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Director

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I am working on part 3 - the conclusion - of this action. Please don't think every battle will be treated in such detail; if I did it would take three years to write the history of the war. What I am trying to do here is give the readers a lot of the background and atmosphere now so I don't have to repeat it for each succeeding battle.

Part 3 will *hopefully* be up tonight.

robou - No one expects the Spanish... um. ironclads. :D In real life and in the game the forts on the Tennessee and Cumberland were given a low priority compared to the forts on the Mississippi. The gunboat raid up the Tennessee River did a lot of damage, not least to the railroad bridges that the South really couldn't afford to repair or do without.

The men at Fort Polk do know what is coming, and they don't intend to wait for a siege. ;)

In real life, Henry was named for a senator from Tennessee and Donelson for the state attorney general. I've relocated Henry a bit and named it Harris for the governor. Donelson is now Polk, for the vice-president under Dallas, not for General Leonidas Polk at Columbus.

coz1 - I could say the gunboats were in a Pillow fight, but I won't. :p Fort Harris is secured and the South is panicked, but that doesn't mean the campaign is over. The South has Forrest... but it also has Pillow. :)

TheExecuter - In real life, Grant was hugely successful at Henry and Donelson because he struck and moved and struck again, giving the rebels no chance to recover their balance. Here, Porter has struck but is moving more slowly to exploit the victory. Buell thinks the whole thing is a raid, but Porter intends to keep going. We shall see...

Fulcrumvale - Yep. In the next update, in fact!

Amric - I hope the map helps visualize the interaction of forces, obstacles and transportation lines. The Confederate position does look strong but it all depends on the railroad. Now that the railroad is cut at the Tennessee and at Florence, the South is going to have to work hard to roll the Union back.
 

Stuyvesant

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Almost caught up, just wanted to respond to an earlier comment you made:
Director said:
The issue - as always - is who to replace McDowell with. But as the army grows some of the junior officers will begin to show some fire and talent. If McDowell can't move forward he may find himself in Minnesota instead. :)
Let me tell you from a few years' first-hand experience that, no matter how bad the winter of 1862/1863 might be down in Virginia, McDowell is sure to like it even less Up North in the Land of 10,000 (frozen) Lakes. :)
 

phargle

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It's like military porn with all the lovely inches and pounds of guns! The flipping of the cannon into the air was stylistically nice, and I admire how the writing felt like it paused when the cannon paused. I also liked the Confederate counterattack, especially the shell that I could hear bouncing off the iron ship. Glink! The scene of the fort being torn to shreds by the Feds was particularly nice, and I like the touch of the rebel commander being sure to time his surrender to be particularly useful.

This was a solid update, probably my favorite so far.
 

merrick

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The US has too many major rivers - after my last post I had another look at the map and thought a move up the Cumberland against Nashville would be an obvious play. I never even thought of the Tennessee.

Turtles 1 - Forts 0. This is really going to panic the South if they can't keep the rivers secure without the modern artillery they don't have. The break in the railroad at Florence is huge, even if it meant depriving the Union advance on the Cumberland from the support of the gunboats. Polk is now cut off not just from Eastern Tennessee but from any reinforcements from Virginia or Georgia - and as you said, the Confederates simply don't have the resources to keep fixing what Rogers breaks.

OTOH, that's Forrest on the move from Clarksville. He won't hang around, and if anyone can turn the flank of the Union advance, he can.
 

Vann the Red

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I'm back and up to date, D. Quality remains superb.

Lewis and I had a lovely visit and toured both the Imperial War Museum and the British Museum.

Vann
 

Director

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Stuyvesant - Both sides had a habit of exiling poor generals to less important theaters. The Union sent them to watch the Indian tribes and the South sent them to Texas or the coastal forts. So Minnesota is not an idle threat!

Good to hear from you. Hope the family is well. Stay bundled up warm and just think... our nights here are all the way down to the 40's Fahrenheit... :p

phargle - Oh, I could do military porn all right (eyes light up with an evil gleam) but this is supposed to be a family oriented forum. :p

In that vein... artillery was rated in inches and in pounds, depending on whether it was 'primarily' intended to fire exploding shell or solid shot. To make it more confusing, smoothbores were usually rated in pounds (because they 'mostly' fired solid shot, even when that wasn't so) and rifles were rated in inches, even when they fired solid bolts. Confused yet? ;) (Sorry for the detour if you already know this... I AM a naval technology geek, and a former teacher).

So a 32-pounder smoothbore, rebored and fitted with a rifled sleeve, would be a 6.4" rifle. An 8" Dahlgren smoothbore would throw a 64-pound shot (actually closer to 65, but 8" guns are called 64-pounders) or a 53-pound shell (shell is lighter than shot - gunpowder weighs less than iron :p ). In the Civil War period you can tell what a gun was supposed to be used for by its name - 8" versus 64-pounder - but in fact just about every gun could handle solid shot (or bolts) and shells. These figures break down for later, better rifles like the big Parrotts and Brookes that have higher muzzle velocities, so no 'absolute' conversion formula will work.

Whew! I get criticized for dwelling on this stuff instead of characters and plot, but I do love the details. Now let's see how you like the last part of this little trilogy. :)

merrick - Pat yourself on your back; you are as good a strategist as the Union high command. Opening the Tennessee was only one of their objectives; the Cumberland, and Nashville, was the other. The Confederate retreat from Nashville cost them their most productive cattle and grain-growing region, the majority of their horse and mule production, almost all of the copper and saltpeter in the Confederacy, and half of their ironworks, along with the only locomotive works outside Richmond. Losing Nashville was a catastrophy... not to mention the tons of supplies, uniforms, equipment, arms and so on that had to be burned, or the political damage from the loss of a state capital.

Cracking the Tennessee came first because that fort was weaker, and because it was an easy way to wreck the telegraph lines and railroad communications, which made it harder for the rebels to move troops to stop the Union.

I agree; the South ought to react strongly, and they do. We shall see if their decisions are correct. We will see Forrest in action in just a moment. Hope you like it!

Vann the Red - Hi Vann! Glad you're back safe and sound. Lewis is a good fellow, isn't he?

The British Museum and the Imperial War Museum? Oh, I hate you now. :p
 
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How he came to be face-down in the Tennessee snow was a mystery to him. Oh, he could remember the series of events well enough – the delivery of the Sharps rifles to Yardley’s regiment at Paducah, the days of training and firing and drill, the eagerness of the men, their poor discipline and fierce delight in spraying bullets at the targets. Then the steamboats had arrived with fresh faces from St Louis, Siegel’s men, and Yardley’s 33rd Ohio had boarded for a move up the rivers. Come with us, the men had said, it’ll be a lark! No, he had said, and then reluctantly yes. Yes because he had been cooped up in the unreal world of cities and money for too long, yes because he had forgotten what this wild new country really was; yes from a desire to see something of the fierce, brave, new emotions that would drive men to cross the continent to kill one other.

The fort had fallen before they had reached it, Fort Harris then and Fort Rodgers now, and all glory to the Navy. There had been much grumbling in the ranks that the Navy had stolen their triumph. Makhearne had told the soldiers that they should be glad the Navy had done the work, but they had only laughed, for they were young and wanted glory and knew they could not die. Then Lyon’s brigade had been picked to scout the way across the narrow neck of land between the Tennessee and Cumberland Rivers but Yardley’s regiment had been left behind, Yardley deep in the bottle as usual and hoping no-one would notice, but everyone knew. The men were resentful, sullen as they went about the chores of restoring the fort to some semblance of defense.

That had been days ago, but this was now; the bite of the cold wind, and the wet of melted snow in his overcoat despite its waterproofing, and the feather-fall of fluttery flakes that both hid motion and created it where nothing moved but the wind and the snow, all of these things were now. Donneval Makhearne cursed and spat grit while his frozen fingers fumbled blindly at the cartridge box. The Sharps was fully loaded – seven shots – and he wanted it to remain that way. Yes, that happy time had been days ago, when the black iron turtles had steamed away to go a-raiding up the Tennessee and others crawled back to Mound City for repairs. The few that remained had been sent to scout the approaches to the Cumberland while General Porter prepared his men for the march on Fort Polk.

But the Confederates had struck first, Lyon’s men driven back on the camp in disorder this very afternoon, Lyon wounded and near death, his men pretty well shaken and full of wild rumors. The Confederates hadn’t been able to turn the Union men out of the rifle pits around the fort, though the rebels had fought like madmen. Cavalry, Lyon’s men had said, which meant Forrest, and Kentucky men, which probably meant Buckner’s Kentucky Orphans. Yardley might be closed to conversation but his lieutenant colonel was a fresh-faced Cleveland clerk who kept the civilian up on the news from headquarters. Makhearne had the advantage of knowing more about Buckner and Forrest than anyone in this timeline, and knew that Porter’s little army was in for a test. The camp had been all confusion, and Yardley had vanished, and Lieutenant Colonel Ames had come to him and there had been no-one else. And so he had led them out to the rifle pits. The men had remembered the lessons he had drilled into them – aim low, chose your target, save your ammunition, and the Sharps had stopped the rebels, had stopped Forrest’s wildcat charges, at least here.

And he could remember all of this with perfect clarity but could not for the life of him remember what, by Munin’s bloody beak, what he had been thinking, what had moved him to take up such madness. How he had gotten himself here was perfectly clear, but the why… the why hung out there somewhere out of reach, unfathomable, irretrievable. He could have remained safely in Paducah, or considering the meager charms of that place, returned to Cincinnati, or Chicago, or glittering New York. What in all the names of all the gods he was doing here… He owed these men nothing, rather the opposite, and there was nothing to prevent a civilian from easing back into the safety of the landing. And yet he could not do it, and lay facedown in the Tennessee snow and waited for Forrest’s men, and marveled at his own stubborn stupidity.

There was movement, and the man to his left snapped off a shot and the sergeant to his left cursed the man in round, low tones for wasting a bullet and followed it with a less-than-gentle slap against the shoulder. Yes, there were dark shapes out there in the twilight and the blowing snow, but they were too indistinct to risk a shot. Then the artillery opened up on the right, a lurid red glow and a series of muffled thumps, with the cracking report of shells louder and closer. So that was the rebel’s artillery and not ours, Makhearne thought, and then marveled at the word ‘ours’. He hadn’t been under fire in battle since… when was it? That Allied invasion of Japan, probably, over on the Pacific War timeline, and that had been fought with weapons not much more advanced than these. He had no time to dwell on it; artillery meant the rebels were coming again, in deadly earnest again, as deadly grim and serious as any soldier of the Shogun’s ever was.

He reached town and tapped the cartridge box again. Brass cartridges didn’t mind a little wet, and on a night like this that was comforting. Then the rebels shrieked like damned souls and came on, demons from the mouth of a black and frozen hell, and the sergeants shouted, “Aim low!” and the Sharps began to crack, bodies tumbling to make bloody snow-angels in the pristine whiteness, and then there was no more time for thought.



“Pull back!” The speaker came up from his seat with fists clenched, and for a moment Buckner thought that Forrest might grab Gideon Pillow by the chin-whiskers and beat some sense into him. “My men have run the damned Yankees all the way to the water! Pull back! We need to press on, hard, now! They’ll run and we can git ‘em in the woods like rabbits! Goddammit, we got the skeer into ‘em! We got to keep it up! We kin go all the way to Cairo if we whip these Yankees now!”

Pillow shook his head and Buckner allowed the tiniest of sighs to escape his rigid self-control. West Point taught many things to its graduates, but deference to authority and obedience to orders, no matter how arbitrary and foolish, were ground in to cadets from the first day at the Academy. Pillow had wanted to have a victory but had not wanted to risk a fight for it; he was a vain, boastful politician, full of fine phrases and hot air, and no warrior. But he had allowed his generals to talk him into letting them lead the army to battle, or more likely Pillow hadn’t been able to find a reason to forbid them that would not reflect badly on his courage and his honor. The general’s backbone – never very stout – had been wilting ever since the bullets began to fly, despite their successes earlier in the day. Buckner’s brigade had driven in the outposts and Forrest’s men had been like very devils, chasing Yankees through the snowy woods and whooping as they went. But the Yankees had firmed up on the defenses around Fort Harris – defenses Confederate soldiers had dug in the first place, Buckner noted, and which Confederate blood was being spilt by the gallon to retake.

Then too, Pillow and Forrest simply could not talk to one another. Pillow was educated and genteel, a wealthy Tennessee planter who took to politics as something that was his by right, and wore the uniform because it promised fame and glory. Forrest was a rough-cut, self-educated, self-made man; wealthy, but by hard work and sharp dealing, coarse in speech and direct in action. Pillow spoke in the fine round tones of the genteel orator; Forrest rasped like a Tennessee hillman. Pillow was a gentleman, Forrest a roughneck. Bucker had everything in his class and education in common with Pillow, but despised him. Rank and authority were inviolable, owed by oath and duty to the uniform and position despite the worth of the man who held them. Buckner could admire and support Forrest, but it was his duty to obey Pillow.

A long moment of silence followed. Then Pillow swallowed hard. “The Yankees are landing reinforcements from the river… We have heard the steamboat whistles… And soon those gunboats will be back, so the fort cannot be held if we take it now. We do not have the strength to press them… we are greatly outnumbered. The Army will withdraw to Fort Polk, and place it in a state of defense while we await reinforcements. Then we shall crush the invaders.”

Forrest drew up even tighter. “There ain’t nobody else comin’, Gen’ral. We’re it. We got to hit them now.” Pillow shook his head again and Buckner knew it was time to speak.

“General Pillow, is it your definite intention that we should withdraw?” Pillow swallowed again and nodded. “Then it is our duty to obey.” He cut his eyes at Forrest, who clenched his teeth and looked back at Buckner before grinding out a tiny nod of agreement. “Very well. I suggest we begin the movement immediately, before we lose any more men for no result. If the General will permit, I believe Colonel Forrest’s men should scout the road to Fort Polk, ensuring that no Federals have positioned themselves across our line of retreat. My men will form the rear-guard; I believe there is a hill a mile or so behind us that will form a splendid place from which to give any pursuer a bloody nose.”

Pillow rose, nodded to them both and withdrew.

“Hell, there ain’t no Yankees behind us,” Forrest swore. “Let my men stay and we’ll kill sommore Yankees.”

Buckner motioned at the dark around them and lowered his voice to just above a whisper. “Colonel Forrest, when you arrive at Fort Polk I believe you will have the opportunity to use the telegraph there. In the absence of General Pillow,” Buckner looked around the clearing as if searching for his superior officer, and Forrest snorted a laugh. “As I say, in the absence of General Pillow, I believe you should make a full report on the events of this day to General Hardee and General Polk.” Forrest frowned, then quirked one corner of his mouth in an evil grin.

“Why General Buckner, I do believe you have convinced me,” Forrest said at his normal volume, then dropped his voice to match Buckner’s. “That is a fine idea, sir. I’ll move out right now, and I doubt Old Feather Pillow will reach Fort Polk ahead of me.” The piratical grin vanished and the voice rose again. “But I’ll leave Summer’s and Gorlet’s boys with you… by God, General, you know how to fight, and it wouldn’t do for any Yankees to get the jump on you!”



The first rays of sunlight over Fort Rodgers landing found FitzJohn Porter’s little army in considerable confusion. The scouts were bringing in half-frozen wounded from the woods along the road, the men who had thrown down their arms and run were huddled outside the fort and at the landing, and the men who had stayed at their posts were cold, hungry and tired. By noon the picture was much improved, for the sergeants and lower-level officers had gotten the men in hand. Cook-fires blazed and savory odors of roast meat, soup and hot coffee hung in the air thick enough to invigorate a man just by inhaling them. The men had quickly deduced that the rebels had gone, and the arrival of a timberclad riverboat had further raised their spirits. By noon, a rebel assault would have found a very different reception from that of the frantic, snowy night before.

If anything the officers were slower to regain their composure than were the men they commanded. Throughout the day they discussed plans to demolish the fort and retreat downriver to Paducah. But the skippers of the newly-arrived transports were reluctant to put ashore lest the stragglers attempt to rush aboard. Besides that, the transports were already laden with men and supplies brought up from Cairo. Reversing the direction of the army would require as long to plan as the original movement, or longer. Once that unwelcome fact was recognized, Porter’s staff set the men to work extending and improving the landward defenses. A few of the higher ranking officers, like ‘Baldy’ Smith, wanted to press overland after the rebels. But by then the army had waited a week too long; the first thaws had turned the road to a series of ponds and the woodlands to sodden mire. Rodgers had taken five of his ironclads up the flooding Cumberland, but a brief reconnaissance convinced him that Fort Polk would not fall as had Fort Harris. Its heavy guns were sited on a high hilltop, and were larger and better protected as well. Without the assistance of the army, Rodgers declined to try the case.

Political factors also had their effect on the sapping of the army’s momentum. Buell was seen to have quite enough to do in Missouri, and the praise heaped on FitzJohn Porter for the capture of Fort Harris had evaporated after his perceived lack of preparation almost allowed the Confederates to bag the fort and his army, too. The New York Telegraph and other major newspapers buzzed with accusations that Porter was incompetent, that his officers were inept or drunk or both. After that rebel counter-attack there were no more calls to promote Porter to theater command. But such a commander would have to be found, and soon, if the Union was to follow up on its initial success
 

Stuyvesant

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So the Confederates owe their final lack of success to themselves (or to Pillow's lack of backbone, to be more precise). Not exactly a ringing endorsement for the Union commanders, but since it's the results that count in the final reckoning... I'll take all the Union successes I can, no matter how ill-deserved. ;) It seems unlikely that the Union will face an equally obliging opponent in the future, though.

I enjoyed the look at gunboat-assisted warfare, I guess it's not unreasonable to call it an early form of combined arms operations. It's not an area I am familiar with, so it was nice to gain some insight. Adding Makhearne to the last update (is he jealous of Ronsend's involvement in Missouri? Or is The Axe slowly going native? :)) gave it a personal angle and immediacy that contrasted nicely with the earlier, more history-book style, updates. I could feel the bonechilling cold as Makhearne was reaching for his cartridges - or that could just be empathy, or the heat turning off in my home. ;) Oh, and regarding your comment about the overnight 'lows' in Alabama - Oh-haha, very amusing. Hrmpf. :p

You'll enjoy this tidbit: a few days ago, it got so cold that the chemicals they use to melt the snow on the roads stopped working. That's seriously cold.

Anyway, back to the story. Deservedly or not, Makhearne's repeating rifles will be seen as having stopped the Confederate counterattack cold. Hopefully that will mean more widespread adoption and some nice decisive Union victories.
 

robou

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It must be so aggrivating for Forrest. I read in detail about Forts Henry and Donelson and the situation must have been so frustrating. Forrest was so often right, but Buckner always had to lay his laurels next to Pillow's as it was his duty. But I think that Buckner is being a much better compromiser this time round, and perhaps they can get Pillow replaced with a telegram... I'm sure Forrest will transmit the message bluntly enough for Richmond to rethink the situation.
 

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Once again, the Confederates get a victory wrapped in defeat for not be able to pursue it fully. That does win wars. It causes stalements or worse. And this smarts even worse. I feel Forrest's pain even if I think Pillow probably did the right thing.

I admit, I lost sight of Makearne in that post. Was he spying on the rebels? Interesting that he's gone full on with "our" war. Nice perspective. It seems personal to him now.
 

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I wonder how long it will take for the dead wood commanders—on both sides—to be cleaned out. Bad leadership on both sides seems to be the order of the day, and I very much doubt that that is a situation which will last much longer.
 

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Like Makhearne, I frequently fail to understand why I am where I am, even when I have the facts at my disposal.

Very nice progress, so far. I am very sorry for dropping out for a while, and am all caught up again. I was amused a fage or three ago when 'Cullen' realised after the fact that he had never met Lincoln before.
 

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merrick - Pat yourself on your back; you are as good a strategist as the Union high command. Opening the Tennessee was only one of their objectives; the Cumberland, and Nashville, was the other. The Confederate retreat from Nashville cost them their most productive cattle and grain-growing region, the majority of their horse and mule production, almost all of the copper and saltpeter in the Confederacy, and half of their ironworks, along with the only locomotive works outside Richmond. Losing Nashville was a catastrophe... not to mention the tons of supplies, uniforms, equipment, arms and so on that had to be burned, or the political damage from the loss of a state capital.
<preens> I've always thought that the loss of Nashville and Memphis - and even more so New Orleans - in the first year of campaigning was a Confederate disaster that isn't given enough weight in most of the popular histories.
Opening the Mississippi was all very well, but what gets lost in the emphasis on Vicksburg is that without the urban centres on the Mississippi, the Confederate economy reduces to Virginia plus plantations.

I see Makearne is finding it hard to stay detached. So far, so good, but I wonder what he may resort to if "his boys" get in real trouble.

The Confederates are sliding into a pattern - local tactical successes undermined by slow-moving commanders and lack of reserves. On this showing, they could win every fight and still lose the war.
 

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My apologies for slowing down the pace of updates now, but it is Christmas-time and the theater is packed. I hope to have an update on Tuesday.


Stuyvesant - the gunboat war in the West was exactly a combined-arms operation. Control of the rivers gave the Union an unmatchable advantage.

In 'real life', Grant surrounded the Confederates at Fort Donelson, which was an entrenched camp on top of a big hill, with two rows of guns commanding the river, rather than a real 'fort'. The Confederates attacked and broke open the road to the south, then Pillow ordered them back to their starting line to pick up their baggage and supplies. In the meantime Grant came up and said, 'the first to attack will win and the enemy will have to be in a great hurry to get ahead of me!' The Union went forward against light resistance and re-took everything they had lost, once again bottling the Confederates in the camp. Pillow escaped, and John Floyd escaped, and Forrest escaped with more than a thousand men. Poor Buckner was left holding the bag and surrendered to Grant. So my portrayal of Pillow is, I think, close to the real man.

robou - Forrest spent most of the war arguing with Confederate generals. Unless I'm mistaken I think he once threatened to kill Braxton Bragg if he ever saw him again. So Richmond gave Forrest some independent commands in north Mississippi and Alabama. He was certainly the best non-West-Point general of the war, and the only one I know to go from Private to Lieutenant-General.

It is certainly clear that the West needs a better commander than Polk. In 'real life' they had AS Johnston; in my story he is in Texas.

coz1 - No. Makhearne 'led them out to the firing line' and helped the rifle regiment turn back Forrest. Yes, Pillow may have done the right thing, but you can't cross a canyon in two jumps. He should have had the moral fiber to say no from the start, or the determination to see it through. This compromise is the worst of both... though it is true to the 'real' history.

Fulcrumvale - part of the problem is that it is almost impossible for anyone to know who will turn out to be a good commander. Grant had resigned from the army and failed in civilian life; Lee was no more than a glorified paper-pusher who failed his first two chances in West Virginia and Savannah. Sherman was relieved of command in Kentucky because they thought he had gone crazy (he said it would take a quarter-million Union soldiers to subdue the West alone... just about exactly right).

But war has a way of ripping out the deadwood. Methinks Texas and Minnesota will be getting new generals soon. :p

J. Passepartout - amen, brother; amen. I hope that passage was effective. Makhearne is a relatively old man in terms of experience. Each step of the way seemed logical and reasonable, but the final result is to land him face-down in the snow, under fire and under attack. A serious WTF moment.

merrick - If Kentucky was indispensible to the Union, Tennessee was irreplaceable for the South. For population alone, New Orleans was the pre-eminent city of the Confederacy. If I remember correctly, Richmond had about 25,000 people, Charleston, Savannah, Nashville and Mobile around 10,000 each. New Orleans had 250,000... plus machine shops, shipyards, etc that were not found anywhere else in the Confederate West. Once Tennessee and New Orleans were taken there wasn't much else in Louisiana, Arkansas, Mississippi or Alabama of economic significance (except Mobile, whose contribution to the war has been overlooked).

The Confederate problem is inherent in their strategy. They don't have enough men to mount offensives on multiple fronts and consolidate their gains. Still, all the Confederacy has to do is prove the Union must pay an unacceptable price. If the Union decides the war is over, it is over.
 

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Caught up again. Excellent. I, too, enjoy the combined arms aspect of riverine warfare. Fun stuff. This will become an even more grim business once the sides find leaders who will fight.

Vann
 

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Porter,

Just wanted to say something before this thing finally wraps up.

An inconsistent reader, I'm also a recurring reader, and I'm looking forward to spending more time with this artfully crafted tale!

Thanks for letting us see your talents!

Rensslaer
 

robou

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It is certainly clear that the West needs a better commander than Polk. In 'real life' they had AS Johnston; in my story he is in Texas.

On the bright side, though, at least they won't loose one of the brightest commanders of the Confederate Army with a bullet to, if I remember correctly, the ankle. He was riding around with the woud for several hours at Shiloh and then suddenly fell off his horse, dead. This time he might have more time to be of use to the South...
 

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Vann the Red - the often quoted statistic is that the two days of the Battle of Shiloh had more casualties than the Revolution, the War of 1812 and the Mexican War combined. This is the best explanation for the vilification of Grant after Shiloh - not that he was surprised, which is debatable, but that the butcher's bill was so large. But other battles (Antietam) soon showed that Shiloh was just a harbinger of the future, and the capture of Vicksburg redeemed his reputation.

Rensslaer - Good to have you, even infrequently. :) Coming up in a few minutes is another post for you to spend time on.

robou - Albert Sidney Johnston remains an enigma. His strategy in the west (dispersing troops across a wide arc from Columbus, KY to Bowling Green) may have had merit, but I'm not convinced. His reaction to the loss of Fort Henry was to rush more men to Fort Donelson, but not enough to fight Grant head-to-head and win. His response to the loss of Donelson was to abandon Kentucky, evacuate Nashville and give up Memphis. At Shiloh, he handed over tactical control to Beauregard, whose deployment order is one of the strangest and least successful ever tried... so I'm not so certain that AS Johnston was really a good general. Davis and the men of the old army respected him, and he had nerve and was willing to fight...
 

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Before the ball could begin, it was necessary to fill in the last blanks on the dance card. General Harney was retired and gone, his place at the head of the Army of the Ohio taken by newly-promoted Major General Joseph Hooker. Brash, boorish, outspoken and uncouth, Hooker was nevertheless a superlative trainer and organizer of troops. Despite the severity of the winter, his army was quickly shaped up; shortfalls in sanitation, equipment and camp discipline were speedily addressed, and regimental, brigade and divisional reviews were both common and eagerly anticipated by the men. Along with rigid examinations of the fitness of the elected officers, and the dismissal or re-assignment of more than a few, a regular system of furloughs was instituted, sharply reducing the desertion and absentee rates. With renewed health and firm but fair discipline, the men began to think of themselves as an army, and began to take it upon themselves to improve their lot. Most importantly, the cavalry arm was thoroughly overhauled and retrained, and the mounted arm ceased to operate in ‘penny packets’ scattered across the countryside. After a troop of New Hampshire men armed with sabers put a Confederate cavalry unit to flight west of Steubenville, all resistance to Hooker’s reforms melted away with the spring thaw. Whatever Hooker’s personal flaws – and they were many – he had welded together the wretched refugees of the previous fall, and made of them an army.

On the Confederate side, it was clear that Polk was out of his depth in Kentucky. To be fair, no-one had expected the Bishop-turned-General to do any more than guard the Mississippi River, since Kentucky neutrality was thought to be an adequate shield for Tennessee. But the Union offensive that resulted in the loss of Fort Harris, and the threatened loss of Fort Polk, had revealed this central theater to be desperately undermanned and unprepared. President Toombs had proposed that General Lee be sent west, along with large numbers of troops made available by the vigorous prosecution of the new draft laws. But Lee, while professing himself ready to go anywhere if ordered, had made it clear in private that he did not want the post. Davis was also reluctant to see Lee sent away, since the Virginian was his best advisor and sole confidante. Joseph Johnston had grown more closed and uncommunicative with every passing day, declining to discuss details of his deployments or intentions with Lee, the Secretary of War or the President. Critics of the administration had no similar hesitation about speaking their minds however, and it was clear that most of their information came directly from Johnston or sources close to him. The Richmond newspapers were filled with thinly-veiled slurs against Davis, Toombs and even Lee. Had political pressure and orders from Richmond not prevented Johnston from exploiting his success at Manassas Station, articles and letters ran, the Confederacy would now be dictating peace from an occupied Washington City. Against this, Toombs’ supporters could only argue that Johnston himself had dictated that the main effort must be made in the west, not on the Potomac, and that Johnston’s had been the principal voice arguing for retreat after the battle.

But some resolution to the crises in Tennessee had to be found, and speedily. The solution came in the form of a letter from Beauregard’s headquarters at Grafton. In this missive, which a shaken Toombs said had ‘struck him… like a thunderbolt from a clear blue sky,’ the dapper Creole declared the campaign in western Virginia had been ‘an unqualified triumph,’ and was ‘therefore concluded’. No mention was made of pressing on to cut the Pennsylvania and New York Central Railroads in the spring, or of the occupation of Pittsburg or Cleveland to force the Union to the bargaining table. Confederate cavalry could roam at will in Ohio and accomplish all that was required, Beauregard asserted. In any event, the army could not cross the Ohio River at any point navigable by Federal gunboats – which was all of it – and a movement on Pittsburg would allow the Union to mass its reserves by rail. At a stroke, the strategy that had promised an early Confederate victory was declared bankrupt, and by its own author. Enraged, Davis would have stripped Beauregard of command and exiled him to advise the tribes in Indian Country, but the cooler heads of Lee and Toombs prevailed.

Let the Louisianan take on the defense of Tennessee, they counseled; a lesser figure, with much reduced forces, could defend the wild country of western Virginia. The rugged terrain and scanty roads would do much of the work of keeping out the Union, and if the region was not to be used as a starting point for a grand offensive, its eventual loss would not matter so very much. With this change in mind, and with Davis having acidly observed that the little Creole’s advice would be no better this time than the last, General Lee met Beauregard in Staunton to ask his advice on the western theater. As it turned out, Beauregard had spent the winter hours mulling over the strategic options open to the Confederacy, and had decided that the center was still where a decisive blow should be struck, but farther west than originally planned. Fort Harris was taken and the railroad across the Tennessee River was cut; very well. Troops could still be moved from the western states by way of the Memphis and Charleston Railroad through Corinth and Chattanooga, and over the railroads from Atlanta to Nashville. Elements of the army in western Virginia could backtrack to the Virginia and Tennessee Railroad, riding south to Chattanooga and thence to Nashville. From there, this new army would join Hardee’s corps in Bowling Green, Kentucky, richly supplied in the spring from the fertile lands of central Kentucky and Tennessee. So long as Fort Polk on the Cumberland River was in Confederate hands, the Union could neither move on Nashville nor cross the Cumberland higher up. Instead of continuing south and east, they would have to react to the threat to Louisville, Lexington and the state capitol at Frankfort and withdraw to the north. With his left flank secured by Fort Polk, Beauregard would sweep north to the Ohio River, defeating the Union forces in detail and bringing Kentucky under Confederate control. Better yet, no river crossing in the teeth of the cannon of Federal gunboats would be required. The South having lost the half-converted riverboat ironclad ‘Tennessee’ when Florence, Alabama was raided in the aftermath of Fort Harris, it was unlikely the Confederate Navy would be able to challenge the Union control of the western rivers soon, if ever, so this land-bound approach up the Louisville and Nashville Railroad line had much to recommend it. Fort Harris would likely be abandoned by the Union in the scramble to save Louisville, Beauregard reasoned, and could be rebuilt farther north on better ground for a more permanent defense. In the meanwhile, Polk should be instructed to prepare fortifications farther south along the Mississippi River. Columbus, Kentucky might be too strong to take, but it was useless if outflanked, and rather than be cut off the garrison should fall back on the next position.

This proposal was practical, well-reasoned, and turned the awkward Confederate deployments in Kentucky and Tennessee into a springboard for a new offensive. Even Secretary of War Jefferson Davis gave his grudging assent, though he refused to countenance the stripping of troops from New Orleans, Mobile, Savannah and Charleston to swell the army in Tennessee. At a stroke it was done: General Beauregard was named commander of the Department of Kentucky and Tennessee, and left immediately for Nashville.

Ulysses S Grant had found himself something of a celebrity after the Battle of Manassas Station, despite – or perhaps because – of his refusal to say very much for the swarms of reporters who dogged his footsteps. His popularity and his understated (and unpublished, outside of official correspondence) criticism of the events of the battle, as well as sentiments voiced in the newspapers which had not come from Grant, but could have - all this made him something of an embarrassment for General McDowell, whose battlefield laurels had not been similarly embellished. Rather than relieve McDowell, the President and the War Department decided to promote Grant to a brevet position as Major General and use him as the Confederates would Beauregard, to fill a command gap in the west. General Don Carlos Buell would command Missouri and the west from St Louis, and would nominally be the ranking officer. Grant would receive FitzJohn Porter and the victors of Fort Harris, the garrisons of Paducah and Cairo, two divisions of Creole Infantry at Louisville and some subsidiary forces, plus first call on the services of the river fleet. General Hooker’s Army of the Ohio would also nominally be under Buell (and under Grant, whose promotion predated Hooker’s), but would exercise itself in Kentucky east of the Cumberland River, in southern Ohio, and in southwestern Pennsylvania.

The remainder of the dancers retained their previous partners: McDowell and Joseph Johnston in Virginia, Patterson and Stonewall Jackson in the Shenandoah Valley, Thomas and Bragg in North Carolina, and White and AS Johnston in Texas. With renewed determination, the two sides made their preparations, akin to the clamorous tuning of the orchestra before the first couple takes to the floor at a grand formal ball. If 1862 had seen the arrival of the first guests, 1863 would have the throng assembled around the ballroom floor, hands clasped and bodies aquiver. The opening number would be quiet, solemn, even contemplative as the dancers sorted themselves into couples and jockeyed for position in the grand processional. Once the polished floor was covered over in satins, brocades, velvets, lace and fine leather, once the candelabra spread their warm glow over rings and bracelets and necklaces so that the room was lit in firefly flashes of white and red and green, once the orchestra leader lifted his baton for the downstroke – then it would begin. Whether a thundering marziale, a reckless polka, a dirgelike march, a whirling waltz, or some new and unknown tune, no-one could guess what the music would be. In the last seconds, everyone stood breathless in anticipation, poised to take up their places in the grandest and gaudiest cotillion ever seen upon the western continents.

And then the baton swept downward, and the snows melted, and the war was begun in earnest.
 

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smithsoniancivilwar.jpg

The National Mall and the Smithsonian Institution in the spring of 1863

In Washington, the first breezes of spring were welcomed by crowds of thousands at the Smithsonian Institute on the national mall. With Mexican debts secured by American bonds, Britain had helped persuade France to end their joint armed intervention in Mexico’s civil war. To show its appreciation for Britain’s assistance, the Lincoln administration had arranged for a display at the Smithsonian castle of the art and memorabilia of Colonial America. Exhibits were carefully designed to celebrate America’s British heritage while skirting the events of the Revolution, paired with a small but choice set of items on loan from the British Museum.

Britain and France had refrained from carving off bits of Mexico proper, and British consular officials were duly present to be honored at the grand ball that opened the festivities at the Smithsonian, but relations between the United Kingdom and the United States were less cordial than in the previous spring. The lack of significant Union battlefield successes seemed to promise a long war and perhaps not a victorious one. The damage to Britain’s supply of cotton, which fed the mills that churned forth the single largest portion of her export trade, would be large, and the loss of trade in manufactures with the South would not be trivial. Worst of all, support for the Union might damage British interests in the South for a very long time, if the Union should break up and the Confederacy secure its independence. Union warships were stopping and inspecting British ships, and more than one ship and cargo had been seized and condemned by prize courts in the past year. This was happening not merely in American coastal waters but on the high seas, under the doctrine of ‘continuous voyage’ that Britain had used against American merchant traffic during the Napoleonic Wars. A cargo bound to or from a neutral port could be seized, and the ship along with it, if the blockading power could prove that the cargo had originated in, or was intended for, enemy hands. Newspapers in Bristol and London might fulminate against ‘Yankee cheek’ and demand that the Royal Navy be dispatched to teach the upstarts some manners, but cooler heads in Whitehall observed that Her Majesty’s Government could hardly protest a doctrine it had fought two wars to enforce. The American presence in Borneo was another irritant; minor in itself, but the subject of deep disquiet in Whitehall, where the less civilized parts of the world were viewed as rightfully within Britain’s sphere of interest. Despite these stresses, and despite the desperate desires and urgings of Confederate envoys, there was no possibility of a real rupture. Prime Minister Palmerston’s famous enmity for all things American had died with him; his replacement, Lord John Russell, was altogether a cooler and more pragmatic sort. Too, the newly returned Foreign Minister, George Villiers, the Earl of Clarendon, got on unexpectedly well with the American minister to the Court of St James, Charles Francis Adams, whose patrician Bostonian upbringing made him the equal of a British gentleman in education, deed and word. The Foreign Secretary had met briefly with two different emissaries of the would-be Confederate States and quite decidedly did not enjoy the company of men who drawled and owned slaves. So long as there was no deliberate provocation, the United States could consider its British interests secured and French enmity checked.

The gala ball that marked the opening of the joint exhibition in the Smithsonian castle was preceded by an afternoon of parades, political speeches and a demonstration of Zouave tactics and drill by a New York regiment. The crowds were delighted to learn that a British expeditionary force would soon be assisting the American cause, and were then transported into raptures of joy by the second part of the same War Department announcement. A joint Army and Navy expedition had broken through the hasty Confederate defenses of North Carolina’s Ocracoke Inlet, the weak fortifications on Roanoke Island had been stormed and the vast protected waters of Pamlico and Albemarle Sounds were now open to Federal gunboats. In quick succession, Beaufort, New Berne, Washington (NC) and Plymouth had been re-occupied, and the eastern third of the state reclaimed for the Union.

The expeditionary force was the brainchild of Sidney Herbert, Secretary of State for the Colonies, and Sir Lewis Maskell, Secretary of State for War, and was intended to show British support for their American allies without committing the nation to war with the Confederacy. To avoid provocation, the British troops would not be allowed to engage in combat, instead serving to relieve American troops in the western territories. A single brigade, reinforced by a pair of field artillery batteries, would be formed from units already stationed in Canada. Its officers and men would embody British support for their allies, improve the American public’s opinion of their former colonial overlords, and provide Whitehall with first-hand knowledge of American military practices and capabilities. The degree of importance attached to this operation may be judged from the selection of officers: for overall command, General Frederick Roberts, a hero of the Indian Mutiny, supported by Colonel Garnet Wolseley as commander of the 60th Regiment of Foot, formerly the Royal Americans. After some discussion, it was decided to forego their deployment on the frontier and to station the British expeditionary force in St Louis instead. From the moment of their arrival the Imperial troops were celebrated, feted, feasted and entertained in the highest style, and the officers were frequently heard to say they had never been made more welcome.

Farther to the west, Albert Sidney Johnston faced the opening of campaign season with disquiet. It was true that he had managed to recruit, train and equip forty thousand men for the defense of his Trans-Mississippi Department. But it was equally true that these men considered themselves short-term volunteers, had received little more than cursory training, and were equipped in the main with whatever weapons they had brought from home. Despite the large numbers of horses in Texas, Johnston had little reliable cavalry, limiting his army to the speed of his untried infantry columns. His opponents were seasoned veterans, men who were accustomed to campaigning in the arid heat of the SouthWest, and half their units were mounted. Johnston’s army was at least as large as the Federal forces in the TransMississippi, but was more scattered and was slower to concentrate. Before the summer had come in earnest, the Indian tribes of Sequoyah were checked and Confederate forces had abandoned the towns of Dallas, Austin and Houston to concentrate at San Antonio. Despite this retrograde motion, Johnston and Secretary Davis were undismayed. The Confederacy had proven it could assemble vast forces in the West; now it remained to concentrate them and to strike against the Federal forces in detail.

Arriving at his new command, Ulysses Grant immediately realized his assets were badly deployed in a series of small, uncoordinated offensives. For the moment he could do little beyond assembling riverboat transports and making plans for the future. Fortunately, Beauregard was also deeply engrossed in the concentration and reorganization of his army. Grant’s first movement was intended to pry the Confederates out of their ‘Gibraltar’ at Columbus, Kentucky. For this he had available only two divisions at Cairo, and those had been recruited on Madagascar and could not be thought completely reliable. They were accustomed to the heat and privation of a Tennessee summer, and they were long-service veterans. They were also what Grant had at hand, and he was resolved to make the best use of them.

An overland march around Columbus would mean traversing a wild and roadless country, a slow march at the best of times and a nearly impossible one if spring rains set in. With the reluctant approval of Commodore Rodgers, Captain David D Porter volunteered to take his ship, the ironclad Truxtun, two tinclad gunboats and six riverboat transports past the Columbus batteries by the dark of the moon. The exhaust pipes were rerouted beneath the paddle boxes, the stacks were scrubbed clean of soot and every foot of surface above the water was painted a muddy brown. While this portion of the flotilla was making ready, Grant ferried his men across the Mississippi River to the Missouri shore and marched them south along the western bank. This movement did alert the Confederates that something was afoot, but even so the boats were able to take advantage of a moonless night to slip past. The tinclad Denham was hulled and had to be driven ashore, and the transport Clover was set on fire by Confederate shells and rendered a total loss, but the remainder escaped with various degrees of damage. Once below the Columbus bluffs, Grant began ferrying his men across on the surviving transports. That movement was without incident, for Polk had taken stock of the situation and pulled his men out, with whatever fraction of the guns and stores he could save.

The next defensible point was Island Number 10, meaning it was the tenth semi-permanent island south of the confluence of the Mississippi and Ohio Rivers, located in the northwest corner of Tennessee at the border with Missouri and Kentucky. Most of the guns salvaged from Columbus found their way there, and though the height advantage of the Columbus bluffs was lost, Commodore Rodgers considered Island Number 10 too strong for his gunboats to tackle. Grant’s plans for an overland march to cut the island’s line of supply then had to be entrusted to a subordinate, for Beauregard was on the move, and Kentucky was once again in peril.