia
OPTION B: Join the Catholic league
The Dual Monarchy will join the Catholic League, remaining true to the Catholic cause, gaining favour with their religious brethren and the Pontiff
OPTION C: Remain neutral
The Dual Monarchy will remain neutral in this ostensibly Germanic conflict, looking to take advantage of the situation as it develops and focus on overseas expansion
To cast your vote, simply indicate which option you are voting for, please include the letter so it is easier for me to identify! Voting will last exactly 1 week, after which the results will be tallied and announced. In case of a tie, I will cast the deciding vote. Please note this is not a place for debate, though you may give reasoning as to why you selected your option.
Voting will close on Saturday 18th December.
The fate of the Dual Monarchy is in your hands…
Last edited:
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I vote for option A in the hopes that French forces won't be enough thus weakening France and ending its colonial efforts long enough for Andalusia to strike at the belly of the French beast.
Death to France and may Andalusia burn Paris to the ground!
Death to France and may Andalusia burn Paris to the ground!
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Thank you for the update. Good Job putting a smackdown on the French servants (Guyenne and Brittany).
I vote C! The hardest thing to do remain at peace while war wages around you, but the only winner of the League Wars are those who do not join.
I vote C! The hardest thing to do remain at peace while war wages around you, but the only winner of the League Wars are those who do not join.
The best course of action would be C, retain independence and thus the ability to independently intervene should such a chance present itself
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I would suggest option C. Sure whichever side wins might be cross at your non-intervention, but they will hopefully be to weak from the war to be much of an immediate bother to you.
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Why waste the blood of Angevin lives on a conflict which is overwhelmingly focused among the Germans?
Voting for C, the Empire needs to remain strong and healthy if it is needed to reclaim her lost territories and prestige.
Voting for C, the Empire needs to remain strong and healthy if it is needed to reclaim her lost territories and prestige.
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I think it'd be smartest for France to wait this one out, so I'm voting C.
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B How can a Catholic state allow heretics to accumulate on its borders? a heretical gain will eventually be a danger to the empire, we have to calm the waters with our military force. By the way, we can expel Andalusia from southern Gaul.
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The deadline for voting is now closed!
The session of the Estates-General saw a variety of views expressed by the nobility, echoing the division both at home and abroad.
However, it seems King Louis' subjects share his caution in regard to intervention in the brewing religious conflict. At 1-1-5, it seems the nobility has backed Franco-English neutrality. By sparing resources, perhaps the Dual Monarchy could look to take advantage of the situation whilst the rest of Europe is at each other's throats...
The support of the nobility for neutrality has given King Louis confidence that his views are in tune with his subjects. Perhaps this may play a role in shaping the young ruler's future outlook...
The session of the Estates-General saw a variety of views expressed by the nobility, echoing the division both at home and abroad.
However, it seems King Louis' subjects share his caution in regard to intervention in the brewing religious conflict. At 1-1-5, it seems the nobility has backed Franco-English neutrality. By sparing resources, perhaps the Dual Monarchy could look to take advantage of the situation whilst the rest of Europe is at each other's throats...
The support of the nobility for neutrality has given King Louis confidence that his views are in tune with his subjects. Perhaps this may play a role in shaping the young ruler's future outlook...
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Chapter XI - Louis the Wise
Chapter XI - Louis the Wise (1569-1589)
As the session of the Estates-General came to a close King Louis let out a slight sigh of relief. But this was less to do with the fact France and England would be spared foreign intervention, and more related to his own self-confidence. For Louis had always preferred caution; his early aversion to intervention in Guyenne was a testament to this. He was but a young man, now a King who had barely even known his father before his passing, whose only guiding lights had been his mother and the Regent Bosquet. It had been too much for him at first. How was he to rule in the manner of his ancestors? But, now that was changing. His confidence, that his own views were the best for his subjects, had begun to grow. Perhaps he could fill the shoes of his ancestors after all?
With the matter of the religious wars dealt with, the court’s attention turned to the New World and the French holdings therein. New World fever had seemingly gripped Anglo-French society, and this land of endless possibilities was attracting evermore would-be pioneers to settle and explore its wild frontiers. As such a new exploratory mission was organised under the command of Nicolas de Chambly to explore and chart the lands north of Floride colony in hopes of finding El Dorado.
After a two year trek throughout the north, Chambly returned with news that he had made contact with several previously uncontacted tribes, notably the Creek and Cherokee. The Potano had always spoken of powerful tribes to the north and it is likely these two they were referring to. Chambly exchanged pleasantries and gifts with the leaders of both the Creek and Cherokee, but it was perhaps no surprise both were wary of his presence. Upon his return, Chambly announced his intentions to organise a new expedition even farther north, with his aim to march from Floride in the south all the way north to the Norwegian colony of Vinland.
Unfortunately, Chambly would never complete his journey. Stories from his band of followers suggest that his trek led him to the land of the Iroquois tribe whereupon he was led to a great waterfall of such unworldly beauty that he died right on the spot! With Chambly’s death, his second in command Firmin de Crussol took the lead of the northern expedition. In the aftermath of the events, new trading links were established with the tribes of the north, leading many at court to consider designs on an entirely new northern colony.
With demand for new settlements rising every day, colonial authorities were forced to re-evaluate their priorities. Previously, establishing trading links to the natives such as the Potano had been prioritised, yet with ever more settlers looking to move to the New World, demand for land was increasing. Authorities soon found themselves encroaching more and more upon native land. With such considerable expansion taking place in France's overseas holdings a new autonomous administration was created over the Floride colony to aid in its governance. Yet, the new bureaucracy soon found itself embroiled in financial mismanagement and incapable of funding the construction of new colonies without the financial backing of the crown.
It was 1576 when word reached Louis that Europe was ablaze with war, Protestants and Catholics at each other's throats. If not for his wise leadership and the word of his nobility, French and English blood would undoubtedly now be running through the streets. Preachers in the towns and cities may continue to condemn his inaction in this holy crusade, but the peasantry was sure to be grateful not to be sent off east to fight in some Germanic conflict.
Yet, whilst Europe was engulfed in religious warfare, Louis’ attention had now turned to a region largely dismissed by his predecessors. England. Past rulers of the Dual Monarchy, at least since Herbert’s rule had looked to maintain English autonomy to its fullest extent, with their time on the British isles limited to infrequent attendances at the Parliament in Londres. But this new King was now looking north with ever more attention. A grand tour was organised for Louis IX to visit all lands of the English crown, touring the various local courts and feasting with their lords.
Yet Louis was no Anglophile. Though many saw this as an attempt by the monarch to curry favour in a largely neglected region, the King had designs and ambitions of his own for the land north of la Manche. Too long had France and England stood separate. The diverse administrations of each had become burdensome to the Dual Monarchy’s overall power, its ability to wage war, its revenue collection. The time had come to bring each realm closer. Louis stressed that this was not some wholesale stripping of English rights. In his maiden speech at Parliament, the King lingered on the point of his admiration for the English spirit and identity. England would retain her rights. This was merely an attempt to better align her bureaucracy with her sister to the south. The speech raised more than a few eyebrows from the northern lords.
The Act of Alignment as it would come to be known was narrowly voted through Parliament. Strong opposition was heard from the northern lords, though Louis’ tour had done wonders to tie the southern nobility to his cause. Revenue collection was to be standardised, with the imposition of the Taille on England, the creation of new fiscal administrative regions; as well as standardisation of legal codes between France and England. Many in the north and even some southerners believed such reforms went too far, that this was an attempt to revive the Dual Monarchy of old. Yet, Louis’ patronage of his favoured nobles and his new personal ties had shifted the balance. Surely, this time it was different. Louis had the best interests of England at heart. Only time would tell if they were right...
Back in continental affairs, the ongoing league war had provided a new opportunity for French expansion. Guyenne had willingly intervened as part of the Schmalkaldic League, only to be resoundingly defeated by Provence. With few willing allies to speak of, Louis was given a free hand in the south.
The remaining Guyennese armies were routed at the Battle of Angoumois with Bordeaux occupied soon after. Rhegion, the only ally to answer the call, was quickly dispatched by a detachment of 15,000 French troops who had made their way into the Italian peninsula. By 1583 Guyenne had completely surrendered. Their independence was no more, and the city of Bordeaux was once again in French hands.
Not long after Bordeaux’s conquest word reached Paris of Imperial victory out east. The Catholic emperor had resoundingly defeated the Protestant rebels. Emperor Sigismund led a personal triumph through Berlin, proclaiming his victory. Though Prague had won the war, the peace would be harder won. Protestant princes remained numerous and few were happy with their new reality.
With the Holy Roman Empire once more at peace and Lotharingia and Bohemia looking to extend their influence, Louis ordered the construction of new fortifications along France’s borders to protect against any potential invasion.
Yet it was an invasion of another kind that the Dual Monarchy was currently experiencing as Protestant and Reformist heretics fleeing the conflict and persecution of German authorities had made their way to northern England and even to the New World. Northern England was quickly becoming a haven for these religious nonconformists. Events came to a head with iconoclast riots in York and Derby. With local authorities unwilling to intervene something had to be done. It was perhaps unexpected that it came to this but after numerous deliberations in Parliament, it was decided that an inquisition would be formed to drive out the heretics. Formed predominantly from French and southern English clergymen, the English Inquisition would look to identify heretics in northern England and either force convert them back to Catholic orthodoxy or expel them from the realm. Numerous heretics would soon depart for the New World in an attempt to escape persecution.
Elsewhere in foreign affairs, the perpetually unstable Kingdom of Norway found itself in civil war once more. Magnus III, unable to maintain order and having alienated much of the nobility was faced with a challenge to his rule by his own son Haraldr Magnusson who had styled himself as a champion of the nobility. With no end in sight for the civil war, and much of Finland occupied by Kargopol and the Russian princes, the Norwegian nobility elected to invite the King of Sweden to oversee deliberations and to return some semblance of stability. Yet soon the Swedish royalty was eyeing the Norwegian throne for themselves.
Even farther east, word reached Paris that French merchants had reached the land of Nippon. Accurate charts of the eastern seas were soon adorning the French court, opening the possibility for eastern mercantile or territorial expansion. Yet for France to truly exploit this knowledge her navy would need significant new investment and aggrandisement.
As the session of the Estates-General came to a close King Louis let out a slight sigh of relief. But this was less to do with the fact France and England would be spared foreign intervention, and more related to his own self-confidence. For Louis had always preferred caution; his early aversion to intervention in Guyenne was a testament to this. He was but a young man, now a King who had barely even known his father before his passing, whose only guiding lights had been his mother and the Regent Bosquet. It had been too much for him at first. How was he to rule in the manner of his ancestors? But, now that was changing. His confidence, that his own views were the best for his subjects, had begun to grow. Perhaps he could fill the shoes of his ancestors after all?
With the matter of the religious wars dealt with, the court’s attention turned to the New World and the French holdings therein. New World fever had seemingly gripped Anglo-French society, and this land of endless possibilities was attracting evermore would-be pioneers to settle and explore its wild frontiers. As such a new exploratory mission was organised under the command of Nicolas de Chambly to explore and chart the lands north of Floride colony in hopes of finding El Dorado.
After a two year trek throughout the north, Chambly returned with news that he had made contact with several previously uncontacted tribes, notably the Creek and Cherokee. The Potano had always spoken of powerful tribes to the north and it is likely these two they were referring to. Chambly exchanged pleasantries and gifts with the leaders of both the Creek and Cherokee, but it was perhaps no surprise both were wary of his presence. Upon his return, Chambly announced his intentions to organise a new expedition even farther north, with his aim to march from Floride in the south all the way north to the Norwegian colony of Vinland.
Unfortunately, Chambly would never complete his journey. Stories from his band of followers suggest that his trek led him to the land of the Iroquois tribe whereupon he was led to a great waterfall of such unworldly beauty that he died right on the spot! With Chambly’s death, his second in command Firmin de Crussol took the lead of the northern expedition. In the aftermath of the events, new trading links were established with the tribes of the north, leading many at court to consider designs on an entirely new northern colony.
With demand for new settlements rising every day, colonial authorities were forced to re-evaluate their priorities. Previously, establishing trading links to the natives such as the Potano had been prioritised, yet with ever more settlers looking to move to the New World, demand for land was increasing. Authorities soon found themselves encroaching more and more upon native land. With such considerable expansion taking place in France's overseas holdings a new autonomous administration was created over the Floride colony to aid in its governance. Yet, the new bureaucracy soon found itself embroiled in financial mismanagement and incapable of funding the construction of new colonies without the financial backing of the crown.
It was 1576 when word reached Louis that Europe was ablaze with war, Protestants and Catholics at each other's throats. If not for his wise leadership and the word of his nobility, French and English blood would undoubtedly now be running through the streets. Preachers in the towns and cities may continue to condemn his inaction in this holy crusade, but the peasantry was sure to be grateful not to be sent off east to fight in some Germanic conflict.
Yet, whilst Europe was engulfed in religious warfare, Louis’ attention had now turned to a region largely dismissed by his predecessors. England. Past rulers of the Dual Monarchy, at least since Herbert’s rule had looked to maintain English autonomy to its fullest extent, with their time on the British isles limited to infrequent attendances at the Parliament in Londres. But this new King was now looking north with ever more attention. A grand tour was organised for Louis IX to visit all lands of the English crown, touring the various local courts and feasting with their lords.
Yet Louis was no Anglophile. Though many saw this as an attempt by the monarch to curry favour in a largely neglected region, the King had designs and ambitions of his own for the land north of la Manche. Too long had France and England stood separate. The diverse administrations of each had become burdensome to the Dual Monarchy’s overall power, its ability to wage war, its revenue collection. The time had come to bring each realm closer. Louis stressed that this was not some wholesale stripping of English rights. In his maiden speech at Parliament, the King lingered on the point of his admiration for the English spirit and identity. England would retain her rights. This was merely an attempt to better align her bureaucracy with her sister to the south. The speech raised more than a few eyebrows from the northern lords.
The Act of Alignment as it would come to be known was narrowly voted through Parliament. Strong opposition was heard from the northern lords, though Louis’ tour had done wonders to tie the southern nobility to his cause. Revenue collection was to be standardised, with the imposition of the Taille on England, the creation of new fiscal administrative regions; as well as standardisation of legal codes between France and England. Many in the north and even some southerners believed such reforms went too far, that this was an attempt to revive the Dual Monarchy of old. Yet, Louis’ patronage of his favoured nobles and his new personal ties had shifted the balance. Surely, this time it was different. Louis had the best interests of England at heart. Only time would tell if they were right...
Back in continental affairs, the ongoing league war had provided a new opportunity for French expansion. Guyenne had willingly intervened as part of the Schmalkaldic League, only to be resoundingly defeated by Provence. With few willing allies to speak of, Louis was given a free hand in the south.
The remaining Guyennese armies were routed at the Battle of Angoumois with Bordeaux occupied soon after. Rhegion, the only ally to answer the call, was quickly dispatched by a detachment of 15,000 French troops who had made their way into the Italian peninsula. By 1583 Guyenne had completely surrendered. Their independence was no more, and the city of Bordeaux was once again in French hands.
Not long after Bordeaux’s conquest word reached Paris of Imperial victory out east. The Catholic emperor had resoundingly defeated the Protestant rebels. Emperor Sigismund led a personal triumph through Berlin, proclaiming his victory. Though Prague had won the war, the peace would be harder won. Protestant princes remained numerous and few were happy with their new reality.
With the Holy Roman Empire once more at peace and Lotharingia and Bohemia looking to extend their influence, Louis ordered the construction of new fortifications along France’s borders to protect against any potential invasion.
Yet it was an invasion of another kind that the Dual Monarchy was currently experiencing as Protestant and Reformist heretics fleeing the conflict and persecution of German authorities had made their way to northern England and even to the New World. Northern England was quickly becoming a haven for these religious nonconformists. Events came to a head with iconoclast riots in York and Derby. With local authorities unwilling to intervene something had to be done. It was perhaps unexpected that it came to this but after numerous deliberations in Parliament, it was decided that an inquisition would be formed to drive out the heretics. Formed predominantly from French and southern English clergymen, the English Inquisition would look to identify heretics in northern England and either force convert them back to Catholic orthodoxy or expel them from the realm. Numerous heretics would soon depart for the New World in an attempt to escape persecution.
Elsewhere in foreign affairs, the perpetually unstable Kingdom of Norway found itself in civil war once more. Magnus III, unable to maintain order and having alienated much of the nobility was faced with a challenge to his rule by his own son Haraldr Magnusson who had styled himself as a champion of the nobility. With no end in sight for the civil war, and much of Finland occupied by Kargopol and the Russian princes, the Norwegian nobility elected to invite the King of Sweden to oversee deliberations and to return some semblance of stability. Yet soon the Swedish royalty was eyeing the Norwegian throne for themselves.
Even farther east, word reached Paris that French merchants had reached the land of Nippon. Accurate charts of the eastern seas were soon adorning the French court, opening the possibility for eastern mercantile or territorial expansion. Yet for France to truly exploit this knowledge her navy would need significant new investment and aggrandisement.
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A relatively short update this week, but things will really start to heat up now as we approach the end of Act 2!
Let's just say Louis' eyes have been firmly fixed on his newfound southern neighbour...
Let's just say Louis' eyes have been firmly fixed on his newfound southern neighbour...
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Is France leading colonial nation in North America? Are you going for circumnavigation, or has it been done? Religious minorities fleeing to colonies sounds vaguely historical. Thank you for updating.
Thank you for updating.
France seems to have made a smart decision staying out of the religious war.
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Finally got to the latest part of this update again after so long, and I must say it was a wise decision indeed to leave the Germans to deal with the Protestants, too many Englishmen and Frenchmen would have died, and all so the Dual Monarchy's enemies would only benefit from, So, Japan has been discovered eh? Alongside the rest of Asia? Very fascinating news indeed. May it be a sign of fortune.
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Well, initially yes, however the AI of colonial Floride seemed to decide that colonising new provinces wasn't in its interest despite taking expansion ideas.Is France leading colonial nation in North America? Are you going for circumnavigation, or has it been done? Religious minorities fleeing to colonies sounds vaguely historical.
I touched on this briefly with the reference to bureaucratic and financial issues. They would eventually get colonising themselves, but by that time Galicia had taken a hold of much of Louisiana making it the largest colony in North America.- 1
Chapter XII - A Clash of Cultures
Chapter XII - A Clash of Cultures (1589-1601)
With Christendom now at peace, albeit a fragile one, the Pope was now readily able to turn his attention to the matter of the Dual Monarchy and their nonintervention in the great Catholic struggle. Though a victory had been won against the Protestants, his holiness was not best pleased with Franco-English inaction and it was important for Louis to reaffirm his faith to not lose any further influence within the Holy See. The Pope had been less than impressed, yet Louis assured his holiness that inaction should not be mistaken for indifference; he remained committed to the cause. Yet, it was important for Louis to personally demonstrate this loyalty, and the young, evermore confident King had identified the perfect target for this demonstration...
Long had the French Kings of old guarded the Pyrenees against the infidel Hayyids, protecting Christendom's western frontier. But, not since the early Fifteenth-century had a decisive victory been struck, when Castile and Catalonia were jointly freed on crusade. Long had the Moors been a nuisance to the Dual Monarchy. Hayyid power had become increasingly unchallenged on Iberia and of late the Andalusian Caliphs had spread their vile influence north across the Pyrenees and into Aquitaine. Evidently, France had failed in her duty, but it was time that was rectified.
Andalusian power had been waning for some time. Their rulers had become decadent and their empire overextended. Growing fat off the wealth of their trading empire in the New World, the Andalusians had neglected to invest their newfound resources in administrative and military reforms. The League War had further exacerbated issues, leaving the Andalusian army woefully understaffed and undersupplied. All that was needed was to prepare.
In the meantime, a campaign was waged against the Moorish Ghalysian exiles in Africa, allowing France to gain new trading posts on the Atlantic coast. The once-proud Emirate had been reduced to little more than a few remote outposts which would make fine additions to the crown’s growing overseas empire. With the fall of Arguin, Ghalysian independence was at its end, and the Dual Monarchy could now tap into the lucrative African trading network with greater access to gold, ivory, and of course, slaves for the vast plantations of the New World colonies.
With victory over the Ghalysians scored with relative ease, preparations for the Iberian campaign could progress unimpeded.
It was 1597 when word was sent out. Holy War had come back to France.
A grand alliance of Infidels composed of states from both Iberia and north Africa stood ready to resist Louis and his allies. The First Franco-Andalusian War had begun.
As French troops marched into Andalusian Labourd on the border, Admiral Jean de Dampierre brought the French fleet out of Bordeaux to meet the mighty Andalusian navy head-on. The enemy fleet commanded by Bilal ibn Hisam may have been smaller than the combined Franco-English fleet, but it contained many more heavy ships, outnumbering the guns of their enemies. Evidently, there was much the Dual Monarchy could learn from Andalusian naval strategy. The month-long naval engagement in the Bay of Biscay ended with a defeat for the Christian alliance, with the French flagship Polyphème sinking to the bottom of the bay. Much work would need to be done for France to gain equal naval footing with her adversary.
On land, the Andalusians had pounced on the Castilians before reinforcements could arrive, crossing the Sistema Central and scattering the Spanish army to the north. The 35,000 strong Infidel army then looked to lay siege to the Castilian capital of Valladolid, a strategy aimed at quickly ending any Iberian opposition. Yet by the summer of 1598, Labourd and Navarra had fallen to the Christians, no doubt aided by recent developments in canon construction. With both provinces taken a land bridge was opened between the two Christian allies. French reinforcements could now freely traverse the western crossing of the Pyrenees.
The capture of Labourd, the first victory in centuries against the Moors, had evidently bolstered Louis’ forces, and the English navy was now ready to push back against Andalusian naval supremacy. Victory at Biscay had evidently made the Moors overconfident, leading them to send a raiding fleet into la Manche. Those 19 ships would never return from their doomed voyage. By August English reinforcements had reached Biscay, crippling the Andalusian navy patrolling the region and allowing French and English ships to secure the Castilian coast.
The following month French forces stormed into Iberia, hoping to catch the Andalusians off guard. Under the command of Clément d’Aulnay, the first army pushed into Castile, and whilst not fast enough to prevent the fall of Valladolid, they were able to meet 15,000 Andalusian troops, separated from the main force. The outnumbered Hayyids put up a stern fight, no doubt buoyed by the strategic skills of their commander, but ultimately French numbers won the day, allowing Louis to whittle away at the vast Andalusian army.
With most of the defenders having scattered, Valladolid was retaken within only two months, stirring the war enthusiasm of the Castilian masses now baying revenge against the infidel. Louis pushed his advance further, meeting 25,000 Balansiyans head-on at the Battle of Salamanca. Victory here saw the Islamic alliance entirely pushed out of Castile. But the question remained, where was the main Andalusian force?
It seemed Hisham III Hayyid had ordered his forces north, around the eastern crossing of the Pyrenees. It seemed the Andalusian Caliph was intent on taking the fight to the French lands with 30,000 troops pushing into Auvergne. Circling back, Aulnay’s forces met the Caliph before they could make any headway. Though victory was won by the French, the Andalusians continued to stand strong, retreating with the bulk of their forces intact.
Though Louis’ forces had won battle after battle, none had been decisive outside of the first engagement at Valladolid. Andalusian reinforcements would undoubtedly be regrouping in north Africa. A new strategy would be needed to ensure complete victory. Divide and Conquer was the rule of the day. French strategy would look to knock Balansiya out of the war, allowing the Christians to gain dominance over Iberia, whilst trapping the remaining Muslim powers in the Maghreb. Aulnay’s forces were soon dispatched to besiege the Balansiyan territories, whilst Louis personally led the advance into Andalusia proper.
Yet, Louis’s advance would be repelled at the first hurdle. On the hills of Braganca, the French army found itself repelled by Abdul-Rahman Vilamari’s forces. The close-knit engagement set back the French campaign several months and became a point of bitter disappointment for the King.
Nevertheless, this was just a setback; the tide was well and truly turning against the Islamic alliance. With the fall of Valencia in December of 1599 a separate peace was signed with Balansiya; annulling their alliance with the Hayyids, releasing Sardinia as an independent state and also setting aside several financial reparations. With their only Iberian ally out of the conflict, Franco-English forces could now focus on pressing their assault on Cordoba.
And with the turn of the century, the Andalusians were faced with a dire warning of their situation. Louis’ forces were pressing on Cordoba and in danger of overrunning Iberia. Reinforcements were still being gathered in Africa, but the toll of recent wars and ill-advised investments were clearly showing. Andalusia was not the power it once was. And if that wasn’t enough the omens certainly echoed this grim reality. In the Andalusian New World, now stretching from the Nahr Alfida, or Silver River in the east, to the mountains of Qaf in the west, or Antisuyu as the natives called it; a volcano had erupted. Huaynaputina as it had come to be known, was heard around the world. The billows of smoke covered the surrounding territory and caused untold devastation across Qaf and Aljanubiyah. Many in Andalusia were now openly talking of the end times, the collapse of civilisation. Millions would eventually be killed by the after-effects of the eruption as famine and economic collapse gripped the southern New World.
Several days later as the news of the eruption reached Paris, the great fortress of Toledo fell to Louis’ forces. With the way to Cordoba now open, the end times really seemed to be upon the Andalusian Empire. It wouldn’t even take an entire year for the Andalusian capital to fall. By December 1600 the gates would swing open to the besiegers; the masses incapable of stomaching a prolonged siege, already tired and hungry. Andalusia was in disarray. Yet 44,000 Hayyid troops remained in the field, their commanders paralysed into indecision with the situation that was unfolding before them.
The Battle of Tirwal would put an end to any true resistance. Though it proved to be more of a slaughter than a battle, on both sides. Tactics proved to be useless, this was mindless frenzied killing. Of battle-drunk Christians seeking the blood of the infidel, and cornered Muslim soldiers fending off a predator with all their remaining energy. Hashim Kelkal put up a stern fight whilst many of the other Commanders fled. More than 10,000 men fell on both sides, but the Islamic army was broken. Their final stand would take place at Granada, beneath the shadow of the great Alhambra. Rather than risk the slaughter of his men, Commander Bilal Ibn Ummay raised the white flag of surrender. The war was over.
The ensuing Peace was a humiliation for Andalusia, her reputation and empire was in tatters. Navarra would go to Castile, whilst France gained Labourd and the island of Bermuda. Andalusian holdings in the Mediterranean were ceded to the newly independent Sardinia and financial reparations were imposed. Louis had turned the tide against the mighty Infidel, and the Pope was certainly pleased with the results, honouring the Dual Monarchy as the Antemurale Christianitatis, the Bulwark of Christendom.
Yet, whilst Louis basked in the glory of his victory, he knew this struggle was not over. Andalusia had been on the back foot from the start of the war. Weakened by continued conflict and with inadequate provincial development, the Hayyids would not make the same mistake twice. Another war was brewing, and the Dual Monarchy would need to be ready. It would take time for Andalusia to lick her wounds, but once the Hayyids had returned to their full power, the Andalusians would not forgive, and they would not forget…
Map of the known world circa 1601:
With Christendom now at peace, albeit a fragile one, the Pope was now readily able to turn his attention to the matter of the Dual Monarchy and their nonintervention in the great Catholic struggle. Though a victory had been won against the Protestants, his holiness was not best pleased with Franco-English inaction and it was important for Louis to reaffirm his faith to not lose any further influence within the Holy See. The Pope had been less than impressed, yet Louis assured his holiness that inaction should not be mistaken for indifference; he remained committed to the cause. Yet, it was important for Louis to personally demonstrate this loyalty, and the young, evermore confident King had identified the perfect target for this demonstration...
Long had the French Kings of old guarded the Pyrenees against the infidel Hayyids, protecting Christendom's western frontier. But, not since the early Fifteenth-century had a decisive victory been struck, when Castile and Catalonia were jointly freed on crusade. Long had the Moors been a nuisance to the Dual Monarchy. Hayyid power had become increasingly unchallenged on Iberia and of late the Andalusian Caliphs had spread their vile influence north across the Pyrenees and into Aquitaine. Evidently, France had failed in her duty, but it was time that was rectified.
Andalusian power had been waning for some time. Their rulers had become decadent and their empire overextended. Growing fat off the wealth of their trading empire in the New World, the Andalusians had neglected to invest their newfound resources in administrative and military reforms. The League War had further exacerbated issues, leaving the Andalusian army woefully understaffed and undersupplied. All that was needed was to prepare.
In the meantime, a campaign was waged against the Moorish Ghalysian exiles in Africa, allowing France to gain new trading posts on the Atlantic coast. The once-proud Emirate had been reduced to little more than a few remote outposts which would make fine additions to the crown’s growing overseas empire. With the fall of Arguin, Ghalysian independence was at its end, and the Dual Monarchy could now tap into the lucrative African trading network with greater access to gold, ivory, and of course, slaves for the vast plantations of the New World colonies.
With victory over the Ghalysians scored with relative ease, preparations for the Iberian campaign could progress unimpeded.
It was 1597 when word was sent out. Holy War had come back to France.
A grand alliance of Infidels composed of states from both Iberia and north Africa stood ready to resist Louis and his allies. The First Franco-Andalusian War had begun.
As French troops marched into Andalusian Labourd on the border, Admiral Jean de Dampierre brought the French fleet out of Bordeaux to meet the mighty Andalusian navy head-on. The enemy fleet commanded by Bilal ibn Hisam may have been smaller than the combined Franco-English fleet, but it contained many more heavy ships, outnumbering the guns of their enemies. Evidently, there was much the Dual Monarchy could learn from Andalusian naval strategy. The month-long naval engagement in the Bay of Biscay ended with a defeat for the Christian alliance, with the French flagship Polyphème sinking to the bottom of the bay. Much work would need to be done for France to gain equal naval footing with her adversary.
On land, the Andalusians had pounced on the Castilians before reinforcements could arrive, crossing the Sistema Central and scattering the Spanish army to the north. The 35,000 strong Infidel army then looked to lay siege to the Castilian capital of Valladolid, a strategy aimed at quickly ending any Iberian opposition. Yet by the summer of 1598, Labourd and Navarra had fallen to the Christians, no doubt aided by recent developments in canon construction. With both provinces taken a land bridge was opened between the two Christian allies. French reinforcements could now freely traverse the western crossing of the Pyrenees.
The capture of Labourd, the first victory in centuries against the Moors, had evidently bolstered Louis’ forces, and the English navy was now ready to push back against Andalusian naval supremacy. Victory at Biscay had evidently made the Moors overconfident, leading them to send a raiding fleet into la Manche. Those 19 ships would never return from their doomed voyage. By August English reinforcements had reached Biscay, crippling the Andalusian navy patrolling the region and allowing French and English ships to secure the Castilian coast.
The following month French forces stormed into Iberia, hoping to catch the Andalusians off guard. Under the command of Clément d’Aulnay, the first army pushed into Castile, and whilst not fast enough to prevent the fall of Valladolid, they were able to meet 15,000 Andalusian troops, separated from the main force. The outnumbered Hayyids put up a stern fight, no doubt buoyed by the strategic skills of their commander, but ultimately French numbers won the day, allowing Louis to whittle away at the vast Andalusian army.
With most of the defenders having scattered, Valladolid was retaken within only two months, stirring the war enthusiasm of the Castilian masses now baying revenge against the infidel. Louis pushed his advance further, meeting 25,000 Balansiyans head-on at the Battle of Salamanca. Victory here saw the Islamic alliance entirely pushed out of Castile. But the question remained, where was the main Andalusian force?
It seemed Hisham III Hayyid had ordered his forces north, around the eastern crossing of the Pyrenees. It seemed the Andalusian Caliph was intent on taking the fight to the French lands with 30,000 troops pushing into Auvergne. Circling back, Aulnay’s forces met the Caliph before they could make any headway. Though victory was won by the French, the Andalusians continued to stand strong, retreating with the bulk of their forces intact.
Though Louis’ forces had won battle after battle, none had been decisive outside of the first engagement at Valladolid. Andalusian reinforcements would undoubtedly be regrouping in north Africa. A new strategy would be needed to ensure complete victory. Divide and Conquer was the rule of the day. French strategy would look to knock Balansiya out of the war, allowing the Christians to gain dominance over Iberia, whilst trapping the remaining Muslim powers in the Maghreb. Aulnay’s forces were soon dispatched to besiege the Balansiyan territories, whilst Louis personally led the advance into Andalusia proper.
Yet, Louis’s advance would be repelled at the first hurdle. On the hills of Braganca, the French army found itself repelled by Abdul-Rahman Vilamari’s forces. The close-knit engagement set back the French campaign several months and became a point of bitter disappointment for the King.
Nevertheless, this was just a setback; the tide was well and truly turning against the Islamic alliance. With the fall of Valencia in December of 1599 a separate peace was signed with Balansiya; annulling their alliance with the Hayyids, releasing Sardinia as an independent state and also setting aside several financial reparations. With their only Iberian ally out of the conflict, Franco-English forces could now focus on pressing their assault on Cordoba.
And with the turn of the century, the Andalusians were faced with a dire warning of their situation. Louis’ forces were pressing on Cordoba and in danger of overrunning Iberia. Reinforcements were still being gathered in Africa, but the toll of recent wars and ill-advised investments were clearly showing. Andalusia was not the power it once was. And if that wasn’t enough the omens certainly echoed this grim reality. In the Andalusian New World, now stretching from the Nahr Alfida, or Silver River in the east, to the mountains of Qaf in the west, or Antisuyu as the natives called it; a volcano had erupted. Huaynaputina as it had come to be known, was heard around the world. The billows of smoke covered the surrounding territory and caused untold devastation across Qaf and Aljanubiyah. Many in Andalusia were now openly talking of the end times, the collapse of civilisation. Millions would eventually be killed by the after-effects of the eruption as famine and economic collapse gripped the southern New World.
Several days later as the news of the eruption reached Paris, the great fortress of Toledo fell to Louis’ forces. With the way to Cordoba now open, the end times really seemed to be upon the Andalusian Empire. It wouldn’t even take an entire year for the Andalusian capital to fall. By December 1600 the gates would swing open to the besiegers; the masses incapable of stomaching a prolonged siege, already tired and hungry. Andalusia was in disarray. Yet 44,000 Hayyid troops remained in the field, their commanders paralysed into indecision with the situation that was unfolding before them.
The Battle of Tirwal would put an end to any true resistance. Though it proved to be more of a slaughter than a battle, on both sides. Tactics proved to be useless, this was mindless frenzied killing. Of battle-drunk Christians seeking the blood of the infidel, and cornered Muslim soldiers fending off a predator with all their remaining energy. Hashim Kelkal put up a stern fight whilst many of the other Commanders fled. More than 10,000 men fell on both sides, but the Islamic army was broken. Their final stand would take place at Granada, beneath the shadow of the great Alhambra. Rather than risk the slaughter of his men, Commander Bilal Ibn Ummay raised the white flag of surrender. The war was over.
The ensuing Peace was a humiliation for Andalusia, her reputation and empire was in tatters. Navarra would go to Castile, whilst France gained Labourd and the island of Bermuda. Andalusian holdings in the Mediterranean were ceded to the newly independent Sardinia and financial reparations were imposed. Louis had turned the tide against the mighty Infidel, and the Pope was certainly pleased with the results, honouring the Dual Monarchy as the Antemurale Christianitatis, the Bulwark of Christendom.
Yet, whilst Louis basked in the glory of his victory, he knew this struggle was not over. Andalusia had been on the back foot from the start of the war. Weakened by continued conflict and with inadequate provincial development, the Hayyids would not make the same mistake twice. Another war was brewing, and the Dual Monarchy would need to be ready. It would take time for Andalusia to lick her wounds, but once the Hayyids had returned to their full power, the Andalusians would not forgive, and they would not forget…
Map of the known world circa 1601:
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