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Table of Contents
  • ibicko

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    • Crusader Kings II
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    Title card.png

    Table of Contents
    Book I - House Hayyid of Mallorca (Crusader Kings II)
    Prologue

    Act I - Among Bickering Moors (1066-1133)
    Chapter I - Hakam of Mallorca
    Chapter II - The Sultan of Valencia
    Chapter III - The Christian Advance
    Chapter IV - Crisis in Andalusia
    Chapter V - The Re-Reconquista
    Chapter VI - Realm Reorganisation
    Chapter VII - The French Menace

    Act II - Islam Divided (1133-1167)
    Chapter VIII - Hakam ‘the Hunter’
    Chapter IX - Internal Squabbles
    Chapter X - To Claim and Conquer
    Chapter XI - Choosing your Battles

    Act III - Turning the Tide (1167-1239)
    Chapter XII - On the Trail to Tripoli
    Chapter XIII - Sicilian Offense
    Chapter XIV - The Mystic from Murcia
    Chapter XV - The Party of Ali
    Chapter XVI - Beyond the Mountains
    Chapter XVII - The Great Reconquest

    Chapter XVIII - Victory and Death

    Act IV - Trial by Fire (1239-1287)
    Chapter XIX - The Calm Before the Storm
    Chapter XX - The Fourth Crusade
    Chapter XXI - Aftermath
    Chapter XXII - The Black Death

    Act V - The Sword of Islam (1287-1348)
    Chapter XXIII - The March to Syria
    Chapter XXIV - Jackals! Vultures!
    Chapter XXV - Into Anatolia
    Chapter XXVI - If At First, You Don’t Succeed...
    Chapter XXVII - A Rest Disturbed

    Act VI - An Empire Unmatched (1348-1405)
    Chapter XXVIII - Familial Dysfunctions
    Chapter XXIX - Defender of the Faith
    Chapter XXX - The Three Brothers
    Chapter XXXI - Twilight of the Hayyids
    Chapter XXXII - The End of an Empire

    Act VII - The Winds of Change (1405-1444)
    Chapter XXXIII - A New Dawn
    Chapter XXXIV - The Last Hurrah
    Chapter XXXV - Breaking Point
    Epilogue - The Last of His Line

    Further Reading
    Robert's Rebellion - The Fallout from 1066
    The Pecheneg Scourge
    The Franco-English Union: Creation of the Dual Monarchy
    The Treaty of Moray and the new King of Scotland
    The Last of the Romans: Decline of the Byzantine Empire
    The Most Glorious Rulers of the Hayyid Dynasty

    Book II - The Dual Monarchy of France and England (Europa Universalis IV)
     
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    Introduction
  • Intro card.png


    Hello and welcome to my new Paradox mega-campaign AAR: A Tale as Old as Time. Five long years since my previous (failed) attempt at a mega-campaign AAR in A Spanish Story I have returned to (hopefully) complete the feat with a different playthrough. With Crusader Kings II nearing the end of its lifespan I felt the best way I could give this game a send-off would be with one last AAR hurrah. So I hope you will join me for the first chapter of this campaign in what will be a personal swan song of sorts to one of my favourite Paradox grand strategy games. Compared to most mega-campaign AAR’s this one will be slightly different, as every time we switch games within the series we will also switch nations to constantly spice up the international dynamic and provide new perspectives on what is sure to be a different and interesting world.
    Any feedback and input you have is welcome with perhaps some suggestions on what nations to play for each installment.

    So without further ado, sit back and relax for a lengthy read. This is A Tale as Old as Time...

    FAQ

    • How will this AAR work?
    Beginning in CK2’s 1066 start-date we will follow the journey taken by our chosen characters and nations until Victoria II’s end date of 1936 at the very earliest (with the potential to expand beyond through either Hoi IV or Darkest Hour). However, In contrast to other mega-campaign AAR’s, every time we move on to a new game we will also switch to a new nation.

    • Will there be any further reading articles?
    Those who have seen my previous work on A Spanish Story will know that I like to sprinkle a little bit of wider-worldbuilding into my AARs which detail events, individuals, and nations outside of my direct control. These will also be present within this AAR.

    • What will your posting schedule look like?
    I will endeavour to release at least one main story post each week every Saturday. Further reading articles will be released mid-week and will not count toward each week’s main-story post total. Any changes to the schedule will be made clear beforehand.

    • What mods are you using?
    For Crusader King’s II we will not be using any mods, outside of some personal edits to add some flavour as the campaign progresses, however as the campaign continues to further titles I will look to add more mods either for gameplay or story-telling purposes.

    • What DLC are you using?
    I will be using all DLC besides Holy Fury, Jade Dragon, and Monks and Mystics which I do not own. Sunset Invasion will also be turned off for this campaign.

    • What will your limitations be?
    For Crusader Kings II I will seek to role-play each particular character according to their traits. Some rulers may be pious pacifists, while others viscous warmongers. Additionally, I will not be using gimmicky strategies, any expansion or actions must be realistic and justifiable.
     
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    Prologue
  • Title card.png


    And so our tale begins upon the humble isle of Mallorca. Its current ruler is Emir Hakam of the Hayyid dynasty. A lustful, cynical, paranoid schemer; Hakam may be a young, inexperienced ruler, but he holds great plans for his realm. Chief among them is expanding his holdings on the mainland and raising his own renown and prestige. Nevertheless, outside of his penchant for scheming and general shady nature, Hakam possesses very few of the qualities traditionally associated with a good ruler. Perhaps if his general ability to manage the realm fails, Hakam could always fall back on fear and blackmail to keep his vassals in line.

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    Hakam’s territory spans the Balearic Islands along with the mainland provinces of Dénia and Almansa. The towns and castles within are nothing to write home about, overshadowed by the vastly more populated regions of the Iberian peninsula. Furthermore, troops would need to be ferried across the Gulf of Valencia during military campaigns, potentially leaving the realm vulnerable to attack. Nevertheless, the tiny Sheikhdoms of Murcia and Almería could prove a good staging ground for some early expansion.

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    The capital in Medina Mayurqa (Palma de Mallorca) plays host to a moderate court. Perhaps the most notable of Hakam’s subjects are Marshal Hilal of Albacete, Court Imam Yahaff of Elx, and Grand Vizier Jyad. In spite of his lowborn status, Hilal has time and time again proved himself a master of the battlefield and could be put to great use in Hakam’s ambitions of conquest. Yahaff, on the other hand, has always offered good spiritual guidance, not that Hakam cares or listens to what the holy books say. Grand Vizier Jyad has always been an honest and trusted figure among the Mallorcan court. Due to Hakam's lack of diplomatic ability, Jyad will primarily be in charge of all matters of foreign affairs diplomacy.

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    The Hayyid family originated from Persia many years ago, migrating to Al-Andalus as the region came under the control of the Umayyad Caliphate. Whilst initially improving their status through the purchase of titles, Hakam’s father was able to wrestle control of the Balearic Islands and surrounding coasts following the collapse of the Caliphate of Córdoba. Given that the Hayyid family rose through the ranks thanks to their wealth, Hakam has no quarrel with the sale of titles and the appointment of ‘new men’ to positions of political power.

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    Among Hakam’s immediate neighbours, the most notable would be the Aftasid and Dhunnunid Emirates, both realms act as the main bulwark against a potential Christian Reconquista. A diplomatic balance will have to be upheld with these two realms should Hakam’s personal ambition of expansion be fulfilled without Christian interference. Further north, beyond the Sistema Central, lies the Christian kingdoms of Galicia, León and Castile; though relatively tame by themselves, if united through one ruler or in an alliance they could pose a major threat to the Hayyid and other Andalusian realms. Further north still we have France, one of the most powerful Christian realms, though relatively inactive in Iberian affairs of late. In the Maghreb the major players are the Almoravids and Hammadids, potentially powerful allies or enemies depending on one's diplomatic approach.

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    Hakam’s first act as ruler is to secure the future of his dynasty. Given the low status of the Hayyids few opportunities presented themselves for marriages with the other more established Muslim realms. Ultimately, Hakam is able to secure a marriage to the daughter of the Emir of Eliat, a minor noble within the Fatimid Caliphate. Yet, one wife was not enough to satisfy the lusty Emir, he soon moved to secure his courtiers’ Munya and Aiza as his secondary wives. After all, why stop at one wife when you can have three!

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    With his marriages secure and the realm's council reorganised following the death of his father, Emir Hakam of Mallorca set off to make a name for himself among the rulers of Al-Andalus...
     
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    Chapter I - Hakam of Mallorca
  • Act 1 Title card.png


    Chapter I - Hakam of Mallorca (1066-1073)

    With the matters of marriage sorted, Hakam’s attention turned to his thirst for conquest. Powerful enemies both Christian and Muslim lurked on the outskirts of his realm, but the tiny Emirate of Murcia looked ripe for the picking. The city of Murcia itself was vastly larger than anything existing within the Hayyid realm and the province's resources both material and human would aid in Hakam's survival as an independent ruler. The troops were mobilised and war was declared.

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    Yet, as Hakam’s realm was divided across the sea, ships needed to be raised to transport reinforcements to the mainland. With half the troops stuck on Mallorca, the Murcians were able to launch an invasion of Dénia. The Mallorcan army, led by Hakam himself, arrived just in the nick of time to reinforce their continental brethren.

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    Hakam himself personally led the right-flank of the reinforcements. Yet, whilst the Emir had been raised on stories of the Islamic conquests he had little real battlefield experience. The horrors of war were not something Hakam was intimately familiar with. Though the stories had told of glorious battles and heroic generals, the reality was nothing of the sort. Perhaps Hakam was never cut out to be a warrior.

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    The experience of the battlefield had broken Hakam’s cold and cynical heart. The emotions, the flashbacks, the blood. It was all too much. Hundreds of men had died under his command; wives lost their husbands, children their fathers. It would be Hakam’s first and last ever foray onto the field of battle.

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    Despite Hakam’s battlefield breakdown and subsequent retreat back to Mallorca, Hayyid forces under the command of Hilal of Albacete had won the day, pressing their advantage and laying siege to Murcia.

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    After a two-year-long siege the Emirate of Murcia finally fell to the Hayyids, the province annexed into Hakam’s growing domain.

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    The experience of war had left Hakam in a crisis of conscience. He had built himself in this image of a cold, cynical, all-conquering ruler. How could he then feel this level of sorrow and emotion from losing his own subjects on the battlefield? Perhaps faith would provide the answer? As such, Hakam packed his bags in preparation for a pilgrimage to the holy city of Mecca.
    Hakam’s existing religious knowledge left much to be desired. He knew the basic tenets of the Sunni creed but certainly didn’t live by them. Ask him to recite the Quran and he probably couldn’t give you more than a few lines. But in light of his recent experiences, perhaps this trip would be a watershed in his religious life?

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    Having sailed from Iberia to Egypt, from where the journey continued on land, Hakam and his band of travellers made camp upon the road to Mecca. A rugged old man, having made camp in the same location approached the Emir offering spiritual guidance in exchange for some food. Seeing this as a potential sign from Allah himself, Hakam handed over some flatbread. The man then proceeded to cite some wisdom on God’s mercy and wrath. Surely this was a sign? A sign that Allah would be merciful rather than punish Hakam for his failure on the battlefield. This was music to his ears.

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    Reinvigorated from the chat with the mysterious old man, Hakam displayed his renewed faith at the Kabah by shouting at every circuit of the Tawaf. Perhaps the Emir had turned over a new leaf on this journey?

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    However, once back home it did not take long before Hakam began to revert to his old cynical self. Several months after his return news came through that Aiza, one of the Emir’s secondary wives was pregnant. But surely it hadn’t been long enough after Hakam’s return for this to be the case? Hakam’s paranoia took hold. Surely he could not be the father of this child?

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    After a bribed courtier could not provide the evidence Hakam needed, the Emir confronted his wife personally. But her answer was not what he expected. Perhaps this was all just a misunderstanding? However, deep down Hakam still harboured doubts as to the child's true parentage.

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    In a late-night conversation with Grand Vizier Jyad, Hakam’s suspicions about the true parentage of his unborn child were raised. Jyad batted the claims off with ease.
    “I thought your pilgrimage had changed you my lord. Not everybody is lying to you, not least your own wife.”

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    Having been chastised by Jyad for questioning the virtue and loyalty of Aiza, Hakam once again found himself demoralised. Memories of the Battle of Dénia began to flood back. The Emir's wrath could be heard throughout the night, whilst the serving staff found his room destroyed come morning.
    During breakfast, Hakam thought back to the pilgrimage to Mecca. It was through spirituality that the Emir had found temporary peace. Perhaps a great work of charity could put his mind at ease? Maybe pious devotion to the Sunni faith really was the path to salvation?

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    A few months later Aiza gave birth to her child, a son and heir for Hakam. Mundir would be heir to the Hayyid dynasty. And though Hakam still harboured some paranoia at the back of his mind, he sought to banish these thoughts the best he could. And regardless, he was happy that the succession was now safe.
    Mundir would soon be joined by brothers: Abu-Bakr, Hakam, and Raf. And sisters: Shakira, Ahu, Raisa, Butayna, Nadia, and Mariam. The lusty Emir certainly got to work over the next few years...

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    News reaches Hakam that the Norwegian King Harald Hardrada had succeeded in his quest to claim the English crown, subjugating the realm from the one-month king: William of Normandy. The Nordic realm now controlled near all land from Lindisfarne to Laval.

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    The time had come for Hakam and his court to observe Ramadan. Perhaps the Emir would make a real effort to observe the holy month this time around given his renewed flirtations with faith? The month certainly started well enough with Hakam giving to the poor and needy of the realm.

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    Yet as the days wore on it grew harder and harder for Hakam to observe the fast. The temptations of both food and the flesh proved too much for the Emir and he soon began to flout the rules of the holy month behind closed doors. Perhaps Hakam would never truly embrace the religious lifestyle.

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    The month soon came to an end however and so did Hakam’s ruse. Now it was time for the feast to celebrate Eid ul-Fitr! Invitations were sent around to the vassals of the realm inviting them to the capital. The feast itself was exceptional and left all of Hakam’s vassals in awe of the Emir’s wealth and generosity. Despite Hakam's lack of leadership abilities, it seemed as though fear and bribery were not the only methods he could keep his realm together.

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    As part of the celebrations, it was also important for Hakam to bestow gifts upon his wives. Of course, all of them would see the Emir’s love and generosity.

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    With the new land the Emir had conquered along with the swathes of prestige Hakam had somehow accumulated through his short reign, the time had come for Hakam to grant himself a new title. Contrary to the advice of many on his council, who suggested the new honour would not be recognised by the other rulers of Andalusia, Hakam crowned himself Sultan of Valencia.
    “Why be an Emir when you can be a Sultan?” he thought to himself. “Far more befitting of my status, don’t you think?”

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    Chapter II - The Sultan of Valencia
  • Chapter II - The Sultan of Valencia (1073-1089)

    “The Cruel?!? They call me Hakam the Cruel?!?” The new Sultan belted at his advisors. “How could this happen? I’m not an evil man!” He said as his council shifted their gaze among one-another.
    “All this charity, all this praying and for nothing! Well, no more I say!”
    It seems that Hakam’s brief flirtation with religion hasn’t amounted to much. The Sultan’s old callous nature had proved to have too much of a hold over his reputation for anybody to see otherwise.

    With the reorganisation of the realm into a Sultanate underway, Hakam elects to yield the Sheikdom of Menorca to his loyal Grand Vizier Jyad in an effort to appease his subjects and move the centre of power onto the mainland at Dénia. A new local ruler on the Balearic islands would also improve the local administration. After all, the Sultan cannot be everywhere at once.

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    However, when the Grand Vizier wrote to the Sultan to thank him for the new titles, among his letter was something more concerning. News had reached the diplomat that the dastardly Castilians had succeeded in their holy war, conquering much of the Aragonese interior from the Hadids. The rest of the Muslim realms on Iberia would have to be united by either diplomacy or war if they are to successfully resist the Christian menace.

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    News also reaches the Sultan of a dangerous heresy making the rounds in Andalusia. The heretical Zikri faith had taken a foothold in the capital of Dénia. Strange new preachers have appeared on the city streets, sputtering all sorts of nonsense about the failings of Sunni Islam. Worse still, Hakam’s own wife had taken to following the local preachers! Though Hakam was not too fussed on the matter, and could barely point out the difference between the Sunni and Zikri creeds anyway; it was another matter for the realm's council. This could not stand! Court Imam Yahaff of Elx is dispatched to deal with the heretics, whilst Hakam demands his wife re-convert, fortunately Hakam's threats prove sufficient to make Hasti think twice about her decision.

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    In celebration of the formation of the new Sultanate, Hakam organises a Furusiyya, a tournament pitting the greatest horsemen of the realm against each other. The tournament, lasting for several days, would see the warriors of the realm display their equestrianism, archery skills, and ability with a lance.

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    Despite Marshal Hilal being the heavy favourite for victory in the tournament, first prize ultimately goes to an unknown local rider of little renown named Fadl, with Hilal coming second. Many questions are raised about Fadl’s victory, with allegations of cheating being spread among the other competitors. However, an investigation into the matter is not high on Hakam’s agenda, and so the lowborn goes home a happy man.

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    Having observed a number of neighbouring realms dogpile on the Emirate of Granada, Hakam decides he also wants a slice of the pie. In early March 1078 war is declared on the weakened Emirate for control over the province of Almeria.

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    Naturally, after Hakam’s last experience of war, he would leave this campaign in the hands of his generals. Commander Giyasaddin would take command of the Hayyid forces, whilst the Sultan remained in his cosy castle back in Dénia. After the month-long march into Granada, the Hayyid army faced little resistance. Almeria was fully occupied within a year, leading the remaining army to march inland in search of what was left of the Granadan levies.

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    Both sides ultimately met at the Battle of Andújar. The Granadans stood little chance, outnumbered almost 2:1, Hakam’s forces inflicted the decisive blow.

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    By the following year, the Granadans had surrendered. Almeria was part of the growing Hayyid Sultanate.

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    Seeing the emerging threat posed by the expansionist Christian kingdoms, Hakam thought it necessary to secure a diplomatic agreement with the other Moorish realms. A betrothal between Prince Mundir and Princess Ghada of the Aftasid Emirate would create the foundations for a bulwark against the Spaniards. Later marriage agreements would also be struck with the Zirids and Hammadids within the Maghreb.

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    But soon after, both León and Galicia invaded the Aftasids with the goal of conquering Badajoz and Beja respectively. With Hakam’s forces still recovering from the Granadan war, conflict with the Spanish kingdoms could not be risked at this moment. Fortunately, many of the other Moorish realms had troops to spare, ultimately driving the Aftasids onto victory. For all Jyad's talk of a united front against the Christians, Hakam didn't seem overly enthusiastic about committing his troops to foreign wars.

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    With Hakam’s heir Mundir approaching maturity it was important for him to be introduced to the various vassals of the realm so that they may become better acquainted with their future ruler.

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    Whilst some of the meetings went down well, with Court Imam Yahaff offering to tutor Mundir in the Koran, and a number of vassals being impressed by Mundir’s diplomacy; it was also clear that Mundir had a temperamental streak, having started a fight with the daughter of the Court Physician.

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    By the time of his sixteenth birthday, Mundir ibn Hakam had established himself as a crafty man of intrigue, though perhaps not as accomplished as his father. Mundir seemed almost a carbon-copy of his father in all ways but one. Thanks to his father’s religious phase, and the tutelage of Imam Yahaff, Mundir was a much more learned and religious man relative to the Sultan.

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    With a capable heir now of age, Hakam was in a position to reflect on his own legacy and achievements. And what better way to do this than with a statue? After several months of work, a new monument was unveiled at the town square in Dénia. A masterpiece of sculpture, the bronze statue stood boldly above the square clutching its sword with the scabbard. Hakam’s bronze double would continue to watch over the denizens of Dénia for many years to come.

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    News reaches Dénia of the goings-on in the world. Major revolts are taking place in both England and Byzantium. An Anglo-Norman alliance of Earls had risen up against the Norse King of England, Magnus I with the aim of putting Robert Curthose, son to the one-month King, William of Normandy, on the throne.

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    Meanwhile, in Byzantium a four-way civil war had broken out over the succession to the Purple throne. Perhaps this civil war would provide an opportunity for Seljuk or Fatimid expansion within the region?

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    Great news reached Hakam in August. Thanks to the diligent work of Imam Yahaff of Elx the horrid Zikri heresy had been fully removed from Dénia and the heretical preachers were nowhere to be seen within Hakam’s realm. The council celebrated a job well done amongst themselves. The Zikris were gone, and would surely never be seen again...

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    Several days later news reaches the capital that the Dhunnunids had launched an invasion of Jaen giving Hakam the perfect opportunity to add Granada to his growing realm. The troops were mustered and once more Hakam's commanders led the Hayyid army into battle whilst the Sultan sat at home.

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    With the Dhunnunids occupying most of the Granadan forces, the path to the capital was clear for Hilal’s forces. Marshal Hilal in command of around 6000 troops took to besieging the province. All seemed to be going swimmingly on the front lines.

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    However, back in Dénia, Hakam was not exactly feeling like himself. A slight dizziness, tiredness was it? Hakam wasn’t quite sure what was wrong with himself, but it was certainly something. After a thorough check-up by Court Physician Ya’far, it seemed that Hakam had come down with rabies. A dog bite from a previous hunting trip seemed to be the likely culprit. A deadly disease, Hakam would need to trust the physician with his life, but proved far too paranoid to try any of Ya’far’s more ‘experimental’ treatments.

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    With Hakam’s condition worsening by the day, Ya’far was soon giving the Sultan 24/7 care. But the Court Physician believed he had found a solution for the Sultan’s malaise. Ya’far produced a horrendously smelling jar containing a mixture of cow dung and various herbs and proceeded to smear it upon Hakam’s chest. The cure, allegedly a remedy from some far-flung land near Hindustan stunk out the palace for a number of days. But remarkably, several days later Hakam was feeling slightly better.

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    But alas, the feeling proved fleeting. On December 12th 1089 Hakam ‘the Cruel’ fell dead in his bed reeking of cow’s dung. It took the servants several days and multiple shifts to fully clear the stench out of the Sultan’s suite.

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    FR: Robert’s Rebellion - The Fallout from 1066
  • Further reading Title card.png

    Robert’s Rebellion - The Fallout from 1066

    For one to understand how Robert’s Rebellion came about, we must first look at the events of the English succession crisis of 1066. With the death of the childless Edward the Confessor, Harold Godwinson was elected by the Witenagemot to succeed to the throne of England. However, the accession of the new Saxon king was not well met by the other pretenders to the throne. Both William of Normandy and Harald Hardrada of Norway launched invasions of the island nation in an attempt to claim the throne for themselves.

    Storms along the North Sea delayed the Norwegian invasion plans, and thus William of Normandy was the first to make landfall at Hastings, setting up camp to prepare for the advance onto the capital of Winchester. However, Before any advances could be made Norman forces were set upon by the Anglo-Saxon army. For the early periods of the battle, it appeared as though Godwinson’s forces would succeed, the English King’s Huscarls holding the line against the Norman troops. But soon the tide turned; discipline was in short supply among the English troops allowing the Normans to break the Huscarl lines, and take Godwinson as their prisoner.

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    In the aftermath of the battle, Harold Godwinson relinquished his claim to the Kingdom of England, recognising William as his liege lord. William was ruthless in his pacification of the nobility. Those who refused to immediately bend the knee were disinherited and replaced with Norman lords. Only the Dukes of York, Winchester, and Warwick, along with a number of other minor northern lords, remained of the old nobility once William’s campaign was completed. But hold onto the kingdom he could not.

    320px-Map_of_Northern_England.png

    Despite William's initial victory, the north remained a stronghold
    of Anglo-Saxon rule


    Norwegian forces had soon landed in York and began to make their way south for the long march to meet William’s forces. Both armies clashed at the Battle of Bedford but with the Norman troops still recovering from their long campaigns against the Saxon resistance, Hardrada’s troops were able to come out best and claim England for the Norwegians.

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    However, upon his assumption of the throne, Hardrada offered a compromise to the existing nobility allowing them all, including the new Norman lords to retain their seats should they acknowledge Norwegian rule. Seeing the writing on the wall, many lords chose to swear fealty to Hardrada, rather than risk a long, drawn-out and futile resistance.

    Though this provided short-term stability for Hardrada’s rule, it would ultimately be the undoing for Norse rule in England. With Hardrada’s death in 1085, his empire was divided between his sons, with Magnus gaining England and Olav Norway. It is important to note that both of Hardrada’s sons were legitimised bastards, providing fuel for any remaining Norman or Saxon claims to the throne. Many of King Magnus’ policies also alienated the Norman nobility. Historians suggest Magnus gave much more deference to the remaining Saxon rulers, giving them positions on his advisory council, whilst Norman lords were treated with suspicion and kept away from the seat of power in Jorvik.

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    Only one year into the reign of Magnus did Robert of Normandy declare his intention to claim the throne as his father had before him. The vast majority of Norman lords elected to stand with their brethren, whilst the remaining Saxons supported Magnus in his defence of the realm. Importantly though, the powerful Duke of Warwick, despite being a Saxon lord was swayed into joining Robert’s cause. Edwin was well known to be an ambitious, scheming man who would easily betray his friends or countryman if it benefitted him personally. It is likely that promises of wealth and power from Robert led the Duke to betray his Saxon brethren.

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    Most English historians agree that support from Edwin of Warwick proved pivotal to Robert’s successful campaign. With the onset of the civil war, forces loyal to Robert of Normandy were concentrated within the English midlands, whilst Magnus' supporters in Northumbria and Winchester were divided. The Duke of Winchester was very easily defeated, quickly surrendering to the Normans. With the loyalist army considerably drained the remaining forces gathered at Jorvik in an attempt to weather the oncoming storm. By 1087 the Norman army marched north to meet King Magnus in the field of battle. Both sides met at Doncaster in the autumn. The battle was a rout, with King Magnus slain and the remaining loyalist forces retreating to Cumbria.

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    Whilst loyalist forces attempted to rally around Magnus’ son Armond Hagalín, their strength had been significantly diminished by the loss of their figurehead. In late 1087 Robert Curthose of Normandy acceded to the throne of England, marking the final victory of the Normans over the Saxons and Norse. The history of England would forever be changed, its cultural outlook and politics now much more connected with its southern neighbour France than the Scandinavian kingdoms. In the centuries to come, the political, cultural and economic outlook of the English lands would be greatly affected through Norman rule. This was just the beginning of England's changing role on the European and world stage...

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    Chapter III - The Christian Advance
  • Chapter III - The Christian Advance (1089-1093)

    With the death of Sultan Hakam, it was his son Mundir who would take the throne in December of 1089. Mundir had inherited a growing realm and a war with Granada which at least thus far was going relatively well. An easy batch of prestige could be earned for the new ruler should he be able to make good on his father’s promise to conquer the neighbouring sheikhdom.

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    Unlike his father, Mundir was not one to cower in the castles of Dénia. If his army was on the field of battle, he would make camp and march with them, even if not personally in command. Having already secured the province of Granada the Hayyid army some 5,000 strong made their way to face the Granadan army head-on in Córdoba.

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    At the Battle of Cabra, the Granadan forces were overrun and outmatched. Lacking a commander on the left-flank and with the right-flank surrendering early into the battle it was a slaughter for the remaining troops. That battle alone was enough to see the enemy concede defeat. Mundir basked in the prestige of the victory with a celebratory march through the city of Dénia.

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    In the aftermath of the victory over Granada, Sultan Mundir elects to move his court to the newly conquered city. A fortress in the hills known as Al-Ḥamrāʼ would be his new base of operations, provided the site could be refurbished and refitted to suit its new occupant.

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    Being an introspective person, Mundir was well known to regularly retreat to his personal study for private sessions of prayer and meditation. After several days of soul-searching, Mundir emerged a diligent man, more ready and able to work for what he wanted.

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    This victory had given him a lot to think about. With his father's death, it was no easy feat for the young Sultan to inherit the throne at only 23 years of age. Mundir had much to live up to if he were to keep the realm united and prospering. The bronze statue at Dénia was a continuous reminder of his father's legacy. But after several days reflection Mundir came to the conclusion that his father perhaps wasn't as grand of a figure as the stories portrayed him. Though this victory had been on the back of his father’s war, ultimately it was Mundir who brought it to a conclusion. His success in war (despite not actually fighting) had contrasted greatly with his father’s battlefield misery. Mundir was his own man, no longer in Hakam's shadow.

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    But Mundir wouldn’t sit on this one sole victory. Another enemy had reared its head. The Christian Kingdom of Castile had launched a holy war to capture Toledo from the Dhunnunids. The Moorish realms would need to stand together if they are to fend off the Spaniards. This would also be the perfect opportunity for Mundir’s armies to test their might against Christian steel.

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    With the troops mobilised and ready to face the infidel the Hayyid army made its way north. Under the command of Sheikh Yahya, Mundir’s army sought to retake Alcalá from the Castilians.

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    With the Hayyid arrival at Alcalá it had become clear that the Castilian force had left the province in a hurry. Perhaps news of the imminent arrival of the Hayyids led them to scamper north beyond the mountains? The castle of Alcalá itself had only a token force of fewer than 100 men left behind to defend. The superior numbers of Hayyid troops allowed for an easy assault, the surrounding area was retaken in no time.

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    Mundir’s army then marched into Castile proper to take on the Christian army. Though the Castilian army only numbered some 2,500, they had attacked the Dhunnunids at a moment of weakness, thereby outnumbering their enemy. Hayyid aid was necessary to keep Toledo in Muslim hands.

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    The army hit the Castilians at El Burgo. Despite the low number of Castilian soldiers, the army held out for much longer than expected, primarily thanks to the veteran Castilian commander Rodrigo Diaz, nicknamed El Cid by the Spaniards. Though the battle was long and the Castilian forces held out night after night, the Hayyid onslaught ultimately proved too much. On the 10th night of the battle, the remaining Castilians fled along the path of the Ebro river with the Hayyid army in hot-pursuit.

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    The Castilians gave the Hayyids a good run-around, but both armies eventually met again at Alcalá. Though El Cid put up a valiant fight for an infidel, Hayyid steel prevailed in the end. The commander and his troops raised the white flag.

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    With their army decimated, the Castilians sued for peace and Toledo remained within the Islamic world for another day.

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    However, Mundir had been so bogged down in the Castilian war that he had failed to spot the Christian expansion going on around him. Upon his return to Granada Grand Vizier Jyad told Mundir the grave news. The dastardly French had captured Valencia from a rebellious vassal of the Dhunnunids, placing them right on the border of the Hayyid Sultanate.

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    Furthermore, the tricky Leónese had conquered the Emirate of Badajoz from the Aftasids, almost doubling the size of their realm overnight. Powerful enemies were mustering along the Hayyid borders and Mundir needed to be ready to defend his realm.

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    Map of the known world circa 1093:
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    Chapter IV - Crisis in Andalusia
  • Chapter IV - Crisis in Andalusia (1093-1099)

    With the Christians of Iberia growing stronger by the day it was important for Mundir to strengthen his position both diplomatically and territorially in order to better protect his own realm. A betrothal between Mundir’s sister Princess Butayna and Dhunnunid heir Dali ibn Ibrahim would give the Hayyid Sultanate a clear ally in the fight against the Spaniards.

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    Next, Mundir signed an alliance agreement with the Athbejid Emir, one of the more powerful Almoravid vassals.

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    Finally, Mundir launched an invasion of Córdoba on the pretext of ‘protecting’ the city from the neighbouring Kingdom of León. The Córdobans would offer very little resistance and their lands would be utilised much better under Hayyid rule.

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    The Hayyid armies vastly outnumbered their enemy. Any war with Córdoba would come to a swift end. But it seemed the Emir of Calatrava decided to get in on the act as well, launching his own campaign to capture Córdoba. No matter, both will be crushed by the Hayyid armies.

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    Following the capture of Córdoba Mundir’s army marched into Seville to take on the Calatravans who were outnumbered 2:1. All three flanks converged on the opposing force who quickly fled back home with the Hayyid army hot on their heels.

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    With the Calatravans beaten on their own soil and Córdoba firmly under Hayyid rule, both parties sued for peace. Córdoba was officially a Hayyid city and safe from any immediate Christian dangers.

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    Back in Granada however, another problem had arisen. It seemed the Zikri preachers were back, and with a vengeance! Yahaff of Elx, who had been integral to the removal of the heretical faith from Dénia under Sultan Hakam, had only gone and embraced the heresy himself! Yahaff had spent many days engaging the preachers in theological debates on the streets of Granada whilst Mundir was off fighting the Córdoban war, and it seemed the preachers had finally broken the man. A good spell in the dungeons should be enough to change his mind though.

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    But it was not only Yahaff who had fallen victim to the vile preachers. Princess Nadia informed Mundir that Safiya, a courtier, had also embraced the heretical Mahdavi ways and had begun to push it onto members of the court, including the royal family. Mundir would attempt to do what Yahaff could not and engage the new covert in a theological discussion in an attempt to reveal the error of her ways.

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    And it seems to have worked. Mundir’s learned knowledge of Islam was enough to convince Safiya that the claims of the Zikri preachers were baseless balderdash.
    “If only there were enough of me to debate each and every one of those vile Zikris.” Mundir thought to himself.

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    In light of the recent Zikri resurgence and Christian advances, Mundir now faced a small crisis of faith. Was Sunni Islam really the one-true-faith? How could this be the case with so many problems on the horizon? No. No, this is just a test. A test of faith and mind. These thoughts must be defeated. Mundir had found himself with a new fanatical devotion to his faith. And only the complete defeat of the Christian and Zikri threats would be enough to put his mind at ease.

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    News reaches Granada that Mundir’s ally, the Emir of Athbejid had declared war upon the neighbouring Riyahdid Emirate and he wanted Hayyid aid in his war effort. Mundir would accept the call to arms, however his sights were set much closer to home.

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    The Athbejids should easily win their way in Algiers and sending troops across the Mediterranean could leave the Hayyid realm vulnerable. But more importantly, a new opportunity to strengthen the Sultanate had appeared. Another civil war in the Dhunnunid Emirate had led the province of Jaen to be cut-off from the rest of the realm, giving Mundir the perfect chance to expand his domain. Despite their recent alliance, it had become clear to Mundir that the Dhunnunids were incapable of maintaining their own stability of late. Their weak and divided realm would just be dead weight in any war. It would be far better if the Hayyids focused on themselves.

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    Some 3800 troops were quickly mustered and moved into the unguarded province which was quickly subdued.

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    By June of next year, the Hayyid army was on the move north to take the province of Kunka in hopes of knocking the rebellious Sheikh out of the war.

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    After setting up camp for a siege of Kunka, scouts within the Hayyid army spotted two sizable opposing forces to the north. Fortunately, both armies were on opposing sides within the ongoing civil war. Still, Mundir would not take the chance on a direct assault. A quick siege of Kunka would hopefully be enough to end this war.

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    And so it was. By April of 1099, the Sheikh of Kunka relented, granting Mundir the province of Jaen in the hopes that it would keep his rebellion against the Dhunnunids alive.

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    Worrying news soon reached the court of Granada however. The Aftasid dynasty, having ruled over much of Beja for generations, had been toppled by tribesmen of the Siddrayid dynasty. It seemed as though the decadent ways of the Aftasids had finally caught up with them. The former Aftasid realm had been torn apart and left to the mercy of the surrounding states.

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    Fearing the potential for a similar decadence revolt at home, Mundir immediately got to work to ensure the same could not happen to the Hayyids. A number of nights spent in religious study reassured Mundir that he was living a righteous life, but the same could not be said for his brother and heir Abu-Bakr. The man indulged all kinds of carnal pleasures, tarnishing the name of Hayyid. He would need to be straightened up.

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    But Abu-Bakr would not listen to Mundir’s wise counsel. No matter how many scriptures Mundir cited, however many arguments Mundir presented, Abu-Bakr would not relent. There was only one thing for it, Mundir invoked Tafkir against his brother, effectively excommunicating Abu-Bakr from public Islamic life and sanctioning his imprisonment. A few days in the dungeon should sort him out.

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    With the threats to his realms growing by the day Mundir elects to marry his sister Nadia off to the Emir of Marrakesh, securing another Maghrebi ally.

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    An ally that may be much needed in the coming years. Pouncing on the weakened Dhunnunids, the Kingdom of León had taken yet more land. Conquering Toledo right from under Mundir’s nose. The Sultan heard little, if anything, from his northern neighbour before the Christians had smashed right through the gates of Toledo.

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    The realms of Andalusia stood weakened, ripe for Christian conquest. It seemed only Mundir and the Hayyid Sultanate could stand against the infidels…
     
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    Chapter V - The Re-Reconquista
  • Chapter V - The Re-Reconquista (1099-1115)

    With León still recovering from its recent conquest of Toledo, the time was ripe for Mundir to strike. It was now or never. If the Moorish realms were to wait to gather their strength it would be too late to stop the growing Leónese juggernaut. Sultan Mundir declared it his intention to wage a jihad to recapture the Emirate of Badajoz or Extremadura as it was known to the infidels.
    Mundir’s newfound allies in the Emir’s of Marrakesh and the Athbejids honoured their alliances, jumping at the chance to fight the Christian menace and gain eternal salvation. However, the Muslim alliance would still have to hope that they could defeat León before a significant united Christian force could be formed.

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    In an attempt to get the jump on the Leónese, Mundir launched an early attack upon the Duke of Extremedura’s personal army in the hopes of preventing any reinforcements aiding the Leónese royal army.

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    Mundir’s superior numbers sent the Duke's army into retreat, but 4,500 Leónese troops had now made camp outside of Córdoba and set about besieging the city. Reinforcements would be needed before the army could be faced head-on.

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    Fortunately, after five months evading the Leónese, the Athbejids had arrived on Iberia swelling Mundir’s army to nearly 7,500 men, sufficient to finally take on the infidels. A quick march was ordered to relieve the siege of Córdoba.

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    The two armies met near Cabra, to the east of Córdoba itself. It seemed once the Leónese had heard of the advancing army they had attempted to flee to a superior defensive position near the Baetic mountains. Mundir’s army had caught them just in time. The two armies clashed steel for several days, and though Hayyid forces were slowly chipping away at the Leónese army, that all-important decisive blow could not be struck.

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    However, one morning a scout appeared in Mundir’s encampment.
    “My lord,” gasped the scout as he panted for air. “King Alfonso is attempting to lead a counter-offensive to the west, he aims to flank us!”
    “The perfect time to strike! We must make haste if we are to catch them unaware. Ready the men!” replied Mundir.
    With the men ready, Hayyid forces sallied out to push back Alfonso’s counter-offensive. The charging unit took the Leónese King entirely off guard. He had expected his flanking manoeuvre to be in place before the enemy could react. The bungled retreat from the Christians was a mess. Hundreds of men were caught in the Hayyid cavalry charge, not least the King himself who fell from his horse and was forced to watch as half his army retreated and the other half were slaughtered. More Leónese troops joined the fray in an attempt to rescue their King but to no avail.

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    King Alfonso IV of León had been captured. The Christian king was taken back to the camp of Sultan Mundir. The 60-year-old Alfonso did not beg for mercy but understood that he had been defeated. By the chivalric code León had lost and their recent conquests in Badajoz were signed over to Sultan Mundir. The defeat of León and the capture of a Christian King was a great victory for Mundir who basked in the prestige of his achievements. What's more it had been achieved with only a modicum of bloodshed. The Muslim reconquest of Iberia had begun.

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    This news did not go down all too well in the rest of Europe. Concerns over the rising Muslim threat in Iberia as well as the rights of Christians within the Holy Land led the Pope to take action. A crusade was called to capture Jerusalem from the Shia Fatimid Caliphate. Hundreds of rulers across Europe pledged their support to the so-called Crusade, whilst pious knights formed holy orders in an attempt to defend Christendom. A concerning development for the Muslim world.

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    Back in Granada however, it was nothing but good news for Mundir as his wife Tarifa had given birth to a healthy baby boy and heir. Hakam II would rule over the Hayyid Sultanate once Mundir had left this world.

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    With the reconquest of Badajoz having only taken up a slither of the resources the Sultan had dedicated to the campaign, Mundir now turned his attention south. The independent Sheikhdoms of Niebla and Malaga would surely benefit from Hayyid protection. Offers of vassalization were sent to each ruler, though each was refused out of hand. No matter, steel would rectify this issue. In 1105 Mundir launched an invasion of the independent Sheikhdoms. These conquests would expand his realm’s access to the southern coast and prevent further Almoravid expansion into Iberia.

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    At the Battle of Caceres though, Mundir found himself separated from the main force and confronted by one of the Nieblan soldiers. With no other option, Mundir engaged his opponent in personal combat. In spite of Mundir’s ability with a sword, he proved no match for his opponent who slashed the Sultan across the chest and face. Before he could inflict the final blow however, reinforcements arrived, dragging Mundir to the safety of his camp. The Sultan was mere seconds from death. All he had achieved would have been for nought, if not for the bravery of his loyal soldiers.

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    Whilst Mundir recovered the war effort continued. Under the command of Wali Hafiz, Niebla would fall to the Hayyids, whilst Emir Musa of Alcantara saw Malaga pass into Mundir’s realm.

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    Yet, the time spent away from the battlefield and in recovery allowed Mundir to spend time honing his other skills, such as his knowledge of Islamic law. When the opportunity to study with some of the world’s foremost Islamic legal experts presented itself, Mundir jumped at the opportunity.

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    Fortunately, Mundir’s wounds were not as severe as was initially feared and after several years he made a full recovery, besides the massive scar that now adorned his face and torso. Many had initially feared the Sultan may never be able to ride or fight again, but Mundir had proved them wrong. Nevertheless, his duel with the Nieblan soldier had imprinted itself on the Sultan’s memory. In time Mundir would prove himself a worthy warrior and exact his revenge on Tifilwit.

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    Mundir’s recovery did coincide with some bad news however. The Christian crusaders had succeeded in their quest to capture Jerusalem. The presence of a Christian Kingdom in the Levant now posed a significant threat to the Fatimid Caliphate and the security of Islam as a whole. This conquest would need to be reversed as soon as possible.

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    In response to the Christian victory, Caliph Khalil declares a renewed Jihad to recapture regions unlawfully taken by the infidels. Seizing the opportunity, Mundir personally wrote to the Caliph, practically begging the man to declare the Iberian Christians as their target. But all of Mundir's pleas fell of deaf ears. Caliph Khalil's first target would be Daylam in Persia. Mundir was boiling with rage that the Caliph had chosen to target a tiny slither of land on the Caspian coast, this was hardly going to show the Christians that Islam meant business. Not only would the Seljuks take the region with ease, but they would likely do so before Mundir's troops made it anywhere near Persia.

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    With Mundir seething with rage at the Caliph's decision and desiring to inflict his own personal blow against the Christians, the Sultan drafted his own plans.
    He would launch his own personal jihad against León in an attempt to recapture Toledo. Alfonso IV would be put in his place for daring to expand into Muslim Iberia. He had tasted defeat once before, but now he would learn what it truly meant to be crushed beneath the Hayyid boot.

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    Mundir’s conquests had expanded the realm to such an extent that the Sultan could now call upon an army nearly 10,000 strong. The powerful army set up camp outside the city of Toledo and began a long siege.

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    Nevertheless, León could call upon its Christian allies in Aragon and Castile; leading Mundir to call in allies of his own from the Maghreb. The Sultan would have to strike before a unified Spanish army could be formed.

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    Aid from the Athbejids allowed Hayyid forces to defeat the Aragonese of some 6,000 at Granada before the Islamic army marched back north to complete the siege of the Christian city.

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    With the fall of Toledo Mundir personally led his army deep into infidel territory, capturing the Castilians unawares at Gormaz.

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    Only one final Christian army, that of the Leónese, remained. The Hayyids found their foe attempting to retake Toledo. One final battle was sure to end the war then and there.

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    Though the Leónese proved to be significantly outnumbered by their foe, Mundir proved integral to the final battle, inspiring his troops to victory and personally leading the charge. When Mayor Álvar of Toledo was found cowering after the battle, Mundir personally sought out the Christian ruler and was only stopped when Álvar bolted for the hills. Poets and bards of Andalusia would long sing of the Battle of Toledo and Sultan Mundir who defied his Caliph to free the Muslim faithful of Iberia.

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    With the defeat of the final Leónese army, victory was declared. The recent Leónese gains in Iberia had been completely reversed and the Hayyid realm had doubled in size, becoming the foremost power on the peninsula. This truly was a great day for both Mundir and the Islamic world.

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    Chapter VI - Realm Reorganisation
  • Chapter VI - Realm Reorganisation (1115-1125)

    Though Mundir had succeeded in reclaiming Badajoz and Toledo for both himself and Islam the current peace was an uncertain one. Powerful enemies continued to surround the Hayyid realm, whilst internal vassals posed a significant threat to Mundir’s rule. A significant shake-up of the status-quo within the realm would be needed for the Hayyids to retain their current position.

    The most notable internal threat took the form of Infidel rulers who continued to hold lands in the newly acquired territories. These Christian rulers, and strangely one Norse Pagan in Alcalá, had their titles revoked and replaced with Muslims who would oversee an inquisition to remove the influence Christian preachers held on the populace.

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    Next, in order to relieve the administrative burden placed on the court in Granada, Mundir granted Muyahid Raisid control over the entire Emirate of Mallorca. Given the recent mainland expansion, the Balearic Islands’ status within the Hayyid realm had diminished, leading the Sultan to now focus almost entirely on his mainland holdings. Furthermore, despite creating the realm's first vassal Emir, control over the Balearics would not give Muyahid enough troops to truly threaten the Sultan.

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    However, Mundir’s reforms were not accepted by all, when Mundir sought to strip the Sheikh of Niebla of his titles, replacing him with a more loyal man, a number of aggrieved vassals openly declared their intentions to revolt and depose the Sultan marking the start of the first Hayyid civil war. Many vassals had grown jealous of the growth of Hayyid power and believed themselves entitled to a piece of the pie, Mundir would show them why he was not a man to be crossed lightly.

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    Numbers on both sides proved to be almost equal, leading Mundir to call his Maghreb allies and hire a band of mercenaries. The remaining loyal Hayyid army of nearly 4,000 advanced into Badajoz defeating a small section of the rebellious army.

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    Whilst much of the rebel forces organised themselves to the north at Toledo, Mundir and his allies gathered at Granada. Time was against the rebels, they would need to strike quickly to have any hope of defeating the Sultan.

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    However, the rebels knew this all too well. After marching on the rebel capital of Niebla, Mundir’s army was soon set upon by the entire rebel force. The decisive battle saw the Hayyids very slightly outnumbered, but they were eventually able to pull through thanks to their superior defensive positioning and the skill of their military leaders.

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    Pressing their advantage, Hayyid forces along with their Maghreb allies, who had finally joined the fray, pushed to defeat the final rebel force at Caceres, ending the civil war and leading to the imprisonment of the rebel leaders. Mundir would ensure their titles be stripped and their families banished, only the most loyal subjects could be trusted as his provincial deputies.

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    With the realm now at peace and the reforms in place, Mundir had time to observe the state of the world and the current foreign matters of importance to the Hayyid realm.
    In eastern Europe, the Pecheneg horde, long known for their raids upon the Kievan Rus and Byzantine realms, had abandoned their nomadic lifestyle in favour of settling beyond the Carpathian mountains. Whether the Pechenegs prove able to hold onto their Hungarian holdings remains to be seen.
    Further north, the Obotrites had also beaten the Kingdom of Poland into submission, forcing the Christians to pay tribute. The same was also the case for the Rus which was now under the suzerainty of the new Pecheneg Kingdom of Hungary.

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    Perhaps more concerning to Mundir was the ongoing succession crisis within the Kingdom of León. With the death of the old King Alfonso IV, his grandson Pedro I had taken the throne. However, Pedro’s accession had been disputed by the King of France, Henri III, who claimed León for himself and aimed to carry out his will by force of arms. Having France surround the Hayyid Sultanate on both sides was unacceptable. Something had to be done to stop this.

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    A plot was drafted to ensure that Henri III would ‘depart this world’. Some aggrieved French vassals were more than happy to support the plot of a Muslim ruler in order to get back at their liege lord. From Mundir’s perspective, the hope was that the death of the French king and the resultant instability would lead to the abandonment of the Leónese campaign.

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    A year after the plot’s inception, the Duke of Burgundy sends a message that King Henri is to meet his demise through a fall from a great height. Sure enough, the King fell to his demise that same night, and no trace of the plot could be found anywhere. Such a tragic accident.

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    Yet, whilst Mundir had succeeded in plotting the death of the French king, the Leónese war continued. The new King Archambaud had powerful friends and there was little appetite for a similar plot against the new king. It seemed a clash between the Hayyids and France at some point in the future was inevitable. It was only a matter of time before León fell to Capetian rule.

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    As the years passed and Mundir grew older and wiser, his son and heir Hakam came of age. Though skilled with a blade Hakam still had much to learn if he hoped to ever fill the shoes that Mundir would leave behind.

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    By 1120 Mundir’s expertise in Islamic jurisprudence had grown to the extent he could now be considered an expert. All of Mundir’s realm would benefit from their liege’s wisdom and just rule.

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    Furthermore, years of stable rule had allowed the Sultan’s reforms to take shape, leading to much greater centralised rule. This would not only make it easier to keep the realm’s vassals in their place, but also allow the Sultan to hold more lands thereby generating more wealth and soldiers for the crown.

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    With this expanding power, Mundir elects to declare war on the Aftasids for control over Aracena. With the Aftasids struggling with civil war, this campaign should not take long.

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    Within two years the city would be under Hayyid control, though once Mundir returned to court he was in for some shocking news. His wife Ghada had been implicated in the poisoning of one of Mundir’s children: Garsiya. Ghada had been attempting to improve the standing of her own son Ma’n, making him Mundir's primary heir. Such a heinous act could not go unpunished, leading Mundir to order Ghada’s execution that very same night he returned.

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    If that was not enough, whilst out on campaign Ma’n had given himself over to sin, indulging in all kinds of decadent acts. Clearly his mother's promises of wealth and fortune upon taking the crown had gone to his head. After a chastising reminder from Mundir to live a pious life, less the Hayyid dynasty follow the same path as the Aftasids, Ma’n point-blank refused. Ma’n would soon find himself in the dungeons on trumped-up charges relating to the murder of Garsiya. Ma’n would be getting nowhere near the throne of the Sultanate any time soon.

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    With the Hayyid dynasty coming to dominate much of Andalusia the power dynamic of the region had changed dramatically over the last sixty years. The once-proud Dhunnunid Emirate had been reduced to the sole province of Calatrava. Importantly, the family still held claims to regions in Valencia. Regions now held by the French crown. These claims could be put to good use by the Sultan. Recognising the current geopolitical situation, Emir Yahya swears fealty to the Hayyids, a reflection of the changing power dynamic in Andalusia. Mundir had brought his dynasty and realm to glory.

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    Map of the known world circa 1125:

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  • Further reading Title card.png

    The Pecheneg Scourge

    The horsemen of Pechenegia, or Patzinakia as it is sometimes known were among some of the deadliest warriors of eastern Europe. Their hordes were feared from Smolensk to Zagreb and for good reason. Despite their small territory stretching from the Carpathian mountains to the Dnieper river, the Tengri horde proved able to inflict great defeats on much larger and powerful realms thanks to their swift agile cavalry and their propensity for scorched earth warfare.

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    Contemporary depiction of Pecheneg apparel

    Many believed the Pecheneg defeats at the hands of Yaroslav the Wise in the early 1000s had led the Turkic horde on a path to permanent decline, though nothing could be further from the truth.

    Within the late 1080s the Pecheneg hordes had turned their eyes once more towards the Kievan Rus, a vast, though disparate confederation of Russian kingdoms and principalities. Though of late the Rus had inflicted defeat after defeat upon the Pechenegs, a political crisis was brewing among the princes, leaving their lands ripe for raiding. In 1089 the city of Kiev, capital of the Rus, was the first to face the might of the Turkic horde. Churches, houses, and forts were all put to the torch, whilst their riches were carted off to Kherson. However, it must be noted that the Pechenegs did not engage in slavery. Most prisoners taken would either be killed or ransomed back to the Kievan realm. As the horsemen moved further north more and more cities fell to the sword as the Kievan realm was torn apart, marking the beginning of the end for Rurikid rule over the Rus.

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    Slavic depiction of the Pecheneg invasion of Kiev during the late 11th century

    With the Rus falling apart at the seams, many of the fringe states within the Rus abandoned their traditional loyalties, joining the newly emerging Kingdom in Vladimir to the north. Though in time this too would be destroyed by the horsemen of the steppe.

    With the Pecheneg subjugation of the Rus complete, attention soon turned to the lands beyond the Carpathian mountains. Only around 300 years earlier nomads from the Magyar tribe settled the Pannonian basin, displacing the Avars and forming the Kingdom of Hungary in the process. Perhaps the Pechenegs could do the same? Not only expanding their realm but also providing security from future Slavic or Byzantine attacks.

    Since the late 11th century Hungary had been embroiled in a dynastic dispute between the Árpáds and Přemyslids of Bohemia. In 1094 Jesek Přemyslid had inherited the kingdom by descent, but this did not stand well with the remaining Árpáds. In 1098 László Árpád would retake the Kingdom by force, Jesek would later be executed as a warning to Bohemia not to interfere in Hungarian affairs. But this only pushed the Přemyslids to intervene further. Two years later and the Bohemian house would have control over Hungary once more, through Svatopluk, son of Jesek. The toil of war had greatly weakened Hungary, and soon Pecheneg horsemen were storming into Pannonia by their thousands. It did not take long for Pest to fall.

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    Rulers of the Hungarian realm 1041-1125

    The Kingdom of Hungary was taken by Boru of the Hostan tribe who would now rule over the realm as Khan. Though this new conquest provided some safety for the Pechenegs it had the side-effect of splitting the tribe in two: with the lands of the Hostans to the west of the Dniester becoming a part of Pecheneg Hungary, whilst all land to the east of the river remained with the Golovin clan who retained their nomadic ways.

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    The conquest also had the unintended side-effect of alerting neighbouring Christian nations to the threat posed by the Pechenegs. Soon the Holy Roman Empire was eyeing the Tengris with hostility. Invasions by neighbouring margraves were launched, annexing bordering provinces and settling them with German migrants. Hungarian lords rose up against the Pechenegs, swearing their allegiance to the Kaiser.

    By the 1120s, faced with the threat of further invasion, and even a potential crusade, Khan Boru signed the treaty of Pest, recognising Holy Roman control over the lands west of the Danube, whilst also converting to Christianity. The newly established holy knights of the Teutonic Order would oversee the conversion of the Boru’s realm to Christianity, with the city of Galati given over to their order. The city acts both as an outpost for protection against outside infidels, but also as a reminder to the Pechenegs to never again revert to their old Tengri ways when they raided and pillaged across eastern Europe.

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    Hungary and the surrounding realms following the Treaty of Pest

    Whilst the Teutonic Knights of Galati would eventually break from their northern brethren to form the Danubian Order of Knights, they would retain their status in the northern Balkans for many generations. As for Pecheneg rule in Hungary, the Treaty of Pest proved but a temporary relief. Their rule over the basin would be tested to its limit over the coming years from both internal and external threats…
     
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    Chapter VII - The French Menace
  • Chapter VII - The French Menace (1125-1133)

    With the Hayyid realm stable and more powerful than ever the time had come for Mundir to push his realm’s claims on Valencia. However, a war with France was no easy feat. The French were able to raise vastly more troops than the Hayyids, but Mundir had a few tricks up his sleeve. Firstly, his allies within the Maghreb were more than happy to join the Sultan’s war effort against the infidel. Secondly, the vast wealth of the Hayyid treasury could more than support a large number of mercenaries if needed. And finally, Mundir’s spies had indicated that the French were currently bogged down in a war in England. With all of these factors in place, now was the time for the Sultan to strike. A quick smash-and-grab for Valencia. But Mundir would make it abundantly clear that this war was not on religious grounds, but legal. That way the various Christian states of Iberia would be less inclined to aid the expansive and increasingly meddlesome French realm.

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    Two months on from the declaration of war, nearly 12,000 Hayyid troops lay siege to France’s holdings in the Gulf of Valencia. There were no French troops in sight, save those held up behind the walls of the besieged cities. “This was going to be easy!” Mundir thought to himself.

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    However, that sense of ease soon came crashing down as news of the French war effort in England reached Mundir. The war in England was over. However, not only was it over but the French King Archambaud had just claimed the greatest prize of all for France.
    Archambaud had just won the entire Kingdom of England... The two realms were now united as one...
    Tens of thousands of troops from both realms would soon be bearing down on Iberia. To think Mundir was also responsible for Archambaud taking the French throne in the first place after the assassination of their previous monarch!

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    By 1127 French troops began to pour into Iberia, marching straight for Granada. Though Mundir’s forces had mostly taken the coastal holdings, they would be hard-pressed to hold onto them.

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    The French however, had made a fatal mistake. In their attempts to quickly end what they saw as a nuisance war, one of their advanced scouting armies sought to break the siege of Valencia before reinforcements could arrive.

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    Overwhelmed by the Hayyids, the first French army was sent packing, whilst the rest of the region fell to Mundir’s forces. By this point, French enthusiasm for the war was diminishing. Considerable resources had been expended during the English campaign, resources which would also be needed to retake both Valencia and Castellon. Besides, Archambaud cared little for Valencia, he was too busy impatiently awaiting his coronation as King of England at Westminster Abbey.

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    With the joint Hayyid-Maghreb army advancing into Aragon by October 1127, and unease growing back in England, the French decided to cut their losses. Valencia would be part of the Hayyid realm, for now.

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    This was a monumental victory for the Hayyids, to defeat a powerful Christian realm such as France would have been unimaginable only a few years ago. Sultan Mundir savoured the occasion with a victory parade through the streets of Granada and a month’s worth of feasting and celebration.

    Mundir was not one to rest on his laurels however. Only two years after the end of the French war, a much easier war against the Count of Egitanea was launched. Predictably, the small county quickly fell to the Hayyids.

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    Yet, back home, all was not well within the Hayyid Sultanate. The vassals of the realm had grown jealous of Mundir’s newfound power and prestige. Rumours swirled of plots and schemes. Whispers of discontent and factions demanding greater rights and liberties to dictate the realm’s policies emerged. Some rumours even went as far as to suggest there were individuals seeking to replace the Sultan with a ‘more fitting’ candidate.

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    And if that news wasn’t concerning enough, a terrible fever had come over the Sultan in the past few days. An epidemic of slow fever, or typhoid as the learned called it, had begun to make its way across Andalusia. Despite shutting the gates on the commoners and quarantining the royal family in Granada, it was too late for Mundir as he had already developed the disease.

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    Seeing the sultan’s seclusion as an opportunity, the Emir of Toledo had begun fabricating claims on Mundir’s titles. This could not stand. Mundir orders the imprisonment of Isma’il III, but the Emir fled before he could be caught, raising his flag in rebellion despite being outnumbered near 10:1 in terms of levies.

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    Needless to say, the civil war did not last long. A one-sided battle at Andujar, and a short siege of La Mancha later, the Toledan Emir found himself in for a lengthy spell within the dungeons.

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    But that was not the last of the problems in the central regions. The recent wars and disease epidemics had affected crop harvests leading to food shortages among some areas of the realm. With food running out, peasants in Calatrava declared their intentions to revolt. Though they were quickly suppressed, perhaps this was a sign of the instability to come in the future?

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    This food shortage also extended to the court at Granada. Isolated from the outside world, with very few crops being harvested, and one noteworthy character stealing food from the storeroom; the Sultan and his courtiers resorted to eating rats in order to sustain themselves.

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    This lack of food did Mundir’s health no favours. His condition deteriorating by the day, the Sultan begged his Court Physician to try something new. Rivai then proceeded to prescribe a naked midnight run through the wilderness. In spite of the lockdown, Mundir was to run naked throughout the hills as fast as possible until he could run no more. Despite early reservations about the idea, by the time he had finished Mundir felt terrific!

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    Alas, this newfound strength proved fleeting and soon the Sultan felt almost deathly. Surely these would be his last few days…

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    Seeing the situation developing before him, Mundir’s heir Hakam moved quickly. With his brother Ma’n still locked away in the dungeons for his decadence and alleged role in the death of Garsiya, Hakam ordered an assassination. Some poison was slipped into the Prince’s meal by a serving maid. With all his brothers having departed this word, Hakam was now the unquestionable sole heir of Mundir.

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    Before Mundir could punish his son for his kinslaying, the Sultan dropped dead on June 12th 1133 having died of the slow fever. It would be up to Hakam II to continue his father’s legacy and ensure the Hayyids retain their place as the foremost power in Iberia. But with agitated vassals and a plague epidemic sweeping across the land, would Hakam II be able to fill the void left by his all-conquering father?

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    Chapter VIII - Hakam ‘the Hunter’
  • Act 2 Title card.png

    Chapter VIII - Hakam ‘the Hunter’ (1133-1137)

    On June 12th 1133 Hakam II Hayyid succeeded to the throne of the Sultanate. Thanks to his father’s legendary diplomatic work and conquests, Hakam II had inherited a powerful realm, the most dominant on the Iberian peninsula. Its lands now stretched from Molina to Malaga and its position as the largest Moorish realm solidified the Hayyid Sultanate as the true successor to the Caliphate of Córdoba. To reflect this, Hakam II made the decision to move the capital to the city of Córdoba, or as it is known in the Islamic world, Qurtuba. Whilst the Sultan would still hold the lands of Granada, including the fortress of Alhambra, Córdoba continued to be seen by many as the rightful capital of Al-Andalus and this move provided Hakam with a great amount of prestige.

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    Despite this newfound position of power the Hayyids had found themself in; internally, the Hayyid realm was as unstable as it had ever been. Discontentment reigned among the Great Council as well as the vassals of the realm. Previously, the powerful Sultan Mundir had been able to keep his nobles in-line through a mixture of fear, diplomacy, and bribes. But now that the old man had kicked the bucket so-to-speak, their jealousy of the Hayyid family could now be voiced much more openly. The Emirs yearned for more. More land, more wealth, more power; and with Mundir gone, they believed Hakam II would not be in a position to resist. Rumours started to spread around the court of factions calling for the Great Council to have a much greater say in the affairs of the realm, effectively stripping the Sultan of his near-absolute power. Additionally, more damning rumours suggested that a number of the Sultan’s vassals were plotting to put Hakam’s uncle, Prince Raf on the throne. Perhaps they saw the man as a puppet they could manipulate much easier than the direct descendant of Mundir?

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    One other factor that certainly did not aid in the realm’s search for stability was Hakam’s own interest, or lack-thereof in properly governing. Given his father’s iron grip over the affairs of the realm, Hakam had little previous involvement in the affairs of state before his accession. Instead, most of his time was spent out hunting, giving rise to the nickname Hakam ‘the Hunter’. Rather than spend his time organising the realm after the succession, or plotting against the Christian infidels, Hakam was far more interested in hunting the famed great white stag. Legends and folktales of the creature suggested that the stag’s spiritual qualities ensured only the greatest of hunters could catch the beast. As such, when rumours suggested that the animal had been spotted somewhere near Dénia, Hakam immediately dropped everything, abandoning court to set out on a great hunt.

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    A month passed whilst out on the search for the stag, with little to no sign of the beast. Almost every corner of the province must have been scoured by the Sultan and his party, but not even a whiff of the beast could be found. Locals questioned about the animal had not seen a thing, or claimed that the beast was nought but legend. Whilst searching near Montgo Hakam and his party came across another lone rider by the name of Adfuns who was searching for the very same white stag. After striking up a conversation and sharing their own personal hunting stories, the two decided to join forces to search for the beast.

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    Despite the combined hunting knowledge of the Sultan, the wanderer, and the rest of the party; no trace of the legendary white stag could be found. Another week of hunting had been fruitless, and with a sulk on his face, Hakam called off the hunt for the creature. Adfuns would return to court with the rest of the party, in hopes that one day another search could be mounted that would finally find the beast.

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    Whilst Hakam was understandably upset that his hunt had ended in failure, upon his return to court, the Sultan’s demeanour had immediately changed as his wife brought him a present of his very own hunting dog. The Sultan was soon taking his new pet out around the palace grounds every day. The new dog was perhaps receiving more attention than the affairs of state.

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    It was obvious why Hakam was spending all this time hunting or with his new pet. He held no interest in the governance of the realm, and when the burden was placed upon him, he could not handle the stresses of the workload. Not only did he have to govern one of the most powerful Iberian realms, but he had to do so during a time of deep internal crisis. The typhoid epidemic showed no signs of abating and the discontentment among the nobility only seemed to grow. On top of this, the shadow of Sultan Mundir continued to linger over his son. There was no way Hakam II could live up to his predecessor. And so, the Sultan spent more and more time away from court, all the while a crisis loomed over the Hayyid Sultanate.

    The only diplomacy of note that Hakam was personally involved in where the marriage ties secured under his reign. Though even then, his involvement was only out of necessity rather than Hakam being at the forefront of negotiations. In reality, Grand Vizier Isma’il had been the one to hammer out the arrangements. Hakam himself was to wed Princess Aisha of the Almoravid Sultanate when she came of age in order to secure a non-aggression pact with the Hayyid’s southern neighbour, whilst Mundir’s bastard daughter Yasmin would wed the Emir of Marrakesh to form an alliance.

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    Some good diplomatic news did reach Córdoba in this time. It seemed the Franco-English King Archambaud had died without a direct male heir, leading to the division of his kingdom. Whilst his daughter Béatrix inherited England and León; due to French Salic law, Archambaud’s brother Orson took France. With the Capetian empire now divided the main threat to future Hayyid expansion was now considerably weakened.
    “Let us hope for a century more of Capetian infighting!” proclaimed Grand Vizier Isma’il as the news was delivered to the Sultan.

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    But soon Sultan Hakam was hit with a double blow of bad news. The plague of slow fever continued to hold its grip over southern Iberia, and what’s more, the Sultan had become gravely ill, vomiting profusely on an almost daily basis. Whether this illness was related to the plague or not remained to be seen, though it left the Sultan weak and bedridden.

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    Furthermore, news had reached the Sultan that an adventurer named Admer ibn Tilankan from the Maghreb was gathering mercenaries in an attempt to launch an invasion of the Hayyid Sultanate. Admer was a distant relative of Sultan Hakam I and thus held a very weak claim to the realm. Nevertheless, the news sent Hakam II into a panic. Unwell, bedridden, and ruling over a divided realm the stresses got to the Sultan. Hakam had a full-blown breakdown that night, trashing his room and screaming all night. When the servants came to check on him in the morning, they found the room a mess, and clumps of the Sultan’s hair strewn across his bedsheets.

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    Only a few months later, the same thing happened, a night spent screaming in agony, but this time when the servants came to check on their ruler, they found only a lifeless corpse lying in bed. The stresses and strains of rule had gotten to Hakam II. Despite murdering his brother Ma’n to become the undisputed heir of Mundir, when it came to the actual business of ruling, Hakam found he was not up to the task, it was nothing like he imagined it would be. By the time of his death, Hakam II left an already weakened and divided realm in the hands of his 15-year-old son Ali. The future of the realm would rest on the shoulders of a mere boy…

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    Chapter IX - Internal Squabbles
  • Chapter IX - Internal Squabbles (1137-1142)

    At fifteen years of age, Sultan Ali was the youngest ever ruler of the Hayyid Sultanate. Fortunately, Ali was but one year away from finishing his education which would allow him to take the full responsibility of rulership from his sixteenth birthday. In the meantime, Sheikh Yahaff of Caceres would act as regent for the young ruler, attempting to steady the ship. Fortunately, Yahaff proved an amicable regent, skillfully manoeuvring the realm through the threat of the adventurer Admer by crushing his forces in the field of battle. Nevertheless, tensions continued to brew under the surface of the Hayyid realm.

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    By March of 1138 Ali had come of age, initiating his personal rule of the realm. Though Ali had a firm grasp on religious and financial matters the Sultan never truly excelled at any one thing. Though diligent in his own work, he would be reliant upon his council and vassals for the overall management of the realm.

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    News soon reached Ali of a notable Andalusian philosopher renowned for his knowledge in all manner of subjects. The man, named Ibn Rushd, or known as Averroes to the Christians, was the talk of the town around Córdoba and had already written a huge number of prestigious works. Eager to increase his own knowledge and wisdom Sultan Ali elects to invite the learned man to court. After meeting the man and seeing Ibn Rushd talk at great length about theology, science, philosophy, and logic the Sultan was so stunned by this man’s intellect that he had to have a place at court. A Court Philosopher would not only bring great prestige to the Hayyid realm, but Ibn Rushd’s knowledge would also be greatly beneficial for all manner of state-related affairs.

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    By the end of the year, some grave news reached the court of Valencia. Emboldened by their recent success in capturing the Kingdom of Jerusalem, the Pope has elected to call a crusade to conquer Egypt from the Fatimid Caliphate. The overconfidence of the infidels will be their undoing. Sultan Ali gathered his commanders together to draw up plans to aid the defence of Egypt.

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    But just as Ali was gathering his forces together he was in for the shock of his life. A letter, an ultimatum was handed over by Grand Vizier Ma’n. A number of disgruntled nobles led by the Emir of Mallorca demanded that Ali relinquish the throne to his great-uncle Raf or face war. A combination of Ali’s inexperience, the greediness of the realm’s vassals and the decision to aid the Shia Fatimids pushed many of the realm’s lords over the edge.

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    Ali would not give up without a fight. Egypt would have to hold on alone for now with the Hayyid troops redirected to dealing with the civil war.

    Reports indicated that a very large number of nobles had revolted, notably the recently vassalized Dhunnunid Emir of Valencia and the Sheikh of Badajoz who had joined the Mallorcan cause. According to Ibn Rushd’s calculations, the rebels could field around 17,000 troops with the lands they had taken, outnumbering Ali’s paltry sum of 9,000. As a result, allies and mercenaries would be needed. The Emir of Marrakesh was called to honour his alliance, whilst a group of around 4,000 Tuareg mercenaries were hired in an effort to quash the pretender.

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    With the newly emboldened Hayyid army gathered at Granada, the forces of both sides now seemed significantly more even. But in the rebel’s eagerness to get their campaign off to a successful start they had made a fatal mistake leaving their capital of Medina Mayurqa completely unguarded. The Hayyid army boarded onto boats to lay siege to the rebel capital.

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    With the Balearic islands fully occupied by 1141, the morale of the rebel forces had begun to waver. Nevertheless, Prince Raf’s camp had made considerable progress on the mainland capturing Caceres, La Mancha, and Almansa.

    However, with the arrival of Marrakchi reinforcements, the pushback against the rebels could finally begin. A further mistake by the rebels, leaving an advanced sieging party in Córdoba was quickly seized upon by Ali’s forces. The 5,000 rebels were slaughtered by the larger army, considerably weakening the overall power of the rebels.

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    With their forces divided and dwindling the decision was taken not to immediately engage the remaining rebel army numbering some 14,000. News of their successive defeats, as well as the toll of the long marches, was sure to lead to some defections and attrition. In the meantime, Hayyid forces would attempt to retake their lost land. Almansa would soon be retaken by the Hayyids by 1142.

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    News of the recent defeats at Mallorca, Córdoba, and Almansa had really hurt the rebel army. The 14,000 now numbered only half the original amount, easy pickings for the Hayyids and their Maghreb allies.

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    With their victory at the battle of Ueles and the capture of the rebel commanders the civil war was over and Ali’s rule secure.

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    Though success had been secured at home, the same certainly could not be said for the situation in Egypt. The crusading force had been too numerous, too strong and too united in their purpose. The Fatimid Caliphate had been resoundingly beaten. A new Christian Kingdom of Egypt now lay in north Africa, cutting the Islamic world in two. The prestigious Italian noble house of Contarini now ruled over both Jerusalem and Egypt. This was indeed a dark day for Islam.

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    However, it seemed Islam now had a new unlikely ally. The ruler of the Kievan Rus Vsevolod had converted to the Sunni faith. Recent Seljuk incursions into the great steppe had brought Ruthenia into contact with the Islamic world and it appears the Russian king was drawn to the one-true-faith. Looking to secure ties with the new realm, Ali’s mother and widow to Hakam II was married to the new ruler. The move secured the Rus alliances with both the Hayyid and Almoravid realms due to Kella’s familial ties.

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    However, it soon became clear that King Vsevolod was not exactly sound of mind. Almost immediately after Kella left for the Kievan court alarming news returned to Córdoba that the King’s new bride had been hanged the day after the wedding. This King was no new ally, but a lunatic madman! Under his rulership, it would only be a matter of time before his vassals or the surrounding Christian kingdoms deposed him. Relations with the Kievans were immediately cut off.

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    With the realm now recovering from the recent civil war Sultan Ali along with his closest advisors set about reforming the realm in order to prevent further instability and civil war. Whilst the reforms of Ali’s predecessor Mundir had greatly aided the administration of the realm, it had become clear that the old system was no longer fit for purpose. Mundir’s primary goal with his reforms was to monopolise power around himself and his lands whilst leaving the realm’s vassals as weak as possible. Though this worked initially, it left almost all vassals of the crown displeased and jealous of the Sultan’s lands. Furthermore, as the realm grew so did the number of vassals allowing them to band together into a large united force. Mundir’s force of personality may have been enough to keep his subjects in line, but as advisor Ibn Rushd pointed out this would not always be the case. The realm must be set up to secure any Hayyid ruler whilst also pacifying the nobility.

    The decision was taken to empower some of the realm’s nobles by creating a number of new emirates. Though this would create a number of more powerful vassals, it would also create a smaller nobility that could be controlled much easier. As such Sultan Ali decreed the creation of the Emirates of Valencia, Badajoz, and Toledo each given to the Deniyyid, Yahaffid, and Amirid dynasties respectively. Notably, the crown would hold onto the lands within the emirates of Murcia, Granada, and Córdoba. Additionally, Ali’s misgivings about the new Emir of Toledo led him to retain direct overlordship over the Sheiks of Molina and the city of Toledo. The new Emir would have to earn Ali’s trust before control over these provinces was handed over. The reforms of Sultan Ali would live on through generations as the basis of Hayyid governance for much of the medieval period for better and for worse.

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    Map of the known world circa 1142:

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    Chapter X - To Claim and Conquer
  • Chapter X - To Claim and Conquer (1142-1156)

    With a sense of stability now returning to the Hayyid realm, a new opportunity for conquest presents itself. Sultan Ali elects to provide the Sheikh of Cádiz the once in a lifetime opportunity to join his realm through vassalisation. The security of Hayyid rule would surely be worth the small amount of tax paid to the Sultan? Alas, the Gaditano didn’t seem to think the offer was anywhere near as appealing as Ali made out. Well, without the Sultan’s protection there would be no way to protect Cádiz from predatory neighbours...like the Hayyid Sultanate! The troops are mobilised and war declared.

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    Vastly outnumbered and with little hope of victory the Gaditano laid down their arms in May of the following year.

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    With Cádiz now joining the Hayyid realm, many of the smaller remaining independent Sheikhdoms in Iberia now elected to bend the knee peacefully rather than engage in a foolhardy war. The Sheikh of Mértola could see the example made of Cádiz very clearly and so joined the realm with little fuss.

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    Thus far much of Ali’s reign had been concerned with internal matters and reforming the Sultanate so that it may experience greater stability in the years to come. Whilst these reforms may have earned Ali praise from later historians, among his contemporaries Ali was incomparable with the likes of the great Sultan Mundir. If he was to make a name for himself here and now he would need to test his might against the Kafir. Much of the western coast of Iberia had come under the rulership of the King of Galicia, but now it was the time for the Hayyid’s to liberate their Muslim brethren. War was declared over the lands of the Algarve.

    Combined, the forces of Sultan Ali and his allies greatly outmatched the Galicians and their Aragonese allies. The Battles of Beja and Mértola proved to be over before they had begun, whilst the remaining Christian force was wiped out at Egitanea handing the Hayyids victory.

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    Dissatisfied with the lack of a challenge posed by the Galicians and confident of their newfound power, Ali and his allies set their sights on much bigger fish. The time had come for the Hayyids to liberate Castellon from French hands. The opportunity was doubly ripe given the French were currently at war with the English (where have we seen this before?). War was declared in 1145.

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    The province itself was bereft of troops. All French forces were off fighting in the north. Ali and his camp set in for a siege. But only a few days into it, important news reached the Sultan. Caliph Murad had called for a jihad to liberate Egypt from the infidel and it was the duty of all righteous Muslim’s to take up arms! This was it. This was the chance Ali had been waiting for. A chance to prove himself and crush the Crusader states. But he was already at war with the French. There was no way he could split his force and win on both fronts. He had to mop up the French campaign as quickly as possible before committing to Egypt. With his plan in place, Sultan Ali wrote personally to Caliph Murad promising to join the struggle once his current war had concluded.

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    After besieging the province French forces began to march into Iberia. Divided into three armies of near equal size, one in the north and two in the south, the combined Hayyid force was able to hit each individually. The southern armies would fall first as it posed a far greater threat to Córdoba and the Sultanate’s interior. At Valencia the first of three French forces would fall, quickly followed by the French army besieging Granada.

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    The final French army parked in the north to defend French Valladolid would be hit the following year and quickly defeated. With that Ali was now free to fulfil his promise to the Caliph of joining the jihad to free Egypt.

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    Yet, as Ali and his armies prepared for the long march across North Africa, horrid news came through. The Jihad was off! How could this happen in such a short time? Why did the Sunni faithful give up so easily? It appeared as though the Seljuk army was caught off guard once it set foot in Egypt. With the Sinai left undefended the Caliph’s army marched directly into the heart of the Crusader State and was ambushed by the infidels after crossing the Nile. The resultant battle was calamitous for the war effort with the Caliph and many other Seljuk generals being captured in the aftermath. With that, the war was brought to a rather unfortunate and underwhelming end.

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    And with that bad news came something a little more foreboding. Whispers were brewing of a warlord in the far-east who had united the horsemen of Mongolia and proclaimed that he would conquer all lands of the great steppe and beyond. Whilst most within Ali’s court dismissed these murmurs as the musings of a mad-man or overconfident ruler; some harboured doubts at the back of their mind. Could this Khan truly be a threat to the entire world?

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    Since the rule of Hakam I and the expansion of the realm, numerous advances had been made in the administration, enabling much faster communication and travel between the provinces. Infrastructure such as roads and the creation of a mailing system now allowed the Sultan’s reach to be felt across the realm. It would now be much easier and faster for the Sultan to keep in touch with his vassals and for his armies and enforcers to move around the realm. The Hayyid Sultanate was very slowly but surely becoming more centralised and administratively efficient.

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    Whilst the Hayyid realm had garnered much of its wealth through trade, of late a number of Christian merchant republics had begun to establish trading posts along the shores of Ali’s realm. In most cases, the agreements to build these ports were signed with local rulers and not the Sultan himself. With the administration of the realm improving Sultan Ali believed it was only right that the crown control the realm’s outward trading policy. Recently Ali’s relationship with the Spoleto family of the Republic of Genoa had soured considerably. Patrician Giolio had come to the Hayyid court in an attempt to sign a preferential trading agreement which whilst benefiting his family, cheated the Sultan out of his rightful trading dues and did nothing about goods imported from Genoa. The Patrician would now learn what it would mean to try and cheat the Sultan.

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    And with an angry mob roused against the vile Spoleto family the trading post at Malaga was burned to the ground. Giolio will think twice before trying to cheat the Hayyid’s again.

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    News also reached Sultan Ali that a notable Andalusian scientist Ibn al-Baitar had returned from his journeys. Having documented and collected a large number of previously unknown plants and remedies on his journeys the man has caused quite a stir among the upper-echelons of Hayyid society. With Ibn al-Baitar the talk of the town Sultan Ali decided to personally pay the man a visit.

    Having perused his collection of plants and the new medicines found on his journey through North Africa, Arabia, and Anatolia. Sultan Ali was so impressed that he demanded al-Baitar join him at court. But the Sultan also requested al-Baitar’s plant collections and other scientific discoveries be made freely available so that learned men may study botany and medicine. Though sceptical of the proposal at first Ibn al-Baitar eventually relented after much persuasion and quite a lot of patronage. Sultan Ali had his own Court Botanist. Though he didn’t know it at the time, Sultan Ali had just laid the foundations for something far greater...

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    Despite Ali’s administrative victories, the Sultan still believed that his military record remained insufficient. The victories against Galicia and France had been relatively easy for a number of reasons. The failure of the Jihad continued to hang over the Sultan like a black storm cloud. One great victory over the infidels, not some one-sided battle, a true clash of titans! That was all he needed. One to be remembered. That was when he knew what he must do. Ali would be the Sultan who crushed the Kingdom of Aragon and expanded the Hayyid realm to the Pyrenees. The declaration of war was sent to King Juan and the troops were mustered.

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    Aragon was not without its allies. Though the other Spanish Kingdoms looked to sit this one out and lick their wounds, the Knights Templar announced their intention to stand with Aragon against the Hayyids. More worryingly Gauthier, King of France also threw himself behind the Christian defence. If it was a fight Ali wanted, he would certainly get one.

    The 17,000 strong Hayyid army quickly pounced on the Aragonese before they could prepare. Around 4,000 troops were sent into retreat from Soria, freeing the path to the capital of Zaragoza.

    With the numbers against the Hayyids it was necessary for Ali’s armies to keep their enemies forces weak and divided. The decision was taken for the besieging army at Zaragoza to abandon its position to hit the Templars at Castellon. A powerful Aragonese army of around 12,000 was approaching from the west and both forces could not be allowed to combine.

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    Fortunately, the Aragonese planted their forces in Zaragoza in an attempt to retake the capital. The Hayyids swept around the Sistema Ibérico to hit the remaining Templar army; but not before joining up with their Maghreb allies to make an army of nearly 20,000 strong. Surely nothing could stop the Hayyid onslaught that was to come.

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    But hearing of this new Hayyid army, the Aragonese, reinforced by the French, moved to defend their retaken capital. Both sides clashed near the mountains of Gormaz. Reinforced by their strong defensive position the combined Aragonese-French force held out day after day, night after night. For over a month the battle raged.

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    Eventually, the strain of battle proved too much for the Christians who pulled out on July 23rd, but they had inflicted a heavy wound on the Hayyids. Ali’s army had lost 6,000 men relative to the 4,000 losses for the infidel. Worse, the Castilians had now joined the war effort bolstering the size of the opposing armies.

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    With numbers dwindling on the Hayyid side, and the Christians now besieging Castellon, Sultan Ali decides to invest in a mercenary army in hopes of crushing the opposition. 10,000 Malian slave warriors known as the Ton-Tigi were contracted to aid the Sultan’s war effort at a great financial cost to the realm.

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    Before the mercenaries could reinforce the Hayyid army though the Templars were back for revenge, catching Ali’s forces off guard whilst they besieged Zaragoza once more. Outnumbered and outmatched there was only one way this battle was ended.

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    Yet against all odds, the Hayyids held out. No matter what the Templars threw at Ali’s forces they could not break the will or the steel of the Sunni faithful. After two weeks of constant fighting, the Templars withdrew. This day would be long remembered in the annals of history.
    In the aftermath of the battle of Veruela, the remaining Hayyid forces stormed Castellon to take out the Castilians.
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    Not only were the Spaniards driven from the Hayyid lands, their King, Fernando ‘Son of Satan’ was captured by the army and brought to Sultan Ali’s dungeon. A prized prisoner if ever there was one. This would make an excellent bargaining chip for the negotiations at war’s end.

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    With victory in sight, the Hayyids marched north once more in an attempt to lift what must have been the fourth siege of Zaragoza that this war had seen. The similarly numerous Templar army was just another foe to be easily brushed aside by Ali’s invincible army.

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    But for the Sultan himself, invincibility was not the first word on his own mind. That word would be mortality. His mortality. For some time now Sultan Ali had been suffering from pain and swelling within his joints. He had kept this to himself for many years in an effort to preserve an image of an austere, strong rule; but now the pain was far too much. Something was clearly very, very wrong. After consulting Court Physician Bilal the diagnosis was clear. Gout.

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    Bilal believed the Sultan’s condition was in a very late stage and that if not operated on immediately, it could be fatal. Reluctantly, Sultan Ali agreed to the treatment, though by the time he reached the operating table, he probably wished he hadn’t.
    “Removing the afflicted appendage is the only way my lord. Trust me, I know what i’m doing,” were the last words Ali heard before the calming potion got to work.

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    Sultan Ali never awoke from the operating table. Official reports suggested that the Sultan had died from ‘complications with gout’. Though more than a few around the court suggested it was Emir Bilal who was responsible. Though his administrative and educational reforms would live on, garnering much praise from later historians and statesmen; he never quite fulfilled that one desire for a great victory memorable for all time. He was so close, but alas it was snatched away just when it seemed most assured.

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    Chapter XI - Choosing your Battles
  • Chapter XI - Choosing your Battles (1156-1167)

    With the death of Sultan Ali in 1156, his 11-year-old son and heir Abu-Bakr was to take the throne. With the boy nowhere near the age of maturity, it was to Emir Mubashir III of Mallorca to rule in Abu-Bakr’s stead as regent. A trusted vassal of the Hayyids, unlike his father, Mubashir would surely be able to maintain stability within the realm until the Sultan is of age to rule personally. There was, of course, the slight issue of the Aragonese war. Sultan Ali had been so close to victory before his death, surely there was absolutely no way that this conflict could end in anything but a victory for the Hayyids? With King Juan on the verge of conceding defeat, one last battle would be the final nail in the coffin of this war. Under the command of Captain Amellal, the Hayyid army descended from the Pyrenees to crush the Aragonese army besieging Zaragoza in a last-ditch attempt to turn the tide against the Hayyids.

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    But to the horror of regent Mubashir, the battle was lost. Despite outnumbering the enemy and engaging them from a superior position the Hayyids were driven back having lost a third of their army in the melee. Clearly the news of the death of Sultan Ali had affected the morale of the men. No matter, the Hayyid army would simply return once it had regrouped and reinforced. The long siege would sap the Aragonese of their strength, and news of the war’s progress was sure to lead to desertion. By June of 1157, Captain Amellal returned, this time more than outnumbering the Aragonese. Clearly now the war would come to its end.

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    But no. The Aragonese once more held off against the Hayyids, killing nearly 5,000 loyal soldiers in the process. This was an absolute disaster. The loss of their Sultan clearly weighed on the minds of the men. Even worse, Captain Amellal had been killed in the onslaught. This great victory stirred the hearts and minds of the Christians. A counter-offensive was on. The French and Castilians would soon be back as well, whilst the Hayyid army lay in tatters.

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    Discontent was brewing at court. Many called for regent Mubashir to be stripped of his position. A small few even whispered that the boy Abu-Bakr be deposed. One night a cloaked man slipped into the room of the boy-Sultan armed with a knife. It was only Abu-Bakr’s nightmares keeping him awake that alerted him to the man. The guards soon came rushing in to save the Sultan. No-one knew who the man was, or who had sent him, but the experience had scarred Abu-Bakr for life. The boy was now inseparable from his mother who constantly lectured the boy on keeping safe and ‘trusting in no-one but yourself’.

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    For regent Mubashir however, it was his own position on the line that caused him the most anguish. With the war effort collapsing, discontentment growing, and an assassination attempt on the Sultan; the regent hadn’t exactly endeared himself to either the court or the royal family. It was clear the regent couldn’t fight a battle on two fronts, and so Mubashir chose to fight the one at home. Peace was made with the Aragonese. A white peace may have been a humiliation for the Hayyids, but it bought Mubashir the stability he needed to control the situation at home.

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    Though factions at court continued to whisper of plots to depose both regent and Sultan, Mubashir proved able to deftly manoeuvre the realm into a position of stability. A close eye was kept on Abu-Bakr, guards would never let the Sultan out their sight and so it came to be that the boy began his personal rule in 1161. His childhood experiences and the tutelage of his mother had led him to embrace a cold, shadowy personality. Abu-Bakr would rule through intrigue and fear.

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    At the Sultan’s first official meeting of the great council, a number of matters were brought to the new ruler’s attention. In England, a Saxon rebellion had succeeded in deposing the House of Capet, installing Aelfstan II as the new ruler. In the process the Kingdom of León was also fully separated from the English crown, greatly weakening the Hayyid Sultanate’s immediate neighbours.

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    There was also the matter of the pretenders to the throne, Isma’il and Mundir. Uncle Mundir had already been locked away in the dungeons under Sultan Ali during his final days due to his scheming against the crown, whilst Prince Ism’ail, the Sultan’s brother, was still far too young to pose any tangible threat towards Abu-Bakr’s rule. Though the council was quick to downplay the threat posed by the pretenders, so long as both lived they could be used against Abu-Bakr. Despite being in prison, Prince Mundir allegedly had many connections around court, particularly to the powerful Emir of Toledo. He had to go.

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    A plot was hatched for an ‘escape attempt’ to take place within the dungeons, during which time Mundir would suffer a very unfortunate accident. A courtier named Raf, posing as one of Mundir’s supporters was planted inside the Prince’s cell, along with a key ‘stolen’ from the guards. On the night of May 6th, both men broke out of their cell but the guards just so happened to have overheard the two break out, slaughtering Mundir as he attempted to leave the castle.

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    Though few suspected foul play, Abu-Bakr was not one to trust lightly. Whispers around court suggested that Raf had played a role in the Prince's demise. Without hesitation, Abu-Bakr ordered the man’s imprisonment and by the next day Raf had disappeared from sight having ‘left the court to return to his family in Murcia’. Unbeknownst to many Raf had now become the Sultan’s plaything regularly enduring beatings and torture whenever the Sultan desired to relieve some stress. Ultimately, the pain proved too much for the man, though at least Abu-Bakr’s secret was safe.

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    Building upon his father’s work in botany and medicinal education, Sultan Abu-Bakr orders the creation of a grand university within the city of Córdoba. It was hoped that the site would attract many learned men from across the Islamic world, greatly benefiting the Hayyid realm through both prestige and technological research. Though it would take some time for the site to be completed, and a considerable sum of money.

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    Efforts to fund the new site put a considerable strain on the realm’s budget leading the Sultan to raise taxes within the crownlands. The peasantry of Córdoba proved particularly resistant to these measures. Very few of them would be able to gain access to the new university so they saw no reason why they should be paying for it.

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    In an effort to distract the peasantry from the increased tax burden, Abu-Bakr elected to start a holy war with the Kingdom of Galicia over the Emirate of Beja.
    “These new taxes will go towards aiding the liberation of our brothers under the rule of the Kafir!” Belted the preachers the Sultan had sent across the provinces. That part of their money was being used in a righteous religious struggle proved convincing to at least part of the peasantry. Talk of open revolt had begun to die down since the announcement of war.

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    Once more the Spanish kingdoms joined their brethren in an attempt to protect their land. In response, Abu-Bakr launched a spearhead campaign to quickly defeat the Galician army in the field before reinforcements from their allies could arrive.

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    Though the small Galician army was quickly defeated, Castilian and Aragonese reinforcements were soon on the scene. Whilst the Castilians hit the Hayyid army at Coimbra the leadership of the Sultan proved enough to turn the tide of battle.

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    The Sultan was proving to be a strong leader of men in the field of battle. The hours spent on battlefield drills with the mounted retinues was turning Abu-Bakr into quite the cavalry leader.

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    With the aid of their Marrakshi allies, the final Aragonese army fell, marking the end of the war for Beja.

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    With the capture of Beja, the Sheikh of Almada swears fealty to Sultan Abu-Bakr. The Hayyids were now the truly undisputed rulers of all Al-Andalus, no other independent Moorish realms existed.

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    However, discontent was rising among the Christian rulers. The powerful and expanding Hayyid realm had become an object of considerable concern, threatening the borders of the Christian realm.

    Led by the Grandmaster of the Knights Templar, Nicolas Dandolo, a number of Christian Kingdoms and Holy Orders had formed a coalition aimed at curtailing Hayyid expansion. Though this new alliance stated that its aim was to prevent expansion, the Sultan held a suspicion the bloc aimed to attack and divide his realm as soon as their strength allowed. In order to prevent this, the Sultan entered into diplomatic negotiations with his enemies.

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    Though initially hostile to any talks, the necessity of security for both realms ultimately prevailed. The result was the Treaty of the Pyrenees, a landmark in Hayyid diplomacy and negotiation. The treaty stipulated that the Hayyid Sultan agreed not to attack the Christian Kingdoms of Iberia: Galicia, León, Castile, and Aragon. The Kingdom of France would act as the guarantor of the independence of these realms. Furthermore, the Hayyid Sultan would recognise their territorial integrity based upon the current boundaries as defined by the Sistema Central and Sistema Ibérico mountain ranges. In return the Christian realms agreed not to attack the Hayyid realm, though stopped short of recognising its territorial integrity. Though at face value the new treaty gave considerable concessions to the Christian Kingdoms it crucially provided Abu-Bakr with the security he needed to pursue his ambitions elsewhere without having to look over his shoulder at the new coalition.

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    Modern textbook image depicting the boundaries following the Treaty of the Pyrenees

    Despite this diplomatic victory, very bad news was about to reach the Sultan of two new major threats to the realm. The first was internal. A massive epidemic of consumption had begun to take hold in Andalusia. There was not a settlement or family left unaffected by the epidemic. The gates of the Sultan’s palace swung shut when reports suggested the airborne plague had reached Córdoba. The peasants would be on their own, but for how long would this last before the violence started?

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    A second threat had also appeared across the Pyrenees or rather re-appeared. The short-lived Saxon revival in England had been crushed and the Capets had regained control. King Gauthier of House Capet now ruled over both France and England, reuniting the Capetian Empire. But this time it was different. Seeing how the Capetian realm had been torn apart after the death of Archambaud, Gauthier was not about to let the same thing happen to him. The succession laws of England were rewritten, forcibly bonding it to its southern neighbour through Salic law. The Dual Monarchy of France and England was born and the balance of power in Europe would never be the same again...

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    Map of the known world circa 1167:

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    Chapter XII - On the Trail to Tripoli
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    Chapter XII - On the Trail to Tripoli (1167-1183)

    With the Treaty of the Pyrenees now securing the Hayyid’s northern borders, Sultan Abu-Bakr was now well placed to pursue his designs within North Africa. The powerful Almoravid Sultanate dominated much of the Maghreb and even controlled the Iberian provinces of Sévilla and Algeciras, but no matter how many marriage proposals or alliance offers Abu-Bakr sent to the Sultan in Marrakesh they were always turned down. Something about ‘political considerations’ always turned the Almoravids off greater ties to the Hayyids. No matter though, Abu-Bakr would not need Almoravid aid for what he had planned.

    But first, an opportunity to get one over the Almoravids, whilst also improving the realm’s trading power had appeared. A recent rebellion in Al Djazaïr led by a Yazidi warlord named H’emmu had recently freed the region from Almoravid tyranny. If the Hayyids were to control this province it would not only provide them with a north-African base from which to strike at their southern neighbour, but the north African coast would also provide the realm with a port from which to ship goods from Africa to Iberia. War was declared on the heretics and the troops sent in.

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    H’emmu’s troops had largely been decimated in their independence war against the Almoravids, allowing for an easy Hayyid victory. Allied troops poured into Al Djazaïr and Beni Yanni and the coast was quickly annexed into Abu-Bakr’s domain. This was easy. Too easy…

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    But with the province’s annexation, it did not take long for the fanatical Yazidis to strike back. With H’emmu’s defeat, another warlord had taken his place, declaring his intent to wage jihad against Hayyid rule.

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    An army of around 7,000 had mustered in Beni Yanni, a mix of former soldiers, mercenaries and peasants. It took some time for an army strong enough to put down the rebels to be mustered. Though the Yazidis were eventually crushed this was but a sign of the growing strength and militancy of Islam’s heretical movements.

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    Meanwhile back in Iberia, the consumption epidemic was going absolutely nowhere. Thousands had died of the disease, families had lost loved ones, crops went unpicked due to a lack of labour, and now the masses were baying for blood. Whilst some spoke ill of the royal family and nobility who had locked themselves away in their castles and estates, the bulk of their ire had been reserved for the realm’s Jewish population.

    Whilst Jews had found themselves the subject of considerable marginalisation in a number of Christian realms, leading them to be banished from a number of kingdoms. By contrast, a number of Jews had found a sort of refuge within the Hayyid realm, provided they paid the jizya or religious tax. Though much of the population still treated the realm’s Jewish subjects with suspicion, the Jewish population had become integral to the realm’s financial institutions and many had even gained positions of great importance and renown within the Hayyid court.

    But now their presence had become all too apparent to the lay population of the realm. In their minds, they were responsible for the recent epidemic. Incidents of violence against Jews increased tenfold, the provinces were in open revolt. The council demanded action. Not wanting to incite further religious violence, but in looking to pacify the population the Sultan issued a number of vague statements about how “something must be done” and how the crown was “working to resolve the issues at hand”.

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    But that was not enough for the peasantry. In their minds, the Sultan’s words called for action. Nowhere had that become clearer than in Córdoba where a bread riot turned into a pogrom against the city’s Jewish population. Angry mobs burned Jewish businesses and homes forcing families to flee, severed heads hung from the city’s bridge and bodies on stakes lined the roads into town. With similar episodes reported across the Hayyid realm and violence against Hayyid officials breaking out in some areas, Abu-Bakr reluctantly signed an order expelling the Jews from the realm. Many of their businesses were seized by the crown and handed out to friends of the royal family. Over the next few months, the Jewish population of Andalusia fled either to Africa or Christian Europe in hope of some, or any form of security or solitude.

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    In the coming months, the epidemic seemed to subside. The laity praised the Sultan for his decisive action in expelling the cause of the disease, but deep down Abu-Bakr knew his actions had nothing to do with it. He would have to hope that the realm’s financial institutions could cope without their original stewards.

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    With the situation having subsided, Abu-Bakr was now free to finally pursue his goals. The Christian crusades had brought shame upon the Islamic world. The attempts to reverse the conquest through the Jihads called by the Sunni Caliph were equally embarrassing. The powerful Kingdoms of Jerusalem and Egypt now grew from strength to strength, with Egypt recently conquering much of the north Africa coast. With the Almoravids refusing to indulge a united front to retake Tripolitania, it was now time for the Hayyids to take matters into their own hands. They would be the protectors of Islam. Abu-Bakr announced his intentions to invade Africa and reclaim the region for the Islamic world.

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    With the news of an impending invasion, King Uffe of Egypt sought to catch the Hayyid off guard. The Swedish King, allied to the Egyptians joined the Christian cause whilst a skirmishing force of around 3,000 men was sent to Iberia in an attempt to slow preparations. Though the Hayyid armies were able to mobilise quickly and drive the Egyptians and Swedes back north.

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    Rather than sail to Tripolitania, Abu-Bakr ordered his troops to march through North Africa in an effort to throw off the Egyptian scouts who would likely be preparing for a naval invasion. By August of 1181, the Hayyid armies were nearing their destination. Though some men had been lost on their treacherous journey across North Africa, Hayyid forces still outnumbered the Egyptians. Abu-Bakr’s armies pounced upon the advanced Egyptian force at Medenine forcing their retreat back to the land of the Nile.

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    As Hayyid forces made their way across Tripolitania religious riots engulfed the region’s cities, the pious Muslim population attempted to overthrow their Christian oppressors, opening the doors of their settlements to Abu-Bakr’s armies. Their liberators were here. By October of the following year, much of Tripolitania was under Hayyid control and the final Egyptian army at Houmt Souk was about to be driven out of the area.

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    Inspired by the Hayyid successes the Shia Caliph Agathos II announced his intentions to wage a religious war to reclaim Jerusalem for the Fatimids. But surely the weakened Fatimids stood no chance at conquering an entire Crusader state?

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    But the Fatimids had clearly recognised the same weakness that Abu-Bakr had spotted in the Crusader states. Perhaps they could use this to their advantage? Hoping to strike up good relations with the Hayyids should both of their reconquests succeed, a marriage proposal was sent to Abu-Bakr for him to marry Princess Halima. Despite being Shia heathens, good relations with the Fatimids would be necessary to prevent further Christian expansion within the region. The proposal was accepted.

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    By May of 1183 with Tripolitania firmly under Hayyid rule, the Christian Kingdom of Egypt conceded defeat. Abu-Bakr had succeeded in pushing back the infidel. This was but the first step in Islam’s revival!

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    FR: The Franco-English Union: Creation of the Dual Monarchy
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    The Franco-English Union: Creation of the Dual Monarchy

    The story of the union of the French and English crowns can be traced back to the English succession crisis of 1066. Though William of Normandy’s victory proved fleeting, his legacy lived on, playing a pivotal role in the formation of a new English identity.

    The plantation of Norman nobles not only helped to shift England from its Anglo-Saxon origins but also made Norwegian rule over the Kingdom doomed within the long term. Though Harald Hardrada may have won the war, the Normans won the peace. That had become abundantly clear by 1087 as Robert’s rebellion deposed King Magnus, placing the House of Normandy back on the English throne.

    The House of Normandy had long-held dynastic ties to the French Capetian dynasty, Muriella de Normandy, daughter to William, was the mother of Philippe II of France; but the Norman victory in England had moved the Kingdom into France’s area of interest. And so when another English succession crisis reared its head in the early 1100s, the King of France found his reason to invade.

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    Despite Robert of Normandy’s victory in 1087, the stresses of rule evidently took their toll on the new king. In 1103 the new king chose to abdicate in favour of his son. Robert I would now spend his days as a man of God, devoting himself to faith until his death in 1134.

    Robert II would rule England from 1103 until 1122 when he too would abdicate, but not by choice. Significant wounds sustained on the battlefield had left the king an infirm and incapable ruler. Seeing their ruler as a puppet of the powerful Duke of Warwick, much of the nobility plotted to place the King’s son also named Robert onto the throne. This was done with little bloodshed and in 1122 Robert III took the throne of England, whilst Robert II was ushered out of the country and into safety by his supporters.

    However, this would not be the end of it, support for Robert II remained high, particularly among the more northerly lords of the realm and several years later England would devolve into a civil war beginning the War of Two Roberts.

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    Meanwhile, back in France, King Archambaud viewed the situation across the Channel with concern. As Norman England tore itself apart, there was every chance that the Norwegians could once again reassert their dominance over Britain, creating a powerful enemy to the north. Intervention was necessary.

    As the great-grandson of William ‘the Bastard’ Archambaud held a claim to the Kingdom of England and given the divided nature of the realm, now was the time to press it. Though having a friendly Norman England to the north was the aim of French diplomacy at the time, this did not compare to the prospect of having England as part of the French realm.

    After a gruelling four-year campaign, King Archambaud had defeated all opposition and had himself crowned as King of England in 1126 at Westminster Abbey. The Kingdom’s of England and France had been united under the rule of one man.

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    The knights of the realm swear fealty to their new King Archambaud

    Whilst this coronation had set a precedent for the union of the two crowns, Archamaud’s original kingdom was short-lived. In 1134 the King of France and England died of rabies at the age of only 25, leading his realm to be divided. Owing to the different succession laws used in both realms, Archamaud’s eldest daughter Béatrix took England, whilst his brother Orson took France as the King had no living male child to satisfy French Salic law.

    Early Capetian rule in England was unstable, to say the least. Unpopular with the nobility, and with only females to rule, crises became commonplace. Queen Béatrix would ‘go missing’ in 1138 at the age of only 8, to be replaced by her sister Héolise, who would, in turn, be replaced by her sister Mafalda in 1154. All this squabbling between the English Capetians had made them blind to outside threats to their rule. The last remaining Anglo-Saxon lords in particular had not taken kindly to the Capetians, and so in 1159, the northern lords rebelled, installing Aelfstan II as the first Anglo-Saxon King of England since Harold Godwinson, ending 72 years of Norman-French rule.

    Across the Channel King Gauthier of France had seen the English line of his family burn themselves out, defeated by Anglo-Saxons who were now baying for blood against both the Normans and French. As such, in 1160 King Gauthier sought to emulate his uncle Archambaud, launching an invasion to bring England under the French heel once more. Two years later, the divided and weakened realm surrendered to the French once more.

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    Yet, King Gauthier knew that French rule over the English could not be secured through conquest alone. Serious reforms would be needed to secure the succession and to provide stability. The answer would present itself through the union of the crowns. The creation of a Franco-English Dual Monarchy. Never again would the two realms be separated.

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    Firstly the new union sought to create a stable succession system, initially by implementing Salic law in England, and later by abolishing the two independent Kingdoms of France and England in favour of one crown for the Dual Monarchy. Under the new succession system, both realms would go to the eldest male heir. Females could not inherit and the two realms could never be separated.

    Secondly, the Union of the Crowns sought to present the new realm as a union of equals. Both French and English vassals would possess the same rights and liberties. Whilst this commitment to equality existed within the Dual Monarchy’s foundational document the Magna Carta, in reality, the French lords soon began to assert their supremacy. French remained the official language in both courts, angering the remaining Saxon lords, whilst the court and capital would remain in Paris. This division between the claims and the reality of the Dual Monarchy would continue throughout the years, only perpetuating French domination over England. In the centuries to come, the status-quo of the new realm would be tested to their breaking point, giving the rulers of the Dual Monarchy the choice between reform, or revolt.

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    Very close eyes will be kept on the Dual Monarchy in the coming decades. One wonders what the future may have in store for this young realm...
     
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    Chapter XIII - Sicilian Offense
  • Chapter XIII - Sicilian Offense (1183-1191)

    The recent successes in north Africa had brought great prestige to house Hayyid and Abu-Bakr himself. Bards, poets and the commoners alike spoke of the Sultan’s great deeds. One day Isma’il invited a bard to court who sang of Abu-Bakr’s great victory over the infidel bringing delight onto the face of the Sultan. Perhaps the man even surpassed the great Mundir himself in his achievements?

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    Of course, it was only right for Abu-Bakr to dedicate his victory to Allah and so it was important to display this faith in a holy pilgrimage to Mecca.

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    But the world did not wait for the Sultan to return from his pilgrimage. In the Eurasian steppe, the Mongols had finally fulfilled their goal of uniting the horse lords of Eurasia under one banner; though perhaps they hadn’t envisioned it would happen quite like this. A huge alliance of nomads and kingdoms across the east had joined forces in an effort to resist the Mongol Khan. Only time would tell whether the horse lords of Karakorum could defeat the mighty coalition.

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    In the Baltic when the pagans long maintained a stronghold, the question was now for how much longer can the Romuva hold out? The Christians had succeeded in establishing the Kingdom of Lithuania as a new crusader state in the region in an effort to convert the populace from one ungodly religion to another.

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    And back in the Hayyid Sultanate, discontent was brewing in Syrte. A number of former Christian nobles, priests, and warriors from Egyptian rule had raised their banners in rebellion.

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    With the Sultan still in Mecca, it would be up to his commanders to quench the flames of rebellion. Fortunately, Sheikh Abdul-Hakam of Calatrava proved more than able to muster the requisite number of troops and put down the Christian traitors. The rebel leaders would be executed as an example to any who would oppose Hayyid rule.

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    Meanwhile, in Iberia, the Abbadid Emir of Valencia had expanded his holdings at the expense of Aragon. Though the Christian kings of Iberia saw this as a blatant violation of the Treaty of the Pyrenees, the Hayyid council countered, suggesting that the agreement had been with the Sultan, not his vassals or the realm as a whole. Surely this agreement could not last long-term.

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    With Abu-Bakr’s return from pilgrimage, there was more news from the Levant. Somehow, the long-suffering Fatimids had managed to turn the tide against their decline, retaking Jerusalem from the Christians. This, along with the recent victories in Iberia and Daylam were sure signs that Islam was undergoing a resurgence against the Christian menace!

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    With the Sultan’s recent conquests filling the realm’s coffers with the spoils of war, it was only right that a portion of this be reinvested into the realm’s subjects in some form. With the first phase of work on the new University of Córdoba reaching its conclusion, the Sultan elects to greenlight the next phase of expansion way ahead of schedule.

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    Meanwhile, Abu-Bakr’s attention turned to the fringe areas of his realm. The Canary Islands had long maintained their independence and primitive religion. But now it was time for them to see the light of Islam. Several preachers were sent over to the island in the hopes of converting the population peacefully and adding the island’s to the Hayyid realm through vassalization. But when the Chief of the island’s tribes refused, exiling the preachers, the only recourse was of course war.

    But while the Hayyid troops were still preparing for the naval invasion, the tribesmen got the jump on Abu-Bakr’s forces landing 1500 warriors in Malaga.

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    A foolish move on their half, surely their only hope was to sit tight and defend their homeland? Instead, Hayyid forces resoundingly defeated the Warriors at Algeciras and then moved in on their undefended homeland. It did not take long for the islands to fall, becoming just another part of the Hayyid realm.

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    But Abu-Bakr had much grander designs than simply the conquest of the Canaries. In his mind, Tripolitania was but the start of his wider reconquest of Islam’s lost lands. Though his eyes were fixed on defeating Egypt both realms continued to hold a truce, and it seemed the Fatimids, perhaps overconfident from their conquest of Jerusalem had launched an invasion of Egypt themselves. With the Shia focused on Egypt Abu-Bakr would have to aim his conquests elsewhere.

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    And that target soon reared its head. A civil war had broken out in the Byzantine Empire over the succession to the throne. Now would be the perfect opportunity for Abu-Bakr to recapture Sicily for the Islamic world.

    This would be a war the likes of which the Hayyid realm had not seen before. Tens of thousands of troops would need to be ferried to the island if there was to be any hope of wrestling control away from the Byzantine rebels who currently held it.

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    10,000 troops landed on Marsala, with 10,000 more landing in Palermo several days later.

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    Though the island’s defenders proved few, a large rebel army numbering nearly 20,000 soon crossed over from Italy.

    Both sides met at Monreale near Palermo with the battle raging on for nearly a month. Ultimately, the Hayyids proved to get the better of the Romans, sending their adversaries on a long march home back to Greece. Nevertheless, the battle had seen significant Hayyid losses. Being so far from home and with no easy access reinforcements would be few if any.

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    A year later and Hayyid forces had much of the island under their control, but the Byzantines were not going to take it lying down. A further force of 15,000 men crossed the strait of Messina, but this time the Hayyids were waiting for them. The crossing had taken its toll on the attackers. Disorganised and unruly, one-by-one the rebels fell to the sword against the similarly-sized Hayyid force. By May of 1191, it had become clear that Hayyid victory was assured. Sicily was in Muslim hands, and with it, the Byzantine civil war had ended with the capture of the rebel stronghold.

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    In Egypt against all the odds, the Fatimids had succeeded, crushing the Christian Kingdom of Egypt. But now the Shia Caliph had the unenviable task of quelling a series of Christian rebellions which had taken hold in the region. The Fatimids may have been able to retake their lost lands, but keeping them would be another matter.

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    Map of the known world circa 1191:

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    Chapter XIV - The Mystic from Murcia
  • Chapter XIV - The Mystic from Murcia (1191-1207)

    With Sicily secure and the Hayyid realm expanding further and further beyond its original Iberian confines, it was important for the Sultan to maintain a sturdy hand over his subjects and personal lands. Thanks to the great prestige Abu-Bakr had garnered throughout his reign, the realm’s subjects were more than happy to sign over more of their personal liberties to keep the realm prospering. A more centralised realm the Hayyid Sultanate was becoming.

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    But this did not go down well with the newly conquered territories. The Emir of Sicily who had been transplanted into the Hayyid realm against his own will was not about to bow down to some infidel. When news reached Sicily that Abu-Bakr had ordered the Orthodox Emir’s imprisonment, the ruler raised his banners hoping to resist Hayyid domination of his lands.

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    But when Abu-Bakr’s ships once again turned up on Sicily’s shores, the Emir was quick to bolt. Hoping to escape back Greece, the Sultan’s lieutenants apprehended the traitor before he could jump ashore. A nice, dark and dingy prison cell awaited Kosmos once he was in the custody of the Sultan.

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    In his place, Abu-Bakr appointed Chrysogonos Dokeianos a local noble of Magna-Graecian descent. Importantly, Chrysogonos was a pious Sunni Muslim. Not only would this new ruler be able to oversee the conversion of the region to Islam, but his cultural background would also endear him to the local population.

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    With peace now restored foreign affairs once more took centre stage. In the east, the great Cuman-Kipchak confederation had conquered the decaying and divided Kievan Rus. Khan Uzur would soon declare himself King of the Rus, settling his own people within the confines of the realm and abandoning their nomadic ways.

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    But a matter of great importance was also taking place to the south. A civil war had broken out within the Almoravid Sultanate, greatly weakening the Hayyid’s southern neighbour. Long had Abu-Bakr’s descendants pestered the Almoravids for an alliance to fend off the Christians, but it seemed now the rulers of Marrakesh were intent on making themselves enemies of Córdoba. With their realm now at loggerheads with itself, it was the perfect opportunity for Abu-Bakr to push them out of Iberia. War was declared for control over Seville.

    20,000 troops should be more than enough to push the Almoravids out of Iberia. Any army crossing over from the Maghreb would never be able to organise fast enough to defend against the Hayyid defenders. The Hayyid army led by Commander Musa burst into Seville, putting the Almoravid defenders to the sword and placing the city with its rightful rulers.

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    Abu-Bakr’s attention then turned to more internal matters. A new court physician would be required less the royal family or anyone at court became struck down by a major ailment. After a string of contenders for the position proved themselves inadequate despite their great education from Córdoba’s new university; the Sultan sent word out to the provinces that their ruler was looking for a skilled medicus. News soon came back of a mysterious blind hermit named Balashk who resided somewhere within the hills near Murcia. Stories from local villagers suggested the man was blessed by Allah himself and could cure all sorts of diseases, even bringing one boy back from the brink of death. Other tales however, talked of an evil man, cursed by the Shaitan. There was only one way to settle this matter. Abu-Bakr would interview the man in person. The hermit was uprooted (against his own will) from his hillside shack to the more civilised residences of Córdoba. The Sultan entered into a long discussion with the man about his practices and healing experience. At first, Abu-Bakr was not convinced. The man kept babbling on about “the stars” or other such nonsense, but soon the Sultan’s opinion changed. He wasn’t quite sure why, but it was as though some outside force was compelling him to employ the hermit. Before he knew it, Abu-Bakr had agreed to make Balashk his Court Physician. The Sultan spent the next few days pondering exactly why and how he had agreed to do so.

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    Another matter of internal concern for Abu-Bakr were the crownlands of the Hayyid Sultanate. Currently, those lands comprised the Emirates of Córdoba and Granada along with the Sheikhdom of Almansa. Yet the Sheikhdom of Calatrava, part of the de jure Córdoban Emirate remained outside of the Sultan’s direct rule. With the growing centralization, the realm now enjoyed Abu-Bakr would be more than capable of controlling the province. With a number of vicious rumours about Sheikh Adfuns swirling around court, Abu-Bakr elects to suggest a fatwa be issued against the Sheikh.

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    Sure enough, Court Imam Abdul-Aziz was more than happy to grant the Sultan’s request. Calatrava now joined the rest of the crownland provinces.

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    However, the situation in the rest of Iberia was moving quickly. Rebellions and wars had engulfed almost all of the Christian states but most notably the Kingdom of Navarra had gained independence from Castile and held control over the prized city of Lisbon. The jewel of a city saw trade flow in from both north and south. Ships from as far as Novgorod and Constantinople docked in its ports. The Hayyid realm still hadn’t exactly recovered from the banishment of the Jews, but this could be an opportunity to refill the coffers through taxation on trade.

    There was however, the small matter of the Treaty of the Pyrenees. It would take some tricky diplomacy skill for Abu-Bakr to justify his conquest with the agreement still in place, no matter how precarious it may be. But the answer was staring the Sultan in the face. The treaty had been between the Kingdoms of Galicia, León, Castile, Aragon, France, and the Hayyid Sultanate. Navarra was not independent at the time and as such the conquest of its lands did not contravene the agreement. This perspective was not shared with the other rulers who denounced the invasion. But with problems of their own, there was little they could do to resist. To them, the Treaty of the Pyrenees was now nought more than a scrap of paper. Abu-Bakr had proven himself a deceitful and spineless ruler. They would be preparing their arms once their own struggles were over.

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    As for Abu-Bakr, his forces were already on their way to Lisbon. With Navarra having spent most of its soldiers resisting the Castilians this wouldn't be much of a fight if any. At most, the Navarrese could muster 1,820 troops, nowhere near enough to resist the Hayyids. Lisbon quickly fell, annexed into Abu-Bakr’s domain.

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    On returning home to the Palace of Córdoba however, Mundir was greeted with a hamper basket. The guards brought it up the Sultan’s room, and as Abu-Bakr removed the cloth covering he was in for quite a surprise…

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    The Hashshashin! Their mark was undeniable. But why would they do this? Who ordered them to kill one of the realm’s foremost vassals? And why deliver the head to me, Mundir thought to himself. There was only one possible answer. This was a message. And he was next. The only question was who put them up to this?

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    Rumours of the assassins operating in Andalusia had been rife for some time. You heard things, disappearances, shadows, whispers of figures listening in from hay bales or rooftops. But there was never any evidence of their presence. Until now. The Hashshashin had revealed themselves to Abu-Bakr, this meant they were confident. Did the Christians contract them, as revenge for breaking the treaty? No, the assassins don’t work with Christians, do they? The work of a vassal, a pretender? Abu-Bakr could never be sure. His paranoia had begun to grow.

    Several days later during an afternoon stroll in the palace gardens with one of his courtiers Farida, Abu-Bakr was about to take a dance with death. It all happened so fast. First, it was a glint of sunlight in the distance and Farida fell down clutching her throat. The guards quickly pulled the Sultan to one side, but by then the robed figure had made off, clambering over the palace walls.

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    After that incident Abu-Bakr barely left the palace, an armed escort was within his presence at every waking hour. But soon the Sultan fell ill. A neverending tiredness seemed to grip his body and later a fever. Poison was his first thought. But no, that’s not the assassin’s style he thought. They only use the blade.

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    Upon consulting with Court Physician Balashk the mystic believed Abu-Bakr to be suffering from rabies. “But I haven’t been out or near animals in months, how could it be rabies?!?” The Sultan exclaimed. The mystic relented. The stars he said.
    “The stars spoke my Lord. They speak the truth.”

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    The blind man said he knew what he had to do. He only needed the Sultan’s permission. With assassins eyeing his every move and insidious eyes all-around court Abu-Bakr was sure his condition was life-threatening. As far as the Sultan was concerned, whatever Balashk had to do, he should do it.

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    Three days later as night fell over Córdoba Abu-Bakr was summoned to the mystic’s chamber. The room was caked in the oozing black of night, with a tiny flickering candle providing the only light. Not even the moon shone through the open window. An eerie silence fell over the room as Balashk entered, he gestured towards a rickety chair positioned in the middle of the room and the Sultan sat. The mystic proceeded to take a small bottle of black oil from a nearby table and proceeded to coat Abu-Bakr’s nails with the substance.
    “Are you sure you know what you are doing?” Asked the Sultan.
    “The stars. They speak,” replied the mystic. “All will be well. We shall cleanse the sin away. Now close your eyes.”
    As Abu-Bakr’s eyes closed it was as though the world around him froze. A chilling cold crept up his spine and he was left with nought but the sounds of footsteps on the rickety floorboards. He tried to open his eyes again, but it was as though there was a force stopping him.
    He soon felt a faint heat near his hand, growing stronger. Soon it became unbearable. Sweat poured from Abu-Bakr’s brow as he let out a wail of pain.
    “LET ME OUT OF HERE!”
    “Do not fret, my Lord. By the wisdom of Allah, you shall be cleansed!”

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