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merrick

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I've been away from this too long. Some very good posts - and the last one gave a great insight into the strengths and weaknesses of the Confederate military. I'm with Stuyvesant - the Rebel leadership may be able to pull together as long as everything goes well (about half a post, I'll guess), but beyond that there are some serious potential rifts - notably Davis vs Johnston, if Beauregard loses his halo. Interesting to see Lee so defensive - when (historically) did he come to believe in a successful Eastern offensive as the only road to victory?

I can understand the politicians going with the Beauregard plan - clearer and less risky in the short term - but I reckon Johnston (loose cannon though he is) has the right of it. The Confederates still seem to half believe that the Union will make a few gestures at the border and then go away, and that stops them seeing that this isn't a plan to win the war.

North Carolina must go, and quickly, or Viginia is indefensible. And the need for an offensive into North Carolina makes an overall defensive strategy impossible - if the Confederates want the Union to give up North Carolina, they're going to have to beat the Union, not just fend it off. So all that's left is to use the Confederates' temporary advantage to the fullest, before the US Army becomes overwhelming, or the Confederate economy collapses. Standing around western Virginia won't do that, and I think Lincoln & co are smart enough not to get drawn into an unnecessary battle at bad odds.

Dare I hope for a typical AI blunder-forward-on-all-fronts-until-it-gets-overstretched-and-defeated-in-detail strategy?
 

Director

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merrick - you have been away too long but I'm so glad to hear from you that I won't mention it. :D

As for strategy... it is hard to make a case for a rational Confederate strategy in the real Civil War, much less in this one. I would say that Confederate thinking boils down to a few points, which are emotional, deeply rooted in the South's conception of itself and hence not really subject to analysis by Southern politicians and generals. They are:

First, honor demands the South not submit to Yankee meddling in western Virginia, or to the blockade. North Carolina is essential to a solid and contiguous South, and would clearly join her sister states if not for the meddling Yankees. Hence she can be 'helped' along, as can Kentucky, Missouri and Maryland if opportunities present themselves. Once we liberate them they will thank us, and join with us, and we will be too strong to stop.

All these insults must be redressed in favor of the South; compromise is a declaration of weakness, a moral failing. Despite the weakness of one's position one must never, ever give way on principle.

The South must succeed; it cannot fail; it cannot be
permitted to fail. If failure is unthinkable, only success can be contemplated; hence, whatever the South puts its full weight behind, must succeed. If the South could fail and fall then its entire theory of government, our entire conception of themselves as a people, is false from its foundation. This is too terrible to contemplate.

Taking on the North and winning is possible because the North is divided (Democrats and Republicans, abolitionists and slave owners) and because the North is morally weak, preferring commerce and industry to agriculture and profits to conquest. If the North is beaten soundly once or twice the will to fight will go out of them and they will quit.

Southern men are fighting for their homes and families; the North will have to pay in blood for conquest, and thus will give up first.

The South believes these things because the alternative - realizing that they are rolling the dice with everyone they love and everything they own at stake - cannot be contemplated. A realistic assessment of the odds is intellectually possible but emotionally impossible - we see the damger but refuse to believe what we see. Public expression of doubts would be defeatism, and close to treason.


Now, realistically, a rapid conquest of North Carolina would help secure the defense of Virginia. Retaking western Virginia complicates the North's job and increases the distraction quotient. Armies fighting on the defensive might well inflict defeat, allowing the South to take the war to the North. Enough of Bright's Democrats might be willing to call for a ngotiated peace. But really, would anyone but a lunatic believe all this will come true and the North would just say, 'Whoops! 'Scuse me. Help yourself to North Carolina, and would you like some Kentucky to go with that?' Now that it has begun this war has enormous pressures behind it. The South has fundamentally misunderstood the North; the North only misunderstands how much the South will pay.

Now, you know how the Paradox AI works... but I will say it did a pretty good job this time.


To all - No update tonight, I fear.

An intrepid reader has pointed out a factual error in my last post which I hope I have now corrected. In our timeline, Davis' recommendations for full general were: Cooper, Albert Sidney Johnston, Lee, Joe Johnston, Beauregard. In 'Providence', Albert Sidney Johnston has been a civilian in Texas for some time, and Davis has been prevailed upon by Toombs to modify his list somewhat. Hence the order is: Cooper, Johnston, Lee, Beauregard. Despite Lee's higher class rank at West Point, he is now junior to Johnston based on Johnston;s higher brevet rank in the peacetime army.

I apologize for the error and encourage everyone to backstop me so that we have as few of these as possible. :) Thank you, Ghostwriter!
 
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Director

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As Leonidas Polk sat in northern Tennessee and pondered the new war his new country had embarked upon, he may have regretted his own generous nature. A West Point graduate of the class of 1827, a year after Albert Sidney Johnston and two years before Robert Lee, Joseph Johnston and Theophilus Holmes, Polk had turned aside from a military or an engineering career to accept a ministry in the Episcopal Church. By the time of secession he had risen to be Bishop of Louisiana, and his support for Southern independence was as solid as his faith. A courtesy visit to the new Confederate government in Montgomery had brought an offer of a generalcy from his old friend Jefferson Davis; Polk had been astounded by the offer and declined it, saying only that he would reconsider if the country found itself in need of his services. With news of the outbreak of war had come his commission as a major general and an appointment to command all forces in his native Tennessee.

Polk had thrown all the energy of his giant frame into the task of defending his state, and the problems before him were many. Militia regiments must be drilled and incorporated into larger units, officers must be evaluated and, if necessary, replaced. These new armies must be fed, equipped, shod, provided with arms, powder, horses, lead shot and explosive shell. Fortifications must be sited, dug, armed and kept ready, and wherever possible vast stocks of rations must be accumulated. But Polk was ebullient in the face of adversity, aglow with optimism and afire with the certainty of his convictions, and his men loved him. The mere sight of the ‘Fighting Bishop’, with his white hair and flowing side-whiskers streaming above a ruddy, cheerful face, was enough to set whole regiments to cheering. No-one in the government or in the public had fretted over the appointment, despite Polk’s age and lack of military experience. The Confederate army in Tennessee was primarily concerned with building forts and training soldiers, and Polk was well suited by temperament for that work. Either Kentucky would fall in with her Southern sisters, expanding the theater and requiring a higher-ranking officer, or Kentucky would remain neutral and thus shield Tennessee from Federal incursion, in which case Polk’s troops could be safely sent to other places. Tennessee would have vital importance to the Confederate war effort, for her population, manufacturing capacity and raw materials were second only to Virginia. Eastern Tennessee was rich in cattle, horses and grains, and it was through Tennessee the Confederate spinal cord and esophagus ran, the critical railroad connecting Virginia to the remainder of the Confederacy. But it was Kentucky that occupied Polk’s thoughts.

The Commonwealth of Kentucky was at the center of the war in the west as no other state could be, both in geography – six states bordered upon it - and in political calculations. It was also more equally divided by secession than any other state, with families, churches and entire towns set one side against the other. The ordinance calling for a secession convention had been voted down, and the elections of previous months had returned a solid pro-Union slate, but Kentucky had a near-majority of citizens in favor of joining the Confederacy. Most residents realized that if war came it must be fought on their own ‘dark and bloody ground’, leading the governor and legislature to their sole point of agreement: a proclamation of neutrality. Confederate recruiters vied with Union ‘home guard’ men, and Lincoln declared that, although he had the right to march Federal troops over any part of the country, he would refrain from doing so in Kentucky for as long as the state was not imperiled.

At stake was a strategic location of inestimable importance, for Kentucky was bounded by the Ohio River on the north and the Mississippi to the west. The Cumberland and Tennessee Rivers cut through the center of the state, and fine railroads linked Louisville, Paducah and Columbus with Nashville and Memphis to the south. “I would like to think I have God on my side,” Lincoln wrote to a friend in Chicago, “but I must have Kentucky. For with Kentucky would go Missouri and perhaps the southern parts of Illinois, Indiana and Ohio, and then the task is too large for us.” In the Lincolnian strategy of first preventing further damage, acceding to the neutrality of Kentucky was a small price to pay. For Kentucky had Southerrn sentiments but she also had Northern interests, which she would discover with a little time for reflection. Her cities were on the Ohio River, not the Tennessee border. Her trade was almost entirely linked to the Union, and her commitment to slavery was solid but not fanatical. Most recently the Kentucky militia, trained by West Pointer Simon Bolivar Buckner to be the finest body of state troops on the continent and officered almost entirely by men of Southern sympathies, had been disbanded. Against the advice of men who urged him to use the militia to seize power and forcibly carry Kentucky into the Confederacy, Buckner had obeyed orders to send the militia home and had then gone alone to Polk’s headquarters at Clarkesville, Tennessee to offer his services to the South.

Polk was glad to see him, but would have been happier to have also had thirty thousand well-trained men and control of Kentucky. For the plain fact was that defending Kentucky would be vastly easier than protecting Tennessee; a few batteries at Louisville and Paducah would close the Ohio River and guns atop the bluff at Columbus would stop all traffic on the Mississippi. Columbus was the terminus of the Mobile and Ohio Railroad, Paducah controlled the Cumberland and Tennessee Rivers, and Louisville could be supported over the Louisville and Nashville Railroad. To defend Tennessee, Polk would have to string men across more than four hundred miles of open border, with bad roads and a single railroad running from Memphis to Nashville. Too, Polk had been visited by men who painted a rosy picture of the reception a Confederate army would receive in Kentucky. But orders were orders, and his instructions from Richmond had been most specific: he was to place Tennessee in a state of defense without altering Kentucky’s delicate balance.

But Jefferson Davis, finicky and pedantic at the best of times, had left a loophole in his instructions. Polk was charged ‘above all with the safety of your force’, to be effected by ‘the occupation of strong positions’, ‘in expectation that you will interpose your force to enemy movements’. Further, ‘The Commander of the Army of Tennessee is permitted to open operations in the Commonwealth of Kentucky, should Federal forces threaten her declared neutrality.’ Davis had thought this perfectly clear; unfortunately, so did Polk, although his conclusions were nearly opposite the intentions of the Secretary of War. As the summer crops ripened and his forces swelled in numbers, Polk reacted to reports that Federal troops, supported by gunboats on the Ohio River, intended to seize strategic points in Kentucky. Immediately, Polk ordered his corps forward over a broad front. Though manned by skeleton forces, a position was quickly dug in atop the high bluffs north of Columbus, and it soon bristled with cannon brought in by rail. No Federal riverboats could dare the power of massed cannon sited in four ranks, the highest one hundred fifty feet above the water. Columbus secured Polk’s left flank and, by extension, the Mississippi River down to New Orleans. Polk called it, ‘The Gibraltar of the West’, and he was not far wrong.

A second division under William Hardee attempted to serve the same fate to Paducah, but Federal troops led by Colonel Nathaniel Lyon had debarked two days earlier. Unwilling to assault the new Federal earthworks in the teeth of heavy artillery aboard Federal gunboats, Hardee withdrew. Another little army, with Polk at its head, marched overland along the railroad line to Bowling Green, pausing when reports indicated Federal forces under General William Harney had secured Louisville. The Kentucky legislature promptly passed a resolution commanding the Confederate forces to withdraw, the governor decamped to join Polk and the state moved more or less permanently into the Union column.

Kentucky would furnish tens of thousands of men to both sides, often sending members of the same family to regiments in opposing armies. The control of the southern half of the state would remain solidly in Confederate hands for the remainder of the campaign season, due in no small part to the divided nature of the Federal command structure. As yet there was no Commanding General in Washington, though Grant served as an able advisor to the President, who possessed no military knowledge of his own. Irvin McDowell would exercise direct command of the troops in Washington, DC. Sherman’s small army in southern Ohio and western Virginia had grown large enough to require a more senior commander. William Harney was thus ordered from the Dakotas to Cincinnati, leaving Sherman some autonomy in the fractious counties of western Virginia while Nathaniel Lyon, as we have seen, secured Paducah in Kentucky. Don Carlos Buell took over command of Jefferson Barracks and the arsenal at St Louis, supervising also FitzJohn Porter’s new training camp at Cairo, Illinois. That point, where the Ohio and Mississippi Rivers join, allowed an army to move up any of five rivers, the Ohio, Cumberland, Tennessee, Missouri or Mississippi. Harney and Buell had been arguing over who should provide security for Kentucky, if that state requested it, and this heated exchange of messages – some reported in the newspapers – had been interpreted by Polk as an impending invasion.

Despite the end of Kentucky’s innocence and neutrality, and despite the enlargement of the armies along the entirety of the border, real combat had yet to erupt. But it would not be long in coming.
 
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Vann the Red

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Major mistake there by Polk. Wonder how Davis will react. Kentucky is far more defensible.

VtR
 

robou

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The Press mislead Polk? Hmm, I suspect some foul play somewhere behind the scenes. But now the state is another major theatre and there is no way to stop that. I guess it is now time for the fighting to start in earnest!
 

unmerged(59737)

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I do wonder if the up-timers had anything to do with Polk's selective interpretation of his orders, or if it was a "natural" mistake.
 

Stuyvesant

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Whoopsie! Polk's reasoning was fine, but his execution left a lot to be desired. Decisive action might've resulted in more favorable results for the Confederation - but I guess no-one is quite ready yet to fight a full-blown battle.

Regardless of the reasons, it's clear that this situation is worse for the Confederates than the previous neutrality of Kentucky. Hooray for the good guys, and Frost is going to be very displeased. :)

Now let's see how all this minor-league skirmishing is transformed into an actual war!
 

Lord Durham

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What a wonderful strategic canvas you painted regarding Kentuky's importance to both sides of the conflict. The groundwork is laid, the players in position, the roles cast... what next? :)
 

unmerged(24320)

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Director: ...Despite the end of Kentucky’s innocence and neutrality, and despite the enlargement of the armies along the entirety of the border, real combat had yet to erupt. But it would not be long in coming.

Lord Durham: ... what next?

action ! ! :D

excellent updates ! ! :cool:

also, Polk sure started something that just might burn his country in the end ! !
;)
 

Director

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Vann the Red - matching the mistake he made in 'real life'. But in our history his opponents were Halleck and, more immediately, Grant. The commander at Cairo now is FitzJohn Porter, and the theater commander is Don Carlos Buell in Missouri... who has enough on his plate at the moment. ;)

On my road trip I revisited the National Transportation museum in St Louis (trains! trains! TRAINS! :D ) and sojourned through Cairo and Columbus. MOST helpful.

robou - I think it more likely that Polk mislead Polk... he heard and saw what he wanted to hear and see. Kentucky was sliding headlong into the Union camp in any event, so Polk might have only cut short the journey to an inevitable destination.

Fulcrumvale - I think I can say that there would be no war if Mme Frost had her way. Clearly she didn't have enough of a grip on the reins to keep the horse from bolting. We will hear a bit more from the western theater in the next update, including our first large battle.

I do think Polk was looking for excuses to go in and saw what he wanted to see... but yes, he may have been helped along. Certainly the Kentuckians who promised him the Confederates would spark a Southern uprising in the Bluegrass were... um... guilty of wishful thinking. ;)

Stuyvesant - Hardee was one of the brightest stars of the lower ranks of the pre-War Army; he translated French military manuals ('Hardee's Tactics'), commanded at West Point (1855-1860) and even designed a better hat (see the Iron Brigade's black hats for an example). His nickname was 'Old Reliable', and he was highly respected by both sides. His decision to avoid a battle at Paducah may have brought him the ire of the press in this history, but Hardee was usually proven correct in his perceptions.

Neither side has an army in the professional sense; they have quarter-trained mobs of militia who can't even pitch a sanitary camp with success, much less march to the Ohio River and fight a battle.

One war coming up, courtesy of Bloody Missouri. And, of course, Arlington...

Lord Durham - Thank you for dropping by! Kentucky's allegiance to the Confederacy would have complicated the war enormously... Bragg's real-life raid into Kentucky in 1862 might have been a parade through lower Indianapolis and Cincinnatti instead.

Things are still moving slowly, and here's why: I cheated. Yep. In the game the war didn't actually begin until the spring of 1863. I decided to start the war in the story a year earlier and allow both sides the 'historical' lead-time to build up their armies. But in the fall of 1862 - where we now are - the bullets will begin to fly in earnest. THAT's what's next... Director tackles his first Civil War battle. Or hides under his bed until it all goes away. :eek:

GhostWriter - I agree that Polk might have put a better 'spin' on his invasion, but - after Buckner refused to lead an armed coup - Kentucky was probably bound for the Union sooner or later. Personally I think the Confederates would have been well advised to use a neutral Kentucky as a shield, allowing Tennessee to be held with a bare handful of men, but... the Paradox AI certainly didn't listen to my theories.
 
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unmerged(24320)

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Director: ...Neither side has an army in the professional sense; they have quarter-trained mopbs of militia who can't even pitch a sanitary camp with success, much less march to the Ohio River and fight a battle.

i take it that you coined this word [mopbs] to represent a mob who could not mop a floor ? ? ;) very appropriate ! !

Director: ...Things are still moving slowly, and here's why: I cheated. Yep. In the game the war didn't actually begin until the spring of 1863.

that is one way to lengthen the war, without increasing casualties ! ! ( not to mention, great for post war recovery ! ! ) :D

Director:
...Personally I think the Confederates would have been well advised to use a neutral Kentucky as a shield, allowing Tennessee to be held with a bare handful of men, but... the Paradox AI certainly didn't listen to my theories.

agreed ! ! on ALL counts ! ! :cool:
 

merrick

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So Polk has gone off half-cocked? Nice summary of the strategic situation in the West, and a good insight into the command and control problems facing both sides as they try and summon armies out of nothing along a thousand-mile front. The misunderstanding between Davis and Polk is ominous for the Confederates, though. If the South is to stand a chance they need everyone on the same page, and right now not only do they not have a coherent plan, they don't even appear to realise that they need one.

Director said:
GhostWriter - Personally I think the Confederates would have been well advised to use a neutral Kentucky as a shield, allowing Tennessee to be held with a bare handful of men, but... the Paradox AI certainly didn't listen to my theories.
In the historical Civil War I'd have agreed with you. In this one, I actually think the Confederates were right to go into Kentucky, and they will regret not pushing things harder.

In the historical Civil War the South has two viable strategies (apart, of course, from "give up the whole stupid idea"). One of them is a strictly defensive stance, concentrating on keeping the army and the heartland intact while yielding peripheral territories as slowly as possible and hoping that a long, grinding war of attrition will eventually convince the Union that conquering them isn't worth the effort. In that war, keeping the Kentucky border closed is an obvious plus.

However, given the status of North Carolina, in this war a strictly defensive stance is impossible. And occupying North Carolina - even if it could be accomplished quickly without weakening the defence elswhere - undermines the defensive strategy politically by giving the North something to fight for and militarily by diverting Southern resources into the occupation of hostile territory.

The other plausible Southern strategy is the all-out blitz. Go for broke on every front before the North has time to assemble its resources and hope the Union will crack under repeated blows. For that strategy widening the front makes sense, as it forces the Union either to spread its defenders more thinly or to gamble on where to concentrate. But if the South is following that strategy them Polk shouldn't be stacking guns at Columbus and Lee certainly shouldn't be wasting effort on shore forts in Virginia. If the offensive fails the South has lost, the forts will only make it slower.

I agree that the most of the Confederate leadership is so deep in denial that it's a wonder they can still breathe. In a way, I think they'd be more rational if they'd all been waving flags and shouting "On to Washington!" They seem to have internalised their own belief in Southern superiority so far that they expect - on a gut level - that the North will recognise it as well and not make a serious effort against a clearly superior foe. So they amble casually forward, not really trying to push the war to a successful conclusion, but imagining everything will fall into place regardless. That is not the way to win a total war. Frost must be steaming.
 

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I spent an hour last night composing a reply to you gentlemen, and then the internet ate it. So here goes for a replay:



GhostWriter - You caught me. :) I can spell, I just can't type. :p But I've fixed it now.

I needed the war to run longer for plot reasons. We'll be getting the same events, just spread out a bit more.

merrick - Is it fair to accuse Polk of going off half-cocked and then complain he didn't go farther? :p I understand your point and I agree with you... but Polk is in for some unhappy telegrams from Davis, or would be if Davis ever criticized the men who are loyal to him. Still, it is done - and the South will probably get more from Kentucky now than if they had left it alone.

My personal preference is to build a solid defense, draw the enemy forward onto it and then crush their depleted divisions with my reserves. The Paradox AI is not able to do this; given free space in front it will advance. So the solid defense is rarely possible; the von Manstein 'rolling backhand blow' is not possible for it either. An all-out offensive does seem to be in the cards, especially since I have pulled my few regular units to critical points such as Cairo, Cincinnati and Washington and I am not hazarding them until the militia are ready. This means the early initiatives of the South will go unanswered...

Our concepts of all-out offensive, rapid strike and total war are unknown and posibly incomprehensible to the leaders of either side at this time, the example of Napoleon notwithstanding. All wars after Napoleon were short, sharp and limited in their political aims. SInce the Confederacy is the size of Europe without the eastern edge, and since the issue is one of survival (of the Union as a whole or of the Confederacy as a government), total war will have to be waged. But neither side can really comprehend that, now. For them it is a matter of a few battles or at most campaigns to show the enemy they cannot win, and then it will be over. They are wrong, and you are correct to point out that their concept of the war is wrong, but almost no-one on the planet at the time would have disagreed with the 'short war' idea. Likewise the 'all-out' offensive is anathema; such strategy as was taught at West Point (and elsewhere) was centered on cautious advances, with flank movements against enemy positions and tender concern for one's logistical tail. In Victoria one doesn't have to worry with logistics, which is a fatal flaw in a wargame of this period.

The North has underestimated how determined the Confederates will be for independence; the South has mistaken the effect of invasions of North Carolina and Kentucky. The firebrands on both sides have their war now...
 

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His head nodded or shook as he read line by line over the unfinished piece. Its arguments were one-sided, its facts selective, its character assassinations subtle and its patriotism rampant. A wretched piece of writing it was, but good journalism here-and-now. He felt relieved that his years of serving as publisher and business magnate had not entirely erased his reportorial skills. He paused for a moment, carefully closing the portable camp desk so that the wet ink from his fresh revisions would not find its way to the other documents in the folios of the lid. After placing it carefully on the ground, he stretched, catlike, in the warm sunlight of early morning. Around him, the camp was awake though the men were not yet ready to resume their march, and beguiling odors of coffee, frying food and crisping bacon wafted over the rows of tents.

Ronsend had agreed with Makhearne that the western theater was the most crucial in these early days of the war, but had erred in thinking Kentucky would remain neutral and quiet while events played out in Missouri. Lincoln had thought that it would be useful to have someone unofficially report on the situation on the ground, especially so since the Union commanders at St Louis and Cincinnati were training tens of thousands of men and expending enormous public funds for everything from tents to bacon. Don Carlos Buell, the commander of Jefferson Barracks in St Louis, was a professional soldier of the old Army. He had graduated from West Point in the class of 1841 as a classmate of Nathaniel Lyons in Paducah, John Reynolds in California and the two Garnetts, who had gone South. He was solid, capable, strict in discipline and orderly in his preparations, and he was no fool: Buell knew exactly why this New York newspaperman and friend of Lincoln had come to visit. The general was too professional to give his guest any but the most correct welcome, and Ronsend had found little in the management of the army or procurement of supplies to excite any interest. But Buell had the defects of the old Army also; if thorough he was also slow, and if strict he was colorless, uninterested in trying to win the affections of the citizens who were now his soldiers.

The first challenges had been met, though the consequences of those early decisions were still ricocheting around the state like stray bullets. Missouri Governor Claiborne Jackson had announced his state’s neutrality when war seemed imminent, then compromised it by attempting to seize the sixty thousand muskets and rifles held at the St Louis Arsenal. Along with assorted cannon, tons of precious gunpowder and stores of supplies and rations, those rifles made St Louis the military key to control of the center of the continent. Buell had refused to hand over Jefferson Barracks to Jackson’s militia, a stand that Ronsend thought might have saved Missouri and the West for the Union. Meeting the militia in the streets of St Louis with a tiny force of regular infantry, artillery and a few scratch regiments formed from German immigrants, Buell had given the rebels ‘a taste of the grape’ and sent them reeling. Jackson had proclaimed the city lost and gone south to Rolla to set up a Confederate government for Missouri. Taking up the fight in his place was former Governor Sterling Price, who had gathered up the remnants of Jackson’s ill-fated militia and set up camp at the old town of St Charles on the Missouri River. Price might not be an experienced military man, but he knew how to keep the proclamations flowing out, and the recruits and supplies coming in.

Thither to St Charles was Buell now bound, with his scant companies of regulars stiffening Siegel’s Germans, Payton’s loyal Missourians and two regiments each from Indiana and Iowa. His goal was to trap Price’s regiments against the Missouri River and crush them, but Ronsend thought there were more difficulties ahead than the general let on. The chief one of those being the river itself, for St Charles lay on the opposite bank from Buell’s army and the sole good crossing downstream, at Music Ferry, was guarded by Confederate cannon. Still, taking almost any offensive action was better than making none at all, for Confederate brigadier Ben McCulloch was marching quickly from northwestern Arkansas into central Missouri. Whether he seized the state capital at Jefferson City or marched past to combine with Price, McCulloch’s arrival would swing the balance of numbers in Missouri heavily to the Confederate side. Buell had therefore determined to strike at Price first, and to that end had advanced from his base in St Louis, cutting across the wide loop the Missouri River made to the north. St Charles was little more than twenty miles from Jefferson Barracks as the crow flies, but Buell’s inexperienced men had required a week to make the journey, in part because the retreating Confederates had disrupted the railroad running from St Louis through St Charles and Buell was intent upon repairing it as he advanced. Given the batteries at Music Ferry and other places on the river north of town, the Federal force would have to move north of them and cross by steamboat. The land northeast of St Charles was a long, low-lying tongue dividing the Mississippi River from the Missouri, good farming land but swampy and uncrossed by roads, meaning the most difficult part of the campaign still lay ahead. Most of the Federal officers thought Price would fall back to join McCulloch, but Buell did not agree. “He’ll believe he is in a strong place,” the general had said, “and he will want to hold it. I knew him in Mexico, and he looked forward to a fight, then. He will be the same man, now.”

All of that would be days in the future if Buell’s army continued at its current… Ronsend turned and shaded his eyes. A flurry of shots from the perimeter probably meant nothing, for the green recruits were forever skylarking, loosing shots at any animal that stirred in the brush, or at nothing, for the sheer pleasure of it. The rumble died away and he bent to pick up his desk, only to jerk upright again as another fusillade rolled, this one from the northeast. Shouts followed, and another roar of musketry. Men began moving from their breakfast huddles around the campfires, sergeants chivvying them toward the neat stacks of rifles. Bawling cries rang out; ‘Fall in!’ ‘Look sharp, lads!’ ‘Fall in for inspection!’ ‘Prepare to break camp!’ The shouts and the flat, cracking thunder of gunfire were getting louder, lending urgency to the officers’ attempts to get the men into line.

A staff officer mounted on a bay gelding rode by, calling to the milling officers and men alike. “It’s Price, men. He’s come out to fight, he’s over here where we can get ‘im! So grab your guns and fall in, and you will each get to whip a rebel or two today!” Men cheered and ran for their kit – rifles, bandoliers of ammunition, caps, tunics. Drummers began to roll the long burring drone of the call to assembly, and somewhere in the distance a bugler sounded more or less at random.

That was when the first of the rebels came out of the trees, pushing ahead of them a loose mass of men in blue. Some were running, but most were walking backwards at a steady pace, trying to reload as they came. The rebels were in civilian homespun, but a few had donned the lost caps and tunics of their retreating foes, and they were coming on in little rushes, dropping down behind whatever cover they could find. Ronsend had a moment to marvel that there were so few dead or wounded on either side before he saw one and then another go down. The ragged Confederate line halted and gave a sputtering volley, and he heard the bullets singing in the trees overhead, little bits of leaves showering down. One bullet thwacked into a branch not two feet from his elbow, and he decided then and there to seek out a safer vantage point. Turning his back was somehow impossible, and so he moved away in the sideways sidle the retreating Federals were still employing, easing into the trees at the back of the clearing just as a bluecoated company shouted, ‘Hurrah! Hurrah! Hurrah!’ and went forward at a run. That bowled the Confederates back into the brush, but other regiments coming up on the verges dropped a dozen or more Union boys and sent the rest scampering to the rear. More Confederates could be seen in the woods every moment.

About fifteen minutes later, still clutching his portable desk under one arm, he came across Buell. The general had one foot propped on a stump and was addressing a half-dozen officers. “He’s come across the river and hit us in the rear,” Buell was saying, “and he’s hit us in the front, too. But it’s tricky to make that work even with regulars, and all Price has is militia. None of these are McCulloch’s boys, I think, so we have the advantage of numbers. Keep your men steady, take up good positions, and keep the ammunition coming to them. Allow no straggling, and no shirking! Captain Crawford, we shall need a provost guard to round up the strays and send them back to the firing line. Captain Sturdevant, see to the safety of the wagons, get the men fresh ammunition and look to your accounting for the bullets afterwards.” That got a brief chuckle. “Right, then. He’s pushing us back, and our fellows are shaken, so we’ve got to firm them up; give them all the encouragement we can. Drop trees if you can, or use fences, or any other kind of cover. Major Dancy, your regiment had better go over to the left of Peete’s – send a runner to him and to Castle, find out what they know and get word back to me. I’ll be headed for the crossroads, about a quarter-mile that way.” Everyone nodded. “Colonel Luker, hold your men where they are, save to give Jones help if he needs it. We don’t know yet which of these two attacks is the main one. And Gordon, bring your boys along to the crossroads, quick as you can. I think I’ll have a use for you. Captain Fellowes, get your battery moving to the crossroads immediately; I’ll have further instructions for you then.”

Seeing one of the officers staring over his shoulder, Buell turned his head. “Mister Robinson! Where have you come from, sir? What have you seen?”

“I was at Vogel’s farm, General, with Castle’s regiment. The enemy was in the woods to the northeast, and it looked like there were a lot of them.”

Buell nodded, unimpressed with the slim facts of the report. “Major Dancy, you had better get moving now. If you – or anyone – comes across Brigadier Payton, I should like to speak with him.” The officers melted away, leaving one nervous lieutenant and Ronsend alone with Buell. The general gave the reporter an unfriendly look before clapping a hand on the young lieutenant’s shoulder.

“Now, son, how are Siegel’s men holding up?” Siegel had served in the army of Baden, and had been Minister of War for the anti-Prussian side of the revolts of 1848. He had been instrumental in swinging the German vote – and thus, Missouri – to Lincoln in 1860, and he had been able to rapidly raise thousands of recruits from the German settlers of St Louis when the war broke out. Without his men, Buell would have been overwhelmed and St Louis lost. Lincoln had rewarded Siegel with a commission as a brigadier general of volunteers, but the new brigadier and his men were not highly regarded by Buell and his staff.

“He’s fighting hard, sir… It’s pretty confused, back there.” Siegel’s troops had been in the van, furthest west toward the river when the attack came in. “Lots of ‘em scampered, but the reg’lars was right behind ‘em. The artillery got up, I know I saw that ‘fore Major Dawes sent me back to find you. He said to tell you that Ostermann’s with Siegel, sir, and that he thought his present line could be held for now.”

Buell nodded thoughtfully; Ostermann might not be Siegel’s equal in rank but he was steady, cautious and painstaking, a good man for Siegel to look to for advice. Dawes was a hard-bitten veteran of the Old Army, a careerist, and his men were the 1st Infantry Regiment, USA, the ‘Old Guard’ of the American Army. “Carry a message back. Ask General Siegel to consult with Major Dawes and Major Ostermann. Tell him to hold his position, and not to let the enemy get around his flanks. I’m sending… what I can as reinforcements. They aren’t to take any offensive action unless a position must be retaken… Yes, that’ll do it. Tell them the rebels have split their army, and I’m going to hit the other side first.”

Buell strode toward his horse. “Ride fast, son. Mister Robinson, there’s a horse for you – some poor man doesn’t need it anymore.” Ronsend gentled the horse and wiped the blood from the saddle with his bandana, then tucked his desk under a strap and swung himself into the saddle. The horse was nervous, but willing, and Ronsend nudged it past a trot. Buell was already half-way across the clearing and accelerating fast, and if Ronsend lost sight of the general he wasn’t sure what he would do.
 

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Noon came and went, and good news and bad came with it. Siegel’s Germans had been pushed back in the early hours but were now holding grimly onto a little knoll at angles to the St Charles railroad line. Major Dawes was dead, and Siegel and Ostermann both wounded, but their combined efforts had moved two batteries of regular artillery to another rise from which they could rake each Confederate attack as it went in. Whoever was commanding the rebels on this front was stubborn, and willing to take casualties to press the attack. The last assault, in the blazing heat of late afternoon, was beaten back with bayonets and clubbed muskets. Men dropped by the dozens not from wounds but from thirst, choking dust and smoke, and heat prostration. Just as Siegel was ready to pull his threadbare regiments back, abandoning the artillery, the Confederates retreated into the trees and the firing died down to a slow popping. On this end of the battlefield the Federals had, narrowly, survived. Now began the hard work of getting the wounded to the rear, chivvying stragglers back to their units, sending up water, and rations, and ammunition, all in expectation that the Confederates would renew the assault. But the rebels were done, for that day, at least – out of ammunition, and out of heart for more attacks into the teeth of Federal cannon.

The Confederates had massed the largest portion of their troops for the attack from the north-east, hoping to cut the road and stampede the Federals into flight. That plan came within an ace of accomplishment, for the attack there was led by Sterling Price himself. ‘Old Pap’, as his men called him, seemed to be everywhere, long white locks flying in the fresh breeze of morning, exulting, exhorting, urging his men forward with stentorian bellows. And forward they came, for Brigadier John Payton had gone down in the first shocking salvos, and most of a regiment had thrown down their guns and taken to their heels when he fell. Only sharp work by men such as Sam Curtis and William Castle held a thin line together, and that was only after they were pushed back a mile from their breakfast fires. As more troops came up on both sides the line deepened and extended, though Price’s failure to keep his men from pillaging the Union camps delayed the Confederate assaults, perhaps fatally. In the interim, Buell was able to position a battery of artillery in a little copse of trees, bulwarked behind fallen timber, and his men were allowed a brief respite to restock their ammunition. This was a luxury Price did not have, for his wagons had been left behind on the far bank of the Missouri River, and his men were now tired, hungry and thirsty as well. But the Confederate assault, when it came, seemed destined to sweep all before it. Peete’s Missouri Volunteers were crumpled and Dancy’s Iowans only saved themselves by a rapid retreat, leaving the left flank ragged and open. Price himself led the next assault, only to run headlong into Baker’s Twelfth Illinois. In the melee that followed the Illinois regiment broke but Price went down with two bullets in his leg and one in his side, dying as the Confederate assault ebbed and retreated. Two of his aides managed to drag his body to the safety of the Confederate lines, but the loss of Price took the heat from the rebel attack. As on the west, the rebels here took up defensive positions and the firing died away. Brigadier General M Jeff Thompson was unable to rouse his men for a final effort, though a half-hearted Union push in the late afternoon was easily beaten off.

Ronsend spent the day riding with Buell, occasionally carrying orders, sometimes dodging bullets and once guiding a regiment into line. Later he would remember the constant fear, the singing drone of bullets passing overhead like bees. “Green men aim high,” Buell would say, pointing at shreds of leaves falling like vegetable snow. He would remember the hard, hammering knock of bullets punching into wood, the softer slap of flesh, the screams dimly heard with ears numbed from muzzle blasts. The beautiful red flowers of cannon fire and the elaborate wreaths and twists of gunpowder smoke would haunt him, as would the memory of the terrible thirst, but most of all he was moved by the casual, pedestrian courage of men. Here, helping the wounded, or comforting the dying, there firing a musket that could not be reloaded with the one remaining hand, everywhere advancing into the whining sleet of bullets.

The evening shadows deepened, but no fires were lit. Buell conferred with his officers, and Ronsend was there, but afterwards he could not have related anything that was said. It was clear that Buell intended to attack in the morning, and so the weary men were compelled to lie upon the cold ground, thinking themselves fortunate so far to not be in it. They were roused before first light, with no breakfast save what the fortunate few had left in their packs, and when they went forward they found nothing. The rebels had gone, marching silently away under cover of night, over the river to St Charles whose plumes of black smoke bespoke the first of many burnings in Missouri that summer. The batteries at Music Ferry were abandoned, and St Charles was still and empty when the Union regiments marched in. Price’s army – Price’s no longer – had marched away, leaving behind only the dead, the wounded, and the ashes.
 

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I wish Rosend good luck. He doesn't seem like the sort of person who would be entirely comfortable in a war zone…yet.
 

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Agreed, Ronsend is going to have quite an education throughout this war; but he is a quick learner. The reality of war is not what the newspapers write, unfortunately. But at least Buell has been able to disable Price's army, and kill Price; which means that now he can take McChulloch piece meal as he planned, even if his army is quite badly battered. Perhaps his loyal German troops will have learnt something out of this battle.
 

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That's clearly a Union victory, but how much of it? Since the Confederates have been driven off the field of battle and surrendered Saint Charles, it's at least a tactical victory, but without knowing just how badly Price's army has been battered, it's impossible to know the bigger picture. If the remnants of Price's force are in okay shape, merely shaken by the unexpectedly fierce fighting, they could still pose a serious threat to Buell if they manage to link up with the Arkansas Confederates. All they have to do is retreat to the west and then loop to the south. It sounds like Buell might be too methodical for a decisive pursuit and he'll still have to defend the arsenal in Saint Louis. Until either Price's army gets annihilated, or the relief army from Arkansas gets thrown back into Arkansas proper, I'm not going to get too excited for Buell just yet.

As far as the actual battle scene goes, I enjoyed it thoroughly. It was not the most exciting battle piece you've ever written, but given the outcome (a minor tactical victory for the Union), that's not a criticism. The feel of the thing seems right for the early Civil War (says I, who've read about two books on the matter, so I won't pretend to be an expert): the ebb and flow of the battle, as green troops eagerly advance until unexpectedly tough resistance puts them to flight, the relatively benign (bumbling?) fighting in the beginning, where the local flora seems to suffer more than the enemy troops (CatKnight would approve your tree-directed brutality ;)), even the way that the battlezone grows larger and larger as the fronts keep stretching further in each direction.

I especially liked your description of the start of the engagement, when the Union army had to move from breakfast to battle in minutes. I thought those scenes did a good job of conveying the abrupt change from peace to fight and of showing how the Union forces sort of flowed into battle, drop by drop.

The war has definitely turned violent now. I'm glad to see it started with a Union victory, regardless of how meaningful it might end up being in the end.
 

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Excellent work, D. You've always been excellent at battle scenes, but this one stood out for me as the voice of the piece captured so many of the accounts of civil war battles I've read.

Big victory, I think, for the Union. Unless Price's force remains intact enough for a second attempt at closing the river here.

Vann
 

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Fulcrumvale - No, he is as green as grass. There he is, happily enjoying a minute in the early morning sun and then... :eek:

robou - in the game, Missouri was quiet. Hence my elimination of Price to explain that... One wonders if Buell will be able to do more than pacify Missouri, however.

Stuyvesant - the Civil War seems to be full of surprise attacks which eventually fail, leaving both sides exhausted. We will hear more about Ben McCulloch later... but our next update will concern Virginia. :)

I agree with your comment that the battle was not highly exciting. I think however it was for Ronsend; in the last paragraphs I allude to a serious case of emotional exhaustion.

One of the constants of the early battles was the tendency for men to aim high, or fire without really aiming at all. Until one has stood in the open and let other men shoot at you I think we should not be critical of their marksmanship (I know you weren't being critical; I'm just saying that explains a lot of the crazy things that happen in the Civil War).

Good scouting was hard to develop and analysis of the information harder yet, though the South was better at it, and sooner, than the North. So it is not unusual for armies to 'get the drop' on each other in the early years. Weak command and control made it hard for armies to capitalize on what they did know.

Vann the Red - Thank you! I confess I owe the credit for this one to Lord Durham, whose suggestion led me to put a reporter at ground zero. That let me do some talking about the general situation while sequeing into the particular...



To all - A big 'Thank you!' to Faeelin, who nominated me for Writer of the Week. And another to my loyal readers and commenters, whose efforts shape the work and keep it moving.

I will be out of town this weekend, judging a marching band festival in northern Alabama. I'm tickled to be asked, and thankful I have a boss who will let me have time off when I want it. See you all early next week!
 
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