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Cotton spining seems to have remained viable in Lancashire for a long time. There were mills set up in the 1760s on water power that were still going strong in the 1930s, an unspeakably long time in industrial concerns. Seems that it started to be shut down after ww2 and mostly gone by the early sixties. Much faster decline than other industries or much the same?
'Going strong' is a bit of an over-statement for the 1930s. That was the decade when Japan really hit the cotton market in strength and it showed - there would be two major Cotton Acts to 're-organise' the UK industry before the decade was out. The Lancashire sweet spot had been good (but not high) wages with modern and productive factories, Japan matched them for productivity and wages were lower (and strikes illegal).

Post-war the decline was faster than for most, heavy industry was seen as 'strategic' so got a lot more support. Cotton was seen as obviously doomed by cheap competition and not a vital capability to maintain, given everything needed help they had to triage and focus on priorities. (Sadly they never thought that if everything needed help, maybe the post-war consensus wasn't working.)

What happened to all the stuff that was sold then? One of the things historians of cotton production have to bear in mind was that suppliers of the various machines, engines and so on had separate sheets for domestic manufacturers and overseas production. Even factories had their own offselling business moving old stuff and sometimes even brand new stuff straight from suppliers straight to forgiven markets.

I'm not sure about machine parts and actual works for running a mill (spinning Jenny/mule, auto-carders, etc) but a lot of engines both for factory and mine use were sent to India especially. What happened to them all?
Indian cotton factories were incredibly un-mechanised, massive work force resistance to them being used and no interest from the Raj in provoking a fight over it when there were more important things to worry about. (And keeping Indian factories weak/uncompetitive helped Lancashire, so London was happy enough). The stuff in mines just ran till it broke, the cotton mills that had kit kept going while the lower tech ones went bankrupt.

Plus cotton mills worked their kit hard, 24hr workings were commonplace and getting 10yrs out of the machinery before needing complete replacement was considered good. Quite a lot got scrapped I suspect.

Sure but you have to keep the population employed, and financially speaking, that sector sucks everything into a single point (London) and you'd have to constantly push to get something out to everywhere else.
This is why it is called the Dutch Disease, not the Dutch Lovely-thing-with-no-drawbacks. ;)

Also the pushing out thing doesn't work. You are describing the post-war "Industrial Development Certificate" which, in a crowded field, was one of the worst things to ever happen to post-war Britain. A scheme designed to punish success and deliberately destroy the benefits of agglomeration and specialisation. :(

As we spoke of in your aar, we also know there is a gigantic issue with working class unemployment on the horizon when the mining and cotton industries inevitably collapse. Investing in other industries so there are other factories to go to could be argued to try and resolve the issue, and it would help to have a good chemical (eventually also nuclear) and heavy industry base for maintaining a large fleet domestically. Making machines that's make the machines for the rest of the empire doesn't sound too bad either. Aside from anything else it would grant a lot of insight into exactly how well everyone else's industry was doing.
It's not a bad plan, I have no faith in any of the OTL post-war governments pulling it off, but it is certainly theoretically possible.

But. It is a major project, not just a few tweaks to industrial policy. It needs a very definite decision to forgoe being the world's leading financial centre and join the cult of metal bashing, and then re-making the British tax code, re-writing commercial law and several other fundamental changes to the country's institutions and norms. All while not cocking it up and ending up with crap manufacturing but having killed the City of London, which is probably the most likely outcome given the abilities and talents of people in government post-war.
 
Plus cotton mills worked their kit hard, 24hr workings were commonplace and getting 10yrs out of the machinery before needing complete replacement was considered good. Quite a lot got scrapped I suspect.

Oh indeed yes. Part of the reason why Labour laws got a big boost after two decades of public protest in the 1820s was that the larger manufacturers had noticed that it was better to shut the place over night and rest the machines and workforce to increase overall production and lower overhead costs. Having decided to do that, they joined the 10 hour movement in order to force all their competitors to shut down at night too. Thus for fairly sketchy reasons, they made a lot of people's lives a little better

Isn't capitalism wonderful?

This is why it is called the Dutch Disease, not the Dutch Lovely-thing-with-no-drawbacks. ;)

You suck at marketing. All I want is a lovely thing with no drawbacks. :)

Also the pushing out thing doesn't work. You are describing the post-war "Industrial Development Certificate" which, in a crowded field, was one of the worst things to ever happen to post-war Britain. A scheme designed to punish success and deliberately destroy the benefits of agglomeration and specialisation. :(

Oh god, I wasn't meaning to suggesting pushing things out worked, just that they'd try it and make the problem worse. You still do have to try and come up with a economic plan for post-war UK though, its one of the occupational hazards of being a HOI AAR writer.

It's not a bad plan, I have no faith in any of the OTL post-war governments pulling it off, but it is certainly theoretically possible.

Remember our Yes Prime Minister.
Paraphrasing:
"Are you suggesting that the current state of industry is what the department of Industrial concerns planned?"

It seems like a doomed to fail prospect but we cannot help but try and avoid the damage to people's lives and the country's economy (in that order...hopefully) knowing that if nothing changes then many terrible things will happen.

Otherwise not only will there inevitably be a depressing end to AARs but the terror of Pip/TBC economic despair will continue to scourge the forums.
 
1.png


Chapter 30, Parliament, 19 July 1936

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“And so, Prime Minister, I fear that his Majesty will proceed with the plan having taken due regard of the consequences,” Sir Walter Monckton, the King’s lawyer, (and, increasingly, Private Secretary after the recent exodus of staff) said freely. “The mess at the Trooping of the Colour has only sharpened his instincts to get Mrs Simpson divorced, and then marry her as soon as he can. We finally have his intent.”

Baldwin, who knew that the lawyer was withholding the details revealed in the gushing, bitter testimony from the Queen Mother of Mountbatten’s arrangements in Hampshire, felt terrible; while he was outwardly breezy and optimistic, he was back to taking an increasingly long time to unwind on an evening. The fact that the series of meetings that must now take place had to happen this evening didn’t help. He rubbed his tired face. “Walter, I must ask this: is there any hope of His Majesty listening to reason?”

Monckton, ever the clever lawyer, paused to consider his position. “I must say, Prime Minister, that the phrase ‘listen to reason’ suggests that His Majesty is not presently being reasonable. He feels that this latest proposal is reasonable.” Monckton removed his spectacles and wiped them with a handkerchief.

Baldwin sighed. “So, I am to seriously consider the prospect of a morganatic marriage?”

1595311787162.png


Monckton offered an enigmatic smile. “You may feel that this is a beneficial development,” Monckton nodded in the face of an incredulous look from Baldwin, “as it offers a clear line of succession. His Majesty will reign, and then regardless of the marriage or not to Mrs Simpson, and regardless of the issue from that union, His Royal Highness the Duke of York, and then, assuming that a son is not born, Princess Elizabeth, will be ascend the throne. I submit, Prime Minister, that it offers certainty.”

It was a very lawery speech and Baldwin shook his head. “A morganatic marriage is not, well,” he huffed, “particularly British.”

“I contend, Prime Minister, that we have an impasse. The King must surmount constitutional and legal convention, specifically, the lack of ecclesiastical support for the union, the need for Dominion and Parliamentary consent, and the endorsement of his Government. But he remains the King and if he were to, he could wield significant constitutional power. But this proposal removes, Sir, some of the grounds for objection. If I may be rather coarse, it avoids the sensitive arguments over Mrs Simpson’s judgment and her character, and prevents her from establishing a new Royal bloodline.”

“The House of Simpson,” Baldwin said, in a slightly burly, ribald way. “Alright, I think that I have it, thank you, Sir Walter. I now intend to canvass the senior Westminster figures, and then I will write to the Dominions. I will, then, need an audience with His Majesty.”

“Of course,” Monckton was puzzled.

“He has been avoiding me of late,” Baldwin said in mild reproach. “Our audiences have all but stopped. So, you see, our constitutional ties are already fraying”.

“There is another matter, I have discussed it, briefly, with Churchill,” he smiled an apology, “and he advised me to talk to you. Should divorce proceedings be commenced, His Majesty assesses that there is no ‘bar’ on Mrs Simpson accompanying him to Balmoral.”

“Out of the question,” Baldwin said hastily, then retracted slightly. “It would be hugely damaging to his case, you must see that.”

Monckton nodded, and after shaking the Prime Minister’s hand, offered a bitter comment. “This is going to be an awful summer, isn’t it?”

Baldwin smiled sadly. “How are you sleeping?”

“Not well, actually. I have defended rapists, I have taken cases to the highest courts in the land. I have fought in a war. But this matter has tested me like no other.”

Baldwin nodded. “I sympathise. This is like nothing that I have ever seen.”

A few minutes later, and Baldwin welcomed three very different figures to his office.

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“Gentlemen,” he said with more affability than he felt to Clement Attlee, the Labour Party leader and Leader of the Opposition, Sir Archibald Sinclair, from the Liberal Party, and Ramsay MacDonald, the Lord President of the Council as well as a senior ‘National Labour’ figure. “The Cabinet has been given a summary,” he nodded to MacDonald, who also nodded, “and I will shortly write to the Dominions on this matter. Er, please, sit down.” They all sat on the nearest available chair. “It is now time to brief you, as the leaders of our significant parties in the Commons, on developments within the Royal Household. Ramsay’s role is obvious, given the role of the Privy Council in wielding His Majesty’s prerogative powers.”

Atlee and Sinclair said nothing. MacDonald, whose deterioration in recent months had been the talk of Whitehall, wearily began mumbling.

1595311865250.png


“Would never have happened in the old King’s day,” he murmured, “a gracious and kingly friend whom I have served with all my heart.”

Baldwin looked with real concern at the clearly failing old man. “True, true, Ramsay,” he said gently. “You need to be aware that for the last couple of months I have been engaged in a dialogue with the Palace.”

“Just you?” That was Attlee, sharp and to the point.

“In truth this matter was limited, until last week, to me, Chamberlain, Eden and Halifax, as well, as I suppose, as their senior civil servants. MacDonald here, and Sir John Simon were made aware last week. The Archbishop of Canterbury is aware of some of this, as are some of the senior peers.”

Sinclair and Attlee exchanged glances as Baldwin went on to describe the Simpson relationship with the King, Mr Simpson’s uneasy handling of the situation, Baldwin’s attempts to counsel the King, and the impasse that he feared was looming. “So that’s where we are,” he finished, wearily. “I’ve just seen Walter Monckton and the King’s preference formally, is for a morganatic marriage. This brings the Duke of York into the fray: Halifax is handling him for me, but also, of course, there is young Princess Elizabeth.”

“Have you spoken to the Dominions?” That was Attlee, looking intently at Baldwin.

“Not yet, but now that I finally have a firm proposal from the Palace I will write to their Prime Ministers, and of course, Linlithgow in India. Poor man’s only just arrived out there. But I wanted you two to be briefed first.”

Sinclair raised an eyebrow. “Prime Minister, thank you for briefing us on this, but what do you actually intend to do?”

Baldwin sighed. “I will seek the counsel of the Dominions before I do anything. I suspect that they will view things as I do. If they can support a morganatic marriage then I will see what can be done. But I doubt that they will accept it.”

Attlee was like a terrier. “Which means?”

“If His Majesty’s proposal cannot work, and he cannot relinquish Mrs Simpson, then he must consider his position. If he intends to do both, then the Government will almost certainly resign. That could lead His Majesty to appointing a new Prime Minister.” He jabbed a podgy finger. “He will call on you, first.”

“I will not accept,” said Attlee firmly.

“I don’t think that I can,” Sinclair agreed, looking between Baldwin and Attlee.

1595311924287.png


“Then we are united. The King must reassess his priorities.”

“And,” Attlee continued, “if he doesn’t give her up?”

“Then, as I have said,” Baldwin said carefully, “he must consider what it is that he really wants.”

“Abdication. The thought of it,” said MacDonald, for whom this news was not fresh, said softly. “Renunciation of his duty, the thought of it.”

“You’re right to get York prepared,” Attlee said directly, tensely ignoring Macdonald. “The country may have need of ‘im.”

Sinclair frowned. “Prime Minister, we’ve all heard rumours, certainly I have, and so the lack of reporting is I guess, your work,” Baldwin confirmed this with a nod, “but do we fear that one of the papers will cover it?”

“Beaverbrook might,” Baldwin said tartly, “but this is His Majesty who is forcing the issue.”

______________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________

GAME NOTES

In game terms, I had, (at just about the right time, for once) the Parliamentary opposition event. I have taken this, given the way that HOI4 drags out over about six months that which would really only last around three, to mean that senior parliamentarians are brought in to Baldwin’s confidence and state their opposition to the King’s intended marriage. I appreciate at this point more than ever that the dramatis personae, or more pertinently their affiliations, are confusing to those who haven’t studied this period. So…

Under the UK’s constitution (more written, even if haphazardly, than most realise) the choice of Prime Minister is the choice of the Sovereign wielding his (or her) prerogative power (that tricksy prerogative again!) and choosing (usually) the leader of the party / collection of parties able to command the House of Commons. ‘Command’ of the House means, simply, that they have more MPs than the other guy and can win votes, particularly budgets. When a government, either through an election or a mass defection, loses command of the Commons, it essentially loses its mandate and can either try and muddle through, call an election, or try and make a coalition with another party. Readers will note that we have seen all of these scenarios, and variations of them, in the last ten years. The diminution of the House of Lords, broadly, was cemented by The Parliament Act 1911 which hobbled its power to reject legislation, as well as limiting its ability to delay legislation coming up from the Commons. Royal Assent, where the Sovereign approves legislation, requires the legislation being debated and approved in both Houses.

Now that Le Jones’ potted Constitutional Law lesson is over (and please, I know that there are nuances that I’ve skimmed through), what we have in 1936 is this. Baldwin is the Conservative leader, the single largest party in the Commons. He is the Prime Minister, but not of a one party Government. For the reason why, we go back to 1929. Then, Ramsay Macdonald was the Labour leader and Prime Minister of a majority, one party Government (although they were supported by a smaller socialist party, but we’ll gloss over that for now). With the ‘great slump’ MacDonald formed a National Government, essentially inviting the Conservatives into Government. A hugely controversial decision, particularly among the left; the Opposition (that is, the parties not aligned with or supporting the Government) was made up of the Labour MPs who refused to accept MacDonald’s decision. So, as you can see, MacDonald’s decision to join everyone together to meet the emergency was perfect for the Conservatives (we can debate whether or not it was in the national interest) as it handed them power with the added bonus of almost fatally splitting the other big party. This good fortune carried on to the 1931 General Election, where the Conservatives gained 470 out of 615 seats; the combined Opposition only getting 56. That’s not a typo – it was a crushing defeat for that part of the Labour Party not supporting MacDonald (as well as the National Labour chaps as well!). The 1935 election wasn’t much better – the Conservatives still got 387 seats. The National Government continued, in some form, until 1945. This is why you have an occasional Labour MP in the Cabinet during this AAR. This great rift on the left of British politics still exists, then, in 1936, which is why when Baldwin meets with leading figures, he has to meet with (confusingly) two Labour leaders: the ‘National Labour’ figure MacDonald, who, with his followers, supports Baldwin and the now Conservative dominated National Government, and Clement Attlee, (insert insulting term here) the Labour leader of the Opposition. Pause here for a debate on Attlee…

We’re going to see Attlee later, when the fit really hits the shan (a favoured phrase of my pupil mistress). I have tried, very hard, to balance my portrayal in this, his first outing to appeal / not repel what I perceive to be the left and right wings of the readerAARship (not naming names!). I have to say that I like a lot about him, particularly his brevity in his written and spoken communication, but I recognise and agree the failings (political naivete at the international level chief among them). He is going to feature, he has to for goodness sake, as the story develops – we have a Royal crisis far greater than the real 1936 one brewing, and we’re either on for an election before 1940 or a war. Or both! He’s the Labour leader until someone topples him or he installed as PM. This meeting has played to his strength, he could be, as I have said, terrierlike in small debates.

Sinclair gets a better outing than he probably merits, I haven’t much to say on him other than he was the Liberals’ leader; he would later be the Secretary of State for Air and, in that position, clashed almost incessantly with Beaverbrook, who ran aircraft production. MacDonald was certainly in decline, the picture is taken from around this time in the summer of ’36 and he was an old man slowly fading away.

And finally, Walter Monckton. In KFM I made Monckton, much as I did with Hoare / Templeman (depending on whether he was enobled) something of a ‘court favourite’, and consciously based him on Heino Ferch’s masterful portrayal of Speer in Downfall; the elegant, eloquent associate, in Monckton’s case he was a silkily canny lawyer with a razor-sharp mind. He was integral to the real world Simpson crisis, where he steered an interesting path between King and Government (although, as the King’s lawyer, he had a truly unenviable position playing the lawyer’s duty to the client against the requirement to keep the Government informed – the prerogative at work again!). He had a very difficult relationship with King Edward and detested (although not publicly) Mrs Simpson, and in the end appears to have lost patience with her. Here, in the early stages, I think that he faithfully represented his client to the best of his ability. The true test of the barrister…

Gosh, three efficient updates in a row...

I really like the mix of different types of updates (the mix keeps things very interesting) and am rather awed that you write them all so well. Cloak and dagger spying, action, court formalities, political scheming, even the battleship tech update, all so different in content and still maintaining the same high quality. I can't wait for the next!

You're very, very kind - I will try and keep to this (the next update is quite action-packed) wherever possible.

The revolver into the parade might as well have been a cat thrown among pigeons

As ever the wit, @stnylan

I wouldn't liken the Guards to pigeons; they're elite soldiers for a reason, and, as Sergison-Brooke showed, perfectly capable of retaining their composure when faced with sudden danger.

They do this sort of thing well, there have been incidents in the past, all dealt with efficiently.

It must be pointed out that despite the pageantry and open air, slow nature of a royal parade, no one has ever managed to kill or injure anyone in the lineup. British security services seem to have a better record than, for example, the presidential secret service.

You're right, actually, and the occasional nutter doing impromptu (that update in a nutshell) madness is almost always dealt with efficiently.

A wonderful flash of action to liven up proceedings, anyway. Edward has been canny using it as an excuse to accelerate matters, I feel.

And that's the thing, he has (perhaps understandably) linked the assassination and marriage plans, and concluded that he has to get on with it asap. The 'brush with death' has hardened his resolve in a way that it didn't (due to timing) in the real 1936/

Well he has to be dealt with one way or the other, hoi4 requires it.

I'm agonising over Mosley - I may enlist @DensleyBlair on one aspect of the story where Mosley would try and make his presence felt...

I can see why Eddie wants to bring matters to a head, the more people are exposed to Wallace the less they are going to like her and it's not like she is going to (or even can) change at this point. I still think this has to end badly for the King, a couple of politcians from the wilderness opportunistically advising him do not outweigh the entire Establishment being against the marriage, the only question is how badly it ends for everyone else.

Thats the rub, isn't it! He's going to try more than he did OTL, but without a major change of procedure or a supportive Government he's toast.

My point was that the UK can transition fully into being the evil money man of global capitialism and especially the empire/commonwealth with the influence and powers it had available.

So I kinda agree with this, @TheButterflyComposer. They just didn't do it very well...

That was what happened though. The late 19th century was full of peeps complaining about Britain not doing well in the 2nd Industrial revolution (chemical industry basically), while entirely missing the massive build up of financial and economic power occurring in London. That said power was not always used well, or was wasted on foolish endevaours (like stopping Germany from running Europe) is a different matter.

See!

Sure but you have to keep the population employed, and financially speaking, that sector sucks everything into a single point (London) and you'd have to constantly push to get something out to everywhere else. As we spoke of in your aar, we also know there is a gigantic issue with working class unemployment on the horizon when the mining and cotton industries inevitably collapse. Investing in other industries so there are other factories to go to could be argued to try and resolve the issue, and it would help to have a good chemical (eventually also nuclear) and heavy industry base for maintaining a large fleet domestically. Making machines that's make the machines for the rest of the empire doesn't sound too bad either. Aside from anything else it would grant a lot of insight into exactly how well everyone else's industry was doing.

God I hate economics...

As we spoke of in your aar, we also know there is a gigantic issue with working class unemployment on the horizon when the mining and cotton industries inevitably collapse. Investing in other industries so there are other factories to go to could be argued to try and resolve the issue, and it would help to have a good chemical (eventually also nuclear) and heavy industry base for maintaining a large fleet domestically. Making machines that's make the machines for the rest of the empire doesn't sound too bad either. Aside from anything else it would grant a lot of insight into exactly how well everyone else's industry was doing.


But. It is a major project, not just a few tweaks to industrial policy. It needs a very definite decision to forgoe being the world's leading financial centre and join the cult of metal bashing, and then re-making the British tax code, re-writing commercial law and several other fundamental changes to the country's institutions and norms. All while not cocking it up and ending up with crap manufacturing but having killed the City of London, which is probably the most likely outcome given the abilities and talents of people in government post-war.

So that's the thing - do we end up with the whole country essentially, somewhere in the 60s / 70s, being British Leyland? There were huge problems in heavy industry already baked in by the 1930s, and both the economy and society were, as we have started to see in AARs various, moving away from one t'other.

Otherwise not only will there inevitably be a depressing end to AARs but the terror of Pip/TBC economic despair will continue to scourge the forums.

That's why we don't end our AARs...
 
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It was a very lawery speech

Not a bad one. Clearly he wants the gov to just murder the king and resolve the issue.

I have defended rapists,

Um...did he know that before trial?

Baldwin nodded. “I sympathise. This is like nothing that I have ever seen.”

Baldwin didn't even blink. Just who does he associate with in this universe and what do they do together???

“It is now time to brief you, as the leaders of our significant parties in the Commons,

shade.

“I will not accept,” said Attlee firmly.
[/QUOTE

Well, that is pretty typically moral of him.

“I don’t think that I can,” Sinclair agreed,

And that is typical liberal twittering. At least you know he might do the right thing.

Now that Le Jones’ potted Constitutional Law lesson is over (and please, I know that there are nuances that I’ve skimmed through),

TBC and assorted others reluctantly put down their law books and slouch off to the back of AAR Class to bicker with El Pip on...oh I don't know...probably capitalism?

and Clement Attlee, (insert insulting term here) the Labour leader of the Opposition. Pause here for a debate on Attlee…

The wonderful wizard of Oz! In every sense of the reference...

You could have heard a pin drop in the AAR classroom as the listeners froze at the words, and then slowly began turning to look at the back where the troublemakers were gleefully preparing their torches and pitchforks. A few of them didn't even believe in ideology over policy, they were just doing this for shits and giggles.

I have tried, very hard, to balance my portrayal in this, his first outing to appeal / not repel what I perceive to be the left and right wings of the readerAARship (not naming names!).

Fanning the flames. More blood for the blood god.

You're right, actually,

...oh.

wait, what? That's not supposed to happen. Which is presumably why you sound so surprised:) :p :)

I'm agonising over Mosley - I may enlist @DensleyBlair on one aspect of the story where Mosley would try and make his presence felt...

Again, you could always kill him...but yeah, hoi4 really forces you to at least touch him if not his ilk.

So I kinda agree with this, @TheButterflyComposer.

...are you feeling alright?

God I hate economics...

bigger bummer than human rights law.

So that's the thing - do we end up with the whole country essentially, somewhere in the 60s / 70s, being British Leyland? There were huge problems in heavy industry already baked in by the 1930s, and both the economy and society were, as we have started to see in AARs various, moving away from one t'other.
A mod til 2020 and question solved.

No kidding.

I have no idea, and its the huge problem of doing anything past, say, 1910 to pick random year, because you're starting to build modern economy and society...and frankly there are wildly different ways it could have gone. There's no way to do it without being at least intently political about it, if not intensely...communist uprising or facist planned economy is one thing but even constructing your own version of the post-war consensus (or not having one and killing social welfare dead in the cradle) is going to be...divisive.

For me, I'd probably stop my serious AAR around the time when slavery becomes the biggest economic question of the time. After you resolve that one, you're inevitably on the path towards modern economics and political discourse.
 
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It's not going to be an easy road ahead. First Parliament, then the Dominions - Baldwin is going to lose more sleep.

I am very divided on Attlee, and my knowledge post-war is far more cursory than it probably ought to be.
 
Poor old Baldwin, back in post for a few weeks and you can already tell he’s itching to get back to Bewdley. Not that one can blame him, of course. Seems about time to just shut the king away in a cupboard somewhere and pretend this whole thing never broke out in the first place.

I have tried, very hard, to balance my portrayal in this, his first outing to appeal / not repel what I perceive to be the left and right wings of the readerAARship (not naming names!).

This is the part where I’m meant to say something about prescription charges funding the Korean War, isn’t it?

And finally, Walter Monckton. In KFM I made Monckton, much as I did with Hoare / Templeman (depending on whether he was enobled) something of a ‘court favourite’

I admit, when he popped up my first thought was, Why is the ambassador to Germany dicking about with Baldwin? (Shortly followed by, And where in the Devil’s name is Halifax?) :p


I'm agonising over Mosley - I may enlist @DensleyBlair on one aspect of the story where Mosley would try and make his presence felt...

Time to crack open the My Life pdf again, then… *shudders* :p

Just who does he associate with in this universe and what do they do together???

Anyone who spends that much time near the House of Lords…
 
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There we go.
 
I heartily approve of the blistering pace of these updates! Interesting to see that picture of Ramsey looking so rough, god must have been punishing him for his duplicity.
 
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I have resisted the Attlee bait. I hope everyone is pleased we avoided that detour. :)

Onto the actual chapter, I still think this has to end in abdication. If no government will serve, and the opposition leaders were firm on that, even Eddie isn't maniacal enough to try and form a dictatorship, which is what it will have to be. Maybe he can find a few toadies, has-beens and ambitious idiots to form a 'King's Party' (though they would be committing long-term career suicide) but they will instantly lose any confidence vote with the entire house against them. If there is an election, any notional King's Party will be a rounding error in the vote at best, and as a matter of practicality he cannot do a Charles II and rule without parliament, even if he were so inclined. Hence abdication.

I'm sure HOI4 would let that happen, but HOI4 allows a lot of things that were basically impossible (it is a game after all) and going entirely crazy alt-history would be a bit of a jarring change in tone. For all that I do hold to the 'very little is impossible' school so with an early enough POD then a Royal Dictatorship in the UK could be done, but probably not by anyone like the OTL Eddie and definitely not with the OTL Wallace as Queen or even Queen Consort.
 
I have to say that I've been enjoying the debates quite a bit, as they've been both enlightening and entertaining windows into the intricacies of British interwar and postwar politics. There are advantages to being the token American in the bunch, I suppose -- namely, the ability to watch from the sidelines while everyone else goes at it ;)

Seriously, though, I think there's something to be said of the advantages of evaluating political and social issues from a certain distance, from a geographical, temporal, or even a metafictional perspective. It seems as though it's a fair bit easier to rationally evaluate a sensitive issue, and carry on a decently-informed conversation even with someone who may vehemently disagree with you, without the pressure of having to rule on something that immediately affects us all in the here and now -- which isn't to say that these matters don't have their fair share of blood and thunder themselves, of course, but even then, it seems you're more likely to have a productive and meaningful (if still quite passionate) discussion when you don't have a direct stake in things.

Circling back to the AAR itself: I'm definitely reading something of a quiet urgency in these latest proceedings that wasn't present earlier. To be sure, the scandalous nature of the King's arrangements was already a cause for concern before, but it seems to me that as long as his intentions remained somewhat ambiguous, everyone in the Government was adopting a "wait-and-see" approach to see if the crisis would just blow over as crises of this nature often do. Now that we have the King freshly determined to get at least a morganatic marriage arranged ASAP, though, Baldwin and his cohorts are starting to view the coming conflict between Crown and Government as an inevitability and are preparing themselves for the fight they know they'll be having on their hands.

To summarize in somewhat earthy terms: The crap is about to hit the fan.
 
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HOI4 allows a lot of things that were basically impossible

There isn't an animal's kingdom option yet. No bubbles the dragon adopted by hedgehogs or the great and noble elephant society of great Britian.
 
There isn't an animal's kingdom option yet. No bubbles the dragon adopted by hedgehogs or the great and noble elephant society of great Britian.

Don't give Paradox ideas!
 
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Chapter 31, Barcelona, 20 July 1936

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“Oi, Paddy,” the heavily accented Londoner hissed, “how the hell can you sleep through it, get yourself up!”

Patrick ‘Paddy’ Byrne, actually Mr Cyril Butler of His Majesty’s Secret Intelligence Service, rolled grumpily, dazedly over on his bunk (bottom bunk, bringing back dreary memories of his dreary school) and muttered some choice words under his breath. Blinking a few times, he decided that it was safe for him to open his eyes.

It was warm, of course, but there was something, well, different to the heat here; it lacked the sticky unpleasantness of British heat, it was dryer, more relaxing. The opening of the eyelids seemed to be linked, magically, to events outside of the building, a rattle-tattle noise from somewhere in the city. “Small arms fire,” Butler said, then in panic regretted it; he was maintaining his ‘down at heel leftist academic / civil servant’ cover.

The other man was a burly, powerfully built figure with the same slightly dusty academic dress sense of the Byrne character. With a shock of off white (almost cream) hair, looking like a biblical prophet, A R Northcott, a leading figure in the Acton Labour Party and the most unlikely Olympian that Butler had ever seen winked conspiratorially. Butler sighed; with his lean frame and background as a miler he rued that he was more of a sportsman than this bookish chess player.

There was another burst of fire. Northcott, who had assumed a position of leadership among the British delegates to the ‘People’s Olympiad’, wordlessly looked at Butler with a raised eyebrow. “Closer?”

“I think so,” Butler said with false hesitancy; he was still rattled by his mistake upon waking. “I’m not really an expert on this, y’know. A few summers with the Scouts and school cadet forces doesn’t make me Earl Haig.”

“You’re the best we have,” Northcott said in swift response. “Cigarette?”

Butler happily took a cigarette; he had ensured that Paddy Byrne smoked the same stuff as Cyril Butler. “What do you want to do?”

“Well we’ve heard from the local lads, apparently they want to press ahead with the games.”

“You’re pulling my leg!”

Northcott shook his head and frowned. Butler realised that, despite his more rational moments, the other man really did burn with the fire of the cause. “No, Paddy, I’m not. Do you want to go home?”

That was a test, and one that Butler had to pass; since being told to capitalise on his earlier deep cover operation as a down-at-heel London lefty he had been shoved, via the hopelessly mismanaged Clapham Labour Party, into the delegation for the ‘People’s Olympiad’ and had, since joining them, hoovered up intelligence (alas more for ‘5’ than his own service) of who was who in the Socialist movements of the UK. While some of the CPGB lot were what Kell, in his own tired way, would describe wearily as ‘troublemakers’ (a couple had tried to capitalise on Invergordon through seditious posters and entrapment operations in the dockyards, Butler’s time with them had revealed), most were reassuringly dull and tediously earnest.

“Not unless it’s not safe,” he said with an attempt at ‘Boys’ Own’ bravery. “But we need to find out what’s what.”

“I hoped that you’d say that,” Northcott said readily. “Shall we have a look outside?”

“Not the roof?”

“We tried, Johnny and I, that is,” Northcott explained; he really did have an oddly humble ‘way’ to him, despite (or perhaps because of) his natural skill as a leader. “Very polite, but ‘Vamos’ nonetheless.”

“Alright then,” Butler said with too much resolve and not enough Paddy Byrne-esque panic, “let’s have a look.”

Northcott gave him a sly look, Butler resolved to be less ‘6’ in his behaviour going forward.

The streets, which had yesterday been deserted, were a riot of defiance, a celebration of joie de vivre, a reclaiming of their city from the (presumed Army) rebels. Across from the hotel, a procession marched past.

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The marchers were confident, Butler allowed, as he and Northcott watched them from the entrance of the church next to the hotel, demonstrating past through the city with raised fists and flags waving. Northcott, next to him, raised a fist in solidarity and Butler, inadvertently displaying some Paddy Byrne hesitation, weakly and half-heartedly mirrored him.

“Poor bastards,” Northcott said with passion. “Just trying to fight for the ordinary man.”

Butler, as Byrne, made a ‘uh huh’ noise and watched as the procession passed. How Northcott had turned a military rebellion into tyranny to be met by socialist crusade was beyond him. The truce that held seemed to collapse by mutual agreement. Not far away, sounding almost on top of them, rifle fire started to sound intermittently.

“Take cover you fool!” Butler abandoned any pretence to be an ineffectual academic. “That’s firing near us.”

“Is sounds above us?!” Northcott was peering over the road.

Butler had him, or rather them, two riflemen, both in what looked like an approximation of military working dress. They were firing, as Butler realised, from above them, from the Church over the road from the hotel and above them as Butler and Northcott were stood in an entrance alcove of the Church. But what in God’s name are they shooting at?

“What’s going on…”

“…look! Just shut up!” Dear God, Butler realised, they’re firing right on the procession. “C’mon Northcott, we need to get back into cover!” He feared reprisals as the citizens had to fight back. He was right as the local groups returned a desultory fire. Their marksmanship did not match their passion and bullets were soon whizzing by, like angry bees, everywhere. As Butler sprinted from the alcove of the Church to a woefully small newspaper stand (but, mercifully closer to the hotel), Northcott, heavily and wheezily, followed. The cobbled streets did not make an effective running track.

A sudden snap, not unlike a Christmas cracker, sounded to their left. A fighter (Butler had no idea for which side) had covered their retreat. Bravely exposing himself to fire, he gestured at them to run across the road.

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Butler complied, not wanting to explain that he was more scared of the rabble on the street than the sniper in the church, before stuttering to a halt; he didn’t feel that Northcott was near him. Sure enough, the older man was sat on the kerb coughing heavily. “Keep going Paddy,” he said in precisely the same selfless way that they did in novels.

“Bugger that!” Butler said, dammed if he was going to be the stoical friend. “Get your fat chess-playing backside over here now.” Their Spanish protector, understanding the gist of Butler’s exhortation, gestured energetically for Northcott to get out of his field of fire.

Reunited, finally, the two reached the lobby of the hotel. Ted Harding, one of the British team’s athletes, was there, in the lobby, staring at the chaos outside. “We were worried, you only went out to have a look! Are you hurt?”

“Nah,” Northcott said with more confidence than Butler suspected that he felt. “Paddy here’s probably just stopped me from getting caught up in it.” He turned to peer, with the sly look again, at Butler. “You knew what was going on, didn’t you? How?”

“I was in the Territorials for a spell.”

Sometimes admitting to a small lie, the tradecraft bible declares, can help avoid the far greater one. Northcott nodded, as if it all, now, made sense. “Infantry?”

“Actually medical admin,” Butler said, investing in the lie. “I’d be a conshie if anything happened, so I thought if I was a stretcher bearer or a medical paperhanger they’d not send me in the trenches. I’m not really keen on leading a load of lads to their deaths,” he said with judicious (and not Byrne-esque) passion.

They nodded, this they understood. “But you did basic?”

“We all do,” and here Butler, whose SIS training had indeed included a spell of basic small arms and tactical training, managed to talk about that dreadful fortnight at the Small Arms School in Kent with that utter martinet of a Staff Sergeant. He hoped that it contained just enough detail to convince them.

“Well I’m pleased you’re here,” Northcott said simply. “What do we do now? And what’s that smell?”

“Christ it’s burning!” Harding almost screamed this. “The church, it’s on fire!”

The three Britons stared as, indeed, the church was consumed by fire. It wasn’t clear to Butler whether someone had stormed in and taken out the fighters holed up inside, or whether grenade or (God forbid, Butler thought) artillery fire had claimed it.

“Is there a risk to us?” That was Northcott, paternally.

Harding, now their fire ‘expert’, looked across. “It’s not a wide road, if it takes, then in this wind…”

“What’s the betting that their fire brigade is not available?”

“What’s the betting,” Butler added sourly, “that their fire brigade is even alive?”

Northcott nodded sadly. “We should help. That’s a church, and, well…”

“We’ll all help,” Butler said, in soothing support. “What do you want to do?”

“We could form a chain?” Northcott said this uncertainly.

“Right!” Harding was still very excited. “Let’s form a chain of buckets!”

“It won’t,” Butler said warily, “require all of us. Perhaps those that aren’t helping should pack their bags.”

Northcott turned and stared at Butler as if the younger man had offered to pleasure his aged mother. “Why?”

“You can’t be serious,” Butler said angrily. “There’s not going to be a bloody games.”

“Actually,” Harding said, siding unexpectedly with Northcott, “there is. They want to do a practice march to the stadium this afternoon.”

Butler sagged at the news. “Do you not understand. We’re in real danger here…”

“…we should show solidarity with the workers here,” Northcott said, slowly, sadly.

Risking another argument was pointless, and while they bickered a church was on fire. “Alright, can we at least get the women to pack. They’ll be the first to be evacuated if we end up leaving,” Butler offered in as agreeable a tone as he could muster. “And,” he said, more commandingly, “we have to tell the British Embassy that we’re still here.”

“If,” Harding said tersely, “they even care about us.” He shook his head and went off to organise the working party. It took surprisingly little time; most of the British men were glad to do something, and the recent firefight added a frisson of danger, of appeal, to the mundane task of passing buckets to Northcott and Harding.

Butler disengaged and, quietly, retreated to the hotel manager’s office. It was not surprising that the telephone exchange was not functioning, but Butler did manage to get the address, from the scrawled notebook that the manager had dumped on his desk as he had fled that morning, the location and address of the post office. Writing it down quickly, he left the hotel to talk to Northcott.

He found the older man in the smouldering ruins of the church, as the local fire brigade had taken over the job, although, Harding had sarcastically commented, ‘not until we had done the hard work’.

“A priest,” Northcott said sadly, pointing at a charred, almost human-looking, shape in the ruins. “We found his crucifix. I hope that he died before he burned,” he said sadly. “You’re not a man of faith, are you?”

“No,” Butler said simply.

“Nor am I, but it’s still, I don’t know, more wrong, isn’t it?”

Butler, who had seen more than his share of death, really wasn’t sure, but muttered assent. “I came here to tell you that I’ve found the address of the post office. It’s not far, and I am prepared to go and try and get through to the Embassy in Madrid.”

“If there still is one,” Harding, always quick with the pessimism, had heard the exchange and offered his unhelpful opinion.

“Or Gibraltar,” Butler said, “or one of the consulates.” Or, he thought to himself, someone who’ll be able to get through to HMS London, which I know is in the area, to come in and lift us out of here. The real Paddy Byrne wouldn’t have a clue that not far away was a British cruiser, and so he kept that thought, the one that he felt was their surest means of escape, to himself.

“Do you think that this is the start of something,” Harding asked.

“I wonder,” Northcott said. “Those lads earlier were talking about marching from here to Saragossa, weren’t they? How far is Saragossa?”

Butler knew that it was around a hundred miles, but Paddy Byrne probably wouldn’t so shrugged.

Harding, thankfully, couldn’t keep quiet. “I reckon at least a hundred miles or so.” Butler managed, just, to refrain from smiling.

“I’d like to see them off,” Northcott said, with evident emotion.

“So would I,” Butler said, and he found that he meant it. “But first I want to let someone know that we’re alright.”

There was a commotion as George Elvin made a well-received return to the hotel. Butler couldn’t put a finger on why, but he was instinctively wary of Elvin, of all things a table-tennis player, and the de facto leader of the British delegation (he also had some Spanish, which automatically gave him authority and some power). Northcott had an amiable, paternal leftish outlook; his idealism was consensual and his modest leadership style hugely calming. Harding, the nippy athlete, was none of those things, he had the brittleness of the zealot (Butler wondered if his ideological journey was a new phase in his life – there was no passion quite like that of the convert) and very limited powers of self-control. Elvin, as carefully controlled as ever, saw Northcott and Butler and approached them silently, ignoring the pleas of the more frantic members of the British delegation for news.

“I’m glad you’re returned safe,” Northcott said warmly. Elvin, whose name wasn’t a fair reflection of his dark looks, was astonishingly pristine in dark business suit and carefully oiled hair. He looked at his comrades with his usual quiet insensity.

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“The games,” he said, quite sternly, schoolmasterish, “will go ahead.” As ever Elvin had an air of superiority, of knowing things. Butler wanted to punch him for even contemplating the endangering of British lives.

“Alright,” Northcott said, finally and with great calm, “what have you learned from the organisers?”

“The cities of Pamplona, Saragossa, Salamanca, Cadiz, Avila, and certainly more, have been captured by the Army.” Elvin invested ‘Army’ with a hint (nothing more) of distaste.

“Blimey,” Harding said in awe of the scale of the conflict now unfolding.

“What about here, in Barcelona?” Northcott was, typically, concerned for their safety.

“Barcelona has held,” Elvin said with quiet intensity. “The radio broadcasts yesterday were Government officials asking to help fight the rebellious military units,” Elvin explained, again with none of Northcott’s agreeableness or Harding’s bluster; it was all carefully controlled energy with Elvin, Butler realised. “And so I think that we should offer them our support.”

Northcott stared benignly, Harding, by the look of him, was ready to storm the barricades armed only with Elvin’s table-tennis paddle (which he had somehow acquired, and was now waving it like a General directing his units). Butler thought that they were all mad.

“What does that mean, George,” he said with a decent approximation of Byrne-esque apprehension.

“It means, Patrick,” Elvin said with a mildly patronising air, “that I propose to march the British delegation, as the committee requests, to the stadium…”

“…the bagpiper?” That was Harding, and Butler had to roll his eyes.

“He can march,” Elvin said, “along with a Union Flag. By then the next detachment will be ready to march to Saragossa; I will do some of the journey with them.”

Northcott finally shook himself out his torpor. “Mr Elvin,” he began formally, to everyone’s surprise, “I think that this should not be mandatory. I think that anyone that wants to stay should.”

Butler nodded emphatically. “I am going to try and make contact with our people here. If there is an organised evacuation…”

“…I do not disagree,” Elvin snapped, “to your proposals. Are we agreed?” Butler was now astonished that he was calling for a vote.

“Aye,” said Northcott.

“Yes,” said Harding,

“Yes,” said another leading member of their delegation.

“Aye,” said Butler / Byrne.

“Thank you,” Elvin said. “Then let us make our preparations.”

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GAME NOTES

I have agonised over the start of the Spanish Civil War, and have, at varying times, oscillated between ignoring it, capturing it in a Cabinet / civil servant update, or having Butler call on a Brit in Spain (Hillgarth in Majorca was the initial choice) for an exposition on what was going to happen. But dammit, I wanted some action – so after discounting a tale in which Butler (it has to be him, at the moment, of my fictional characters) helps with the British evacuation from the fighting, I settled on the heroically doomed, gloriously eccentric People's Olympiad. The idea is that Butler, still under something of a cloud after his exploits on-loan to MI5, is exiled to / is already in Spain (I’m keeping that vague) and is asked to integrate with the British delegation. That MI5, in particular, was watching the British team is known, the identity of their man in the team (if indeed they got one in) is not (a gift for the AAR writer!).

The Brits are based on real people; Northcott is fleshed out more or less according to reality (or at least what I could find on him) while Harding is a true blank canvas – his name and position in the British team is real but I wanted a counterpoint to Butler’s panicked subterfuge and Northcott’s ‘gentle giant’ routine with its relaxed socialism. So the energetic, tense little Harding was born.

And then George Elvin. If I am honest, I think that I would find him utterly impossible to be around; everything I read about him suggests ‘left wing zealot’ and I long ago abandoned entrenched principles for ‘drifting pragmatism’. He was born into the Labour movement with a Trade Union family, was an early youth activist (pause as Le Jones shudders at memories of his undergraduate fellows so long ago) and then became reasonably important within the National Workers' Sports Association, responsible for sending teams to the International Workers' Olympiads (more on this presently). I’ve guessed at him being efficient but unlikeable in his youth, a trait that often befalls idealists of both wings, who do well in technocrat and unelected roles but fail miserably when public endorsement is needed. I guess that he just lacked a 'human touch'; he failed to be elected to the Commons no less than four times over a twenty year period, before settling for local government where he was a successful councillor (perhaps he became more affable with age?) for a good couple of decades. Here, he burns with the fire of the movement, and did support, against all reason in the face of the impending collapse of law and order, the British delegation would march, as I’ve hinted, to the stadium, banners flying and a bagpiper (I’m not joking) playing them along. Elvin and others did ‘wave off’ some of the militias as they marched off to reinforce other areas, and an estimated 200 members of the Olympiad would eventually serve the Republican cause.

The People’s Olympiad was as mad as it sounds; it started as a protest against the Berlin Olympics (Barcelona having been decisively defeated in the IOC voting for the host city). In early 1936 the new administration announced a boycott of the Berlin games and invited participants from the varying left-wing workers sports clubs and organisations (hence Elvin’s involvement). These games were to have been held two weeks before the Berlin games and I note with amazement at some of the activities: chess, dancing, theatre, poetry recitals, what we would call, now, I guess, a ‘cultural olympiad’. This wasn’t a tiny event, either: thousands of attendees from around the democracies and left-wing regimes entered. From the democracies, many of the athletes were sent by trade unions, workers' clubs and associations, socialist and communist parties, and left-wing groups, rather than by state-sponsored committees. There is an overlap, although they were separate entities, with the International Workers' Olympiads; these ran intermittently between 1921 and ’37 and featured the same sort of attendees as this Spanish-organised People’s Olympiad.

And so the SCW starts, virtually according to our TL. Barcelona saw some horrific moments in the early days before the Republicans prevailed. HMS London was indeed on hand to evacuate British nationals from Barcelona (and our Olympiad team wisely used her, and a destroyer, to eventually escape). The British delegation had as mad a time as portrayed here; I have merged, very slightly, the events of 20 and 21 July but wanted you to get a feel for the chaos that they experienced (and contributed to). The bit about the church is true, as is the utter confusion that they experienced.

A mod til 2020 and question solved.

I have, oddly enough, played one of the Modern Day mods (I want to say Millenium Dawn, but it was ages ago). It does capture some of modern(ish) geopolitics quite well, although the British intervention into fascist Sweden's seizure of the Baltic states was an odd game (poor Theresa May, even modded Paradox games seem to hate her).

Not a bad one. Clearly he wants the gov to just murder the king and resolve the issue.

I think that you'll see, probably much more swiftly than OTL, Monckton's disenchantment with his royal master.

It's not going to be an easy road ahead. First Parliament, then the Dominions - Baldwin is going to lose more sleep.

I've started (among a ton of other ideas) the Cabinet meeting when this is discussed (about four or so updates away).

This is the part where I’m meant to say something about prescription charges funding the Korean War, isn’t it?
Presumably.

Not necessarily (although I loved the meme). Attlee just has 'form' for attracting the ire of both left and right leaning members of the commentAARiat.

I heartily approve of the blistering pace of these updates! Interesting to see that picture of Ramsey looking so rough, god must have been punishing him for his duplicity.

Thank you - I have an unwritten rule to have one future update drafted (or even sometimes written out) before I paste the next chronological update onto the site; it just sort of works. It lets me start structuring the AAR, serves as a means of recording mad ideas, and (I hope) keeps this reasonably fresh. So this week, in addition to finalising this effort, I typed up the Simpson decree nisi (which was actually more fun than it probably sounds).

Onto the actual chapter, I still think this has to end in abdication. If no government will serve, and the opposition leaders were firm on that, even Eddie isn't maniacal enough to try and form a dictatorship, which is what it will have to be. Maybe he can find a few toadies, has-beens and ambitious idiots to form a 'King's Party' (though they would be committing long-term career suicide) but they will instantly lose any confidence vote with the entire house against them. If there is an election, any notional King's Party will be a rounding error in the vote at best, and as a matter of practicality he cannot do a Charles II and rule without parliament, even if he were so inclined. Hence abdication.

I'm sure HOI4 would let that happen, but HOI4 allows a lot of things that were basically impossible (it is a game after all) and going entirely crazy alt-history would be a bit of a jarring change in tone. For all that I do hold to the 'very little is impossible' school so with an early enough POD then a Royal Dictatorship in the UK could be done, but probably not by anyone like the OTL Eddie and definitely not with the OTL Wallace as Queen or even Queen Consort.

So, old chum, you're right, and there is one moment where I have to slightly pause common sense. It is, genuinely only moment, before the biting reality kicks in. This will be explained in full as we build to the climax of Part One of the AAR.

Circling back to the AAR itself: I'm definitely reading something of a quiet urgency in these latest proceedings that wasn't present earlier. To be sure, the scandalous nature of the King's arrangements was already a cause for concern before, but it seems to me that as long as his intentions remained somewhat ambiguous, everyone in the Government was adopting a "wait-and-see" approach to see if the crisis would just blow over as crises of this nature often do. Now that we have the King freshly determined to get at least a morganatic marriage arranged ASAP, though, Baldwin and his cohorts are starting to view the coming conflict between Crown and Government as an inevitability and are preparing themselves for the fight they know they'll be having on their hands.

Yes I think you're right - I have dragged this out, but now we're going to rattle through a pretty awful summer.

There isn't an animal's kingdom option yet. No bubbles the dragon adopted by hedgehogs or the great and noble elephant society of great Britian.
Don't give Paradox ideas!

Give it time - the focus tree still has room to grow!
 
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That was odd.

So the war begins. Generally speaking the Republicans are doomed from the get go by being outnumbered and surrounded, as well as less supported internationally. I also suspect that the new updates regarding fuel probably don't help, as they retain the spanish fleet and thus have to send all their oil there whilst the facists can spend all theirs on tanks and planes. The result is far from certain though, since I know that Stalin sending two tanks (divs but who knows how many were in them) to spain as I did in my soviet game was enough to break through, surround and destroy several front lines. They ended up winning that time.

So it depends if anyone shows up to help on either side then.
 
I must start with a congratulations on a new and interesting way to introduce that familiar old beast the Spanish Civil War. The People's Olympiad does seem impressively barking, I was hitherto unaware of it but I'm unsurprised it did exist nor that there were two very similar version running. Should the Spanish Republic survive I am expecting at least three new factional Olympiads to form and accuse the others of deviationalist error and/or Trotskism. Ideally there should be more Olympiad organising committees than actual events as is required by ancient international socialist custom.

Even if the British government had any capacity to make a policy (and with the King kicking off I frankly doubt they do) I've not seen anything that would prompt a change. Disinterested neutrality as offical policy, drifting into a mild pro-Nationalist stance due to never quite getting a handle on how to treat them (new state or 'just' rebels, at times they were treated as both and took full advantage). And of course various elements on British Intelligence probably aiding the Nationalists as part of their ongoing anti-Communism efforts, a mission MI6 certainly thought was far more important than anything Germany was doing until surprisingly late.

Oh dear, what a mess (the situation, not the update!). It might be time for the British government to think about withdrawing some of their assets in Spain.
The main British assets in Spain are docks, mines, railways and other things that are quite hard to move. OK it's thing owned by British companies not the British government, but on a strategic level London should be making sure such things are respected by whoever wins the war. Which I suppose explains the occasional pro-Nationalist leanings in policy, Franco was seen as more likely to at least pay some compensation if he nationalised them compared to the Barcelona Commune. Given Rio Tinto managed to sell the eponymous mine back to Spain post-war for a fair(ish) price, it's hard to argue with the realpolitik.

Of course had the British and French given full backing to the Republic (and Germany been scared off as they were nowhere near ready for war) then the moderates could have been kept in power, but that is getting a bit pipe-dream. If France wouldn't even mobilise over the Rhineland then no way where they sending the Poilu over the Pyrenees.
 
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If France wouldn't even mobilise over the Rhineland then no way where they sending the Poilu over the Pyrenees.

Well, y'know...money. The french can't afford anything in this period, with even inaction being incredibly expensive in the long term.

Probably should get a new financial advisor. And take away all sharp implements before showing them their situation.