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unmerged(1497)

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Hello AAR fans! I've been playing EU since its release in Febuary, and this is my first AAR. I hope you enjoy the format. I'm writing it in blocks of a hundred years, divided into chapters. Each chapter will first focus on war and military expansion in that hundred years, then a seperate chapter on diplomacy, trade and colonial expansion. I hope that made sense. Oh, a note! I didn't start taking serious notes till the start of the 1500s, which explains why I glossed over some stuff at the start.*g* Now, on with the shew!



IGC 2.0
Played as Russia. Normal/Aggressive
-Russian Ingermanland
-Kalmer Union
-Free Ireland
-Spanish/Austrian Lowlands
-Balkanization
-United Prussia
-CoTs in Moscow, Angila, Stockhom and Copenhagan
-Tax Setting- Chaos Hurts



Chapter 1: Military Expansion from 1492-1592



A) Laying the Foundation of Empire- Russian Conquests up to 1520


In the last decade of the 15th Century, Russia, or the Duchy of Moscow as it was known to most of Europe, was a rather small, very backward place. It sat tucked into the northeast corner of Europe, most of its income derived from fur trading in Moscow and Novagrod. It was poor, technologically inferior nation. To its west sat the Polish-Lithuanian Commonwealth, the single largest nation in Europe. Its army was the largest, best-equipped force on the Continent. To the north, Denmark-Norway encompassed all of Scandinavia, it's most eastern boarder touching Russian colonies in Kola and Karilea. The Tectonic Order rested in the Baltic, threateningly close to then Russian controlled Ingmarland. The smaller nations of Pskov and Ryazan surrounded Russia to the east and south, with the Khan of Kazan bordering the East. It was clear to the nobles and the Grand Duke Ivan III that if Russia was to survive and thrive as a nation, it would need to expand at the expense of its neighbors.

While both Pskov and Ryazan were easy targets, both were Christian Orthodox kingdoms, and the Church lobbied strongly on their behalf, not wanting to vanquish with sword fellow followers of the 'True Faith', and both kingdoms were allied with Russia. A war with them would require the disregarding of many treaties, which would shake the stability of the realm to its core. War with Poland at this time or for the foreseeable future would mean doom for the fledgling kingdom. While Denmark-Norway was in the throws of wide spread revolutions on the parts of Swedes and Norwegians, making it appear an easy target for expansion, it would require fighting both Denmark and the revolutionaries, a daunting prospect for the yet untested 'Imperial Army'. That left one choice, the Khan of Kazan.

Kazan was in fact a vassal to Russia at this time, paying tribute to the Grand Duke every year for 'protection'. In fact it was out and out extortion, which explained the utter hatred the Khan had for Russia. The fact that the Khan and his nobles were Muslim, and their subjects Russians, and Orthodox Christians as well, probably contributed to the ill feelings as well. Sufficed to say, the arrangement between Russia and the Khan would not last forever. In fact it came to an end in 1496, when Russia canceled it and then promptly declared war on its former satellite. The nobles who had grown fat off the tributary gold objected strongly, leading to a temporary drop in confidence for the Grand Duke.

The war with Kazan was a rather short affair. Lasting 2 months in which the Russian army drove the Khan and his army into northern provinces of Russia and kept them continually off balance until they had overrun the single fortress city of the province, Russia annexed Kazan on August 15, 1496. The army of Kazan, which was made up almost completely of Russians of that province, quickly swore allegiance to Ivan III, delivering the head of the Khan as a token of obedience.

Russia would only be at peace for less then a month before they were once again at war, this time with the Golden Horde. The Horde had declared war on Ryazan, drawing in its allies of Russia, Pskov and Crimea. This war would last some bit longer, a total of 10 months. The Crimeans invaded from the south, with the Russians coming from the north. Pskov and Ryazan would field armies, but they were tiny and usually used to augment the Russians. The Horde put up a tough initial fight, invading Liptsek and Tambow, but the sheer numbers arrayed against them would quickly overwhelm them They were quickly pushed out of Ryazan, and then invaded themselves by the Russians. When the dust settled, Russia received the lions share of territory, taking the gold rich province of Samara, Volograd, and Uralsk. The Crimeans took the rest.


Following the war with the Golden Horde, Russia would go on to battles with Astrakhan, Sibir and the Uzbeks, in 1498, 1507 and 1514 respectively. Each would be annexed completely, showing quite early the Russian preference of not leaving a wounded and angry nation at its back. While probably a wise choice in the long run, it did nothing to endear Russia to its neighbors. Neighbors that were beginning to realize that Russia, while still not wealthy or terribly advanced, was on the road to becoming a major power in Eastern Europe and the Middle East.

Almost 30 years of war, victorious as they were, had taken a heavy toll on Russia. Records are sketchy at best, but it is estimated now that almost 200,000 soldiers died in the conquests of Kazan, the Golden Horde, Astrakhan, Sibir and the Uzbeks. That is only the Russian losses though. The countless numbers of men, women and children of the conquered slain in the campaigns will most likely never be known.

Russia itself was in poor shape as well. Constant warfare meant that areas like infrastructure and trade development were sorely neglected in favor of raising armies. Even developments in military technology were left to wither. The result was a greatly expanded Russia that appeared very much stronger then it actually was. What Russia needed now was time to catch up to the rest of Europe and digest its conquests. As one will see, a snake was preparing to deprive this infant Hercules of that needed time, by attempting to strangle it in its crib.



B) Restless Giants- Preparations for War


After the annexation of the Uzbeks in 1514, Russia entered a period of peace that it had not known for over 25 years. Under Vasili III, who had taken on the title of Tsar (though not yet called Tsar of All the Russians) in 1505, the kingdom slowly attempted to correct the problems that a quarter of a century of neglect had wrought on infrastructure, trade and military technology.

It also began its first steps into the treacherous arena of European diplomacy. Though a royal marriage had been arranged with Bohemia in 1494, that was the extent of Russia's diplomatic forays for 25 years, not counting of course declarations of war. Though Russian diplomacy will be covered in greater detail in later chapters, it bares quick noting of the following diplomatic developments. Pskov and Ryazan, it had been decided by Tsar and Patriarch alike, were Russians, ruled by Russians. While both kingdoms were much weaker then Russia, and would easily be defeated by even the exhausted Russian army, they were instead targeted for a rather more peaceful absorption into Russia. Namely political annexation. Pskov and Ryazan therefor found themselves regularly bombarded with gifts, improving the already cordial relationship they had with Moscow. Pskov would be the first to except the embrace, having already succumbed to vassalization in 1509. The timely death of King Ivan Obolenski in 1510, who had no heirs, left that nation in the hands of the Patriarch of Pskov, who promptly invited Vasili III to accept the crown and annex the kingdom. Ryazan, ruled by King Knaz Iwan Ivanovich at this time, would become a Russian vassal in 1517, but would not submit to annexation until 1525.

The other target for Russian diplomacy was Crimea, a happily Muslim nation hugging the northern edge of the Black Sea, and a steadfast ally since 1492. Though there was no hope of vassalization, the Crimeans were wooed to insure that they stayed part of what turned out to be a surprisingly strong alliance. The alliance was renewed in 1518.

The Polish-Lithuanian Commonwealth was a Great Power in decline, though nobody was aware of it. Successful wars against the Tectonic Order and Prussia, netting the Commonwealth Kurland, Memel and Eastern Prussia, seemed to give the opposite impression in fact. To the rest of Europe, Poland was still the hegemonic power in Eastern Europe, keeping the Germans in line and providing a bulwark against the Turks.

The Polish-Turkish of 1517 showed the flaws in the diamond however. The Poles were unable to draw the Turkish army into a decisive battle, and attempted to force the issue by besieging Burjak and Rumealia. The problem was that the Polish army relied heavily on cavalry, which allowed them to strike quickly over great distances and exert great mobility on the battlefield, which was used to devastating effect on Prussia and the Tectonic Knights. Yet it was this heavy reliance on cavalry did not translate well into siege forces.

The shift in Polish strategy, from destroying the main army of the enemy and then using their cavalry to keep any new armies at bay while siege armies were raised, gave the Turks the time to assemble an overwhelming force. They then transported it across the Black Sea to Polish Bessarabia, by passing the Polish army and cutting off their line of supply.

This was a masterstroke by the Turks. The sinking of the tiny Polish Black Sea fleet allowed them to ferry reinforcements at their leisure, while Poland desperately tried to extricate their armies before they starved to death.

They couldn't.

60,000 Poles died from starvation, the elements and at the hands of a 30,000 strong Turkish army advancing from Constantenople. The Treaty of Belgrade saw Bessibarria and Kremeateng given to the Ottoman Empire. Only a last ditch offensive by the Poles having kept the Ukraine from the Sultan's clutches.

What the Polish-Turkish War did was show the rest of Europe that the Commonwealth was not invincible, and its army not unbeatable. Having been humbled by the Turk, Poland began to search for a way to regain its image of supremacy in Eastern Europe.

The Polish nobility chose Russia as the unfortunate whipping boy. It made a certain kind of sense at a first look. To outside observers, Russia was a rising star, with the perceived potential of eventually challenging Polish dominance in Eastern Europe. It had proven itself in battle a number of times, and perhaps most important, or superficial depending on ones point of view, it was not a Catholic nation. The condemnation that was reaped upon Poland when declaring war on the Tectonic Order would now turn to praise, as Orthodox Christians were seen as barely above Muslims by the Catholic Church.

So Poland prepared for war against Russia. It began with the rebuilding of its shattered army. The disaster of the Polish-Turkish War convinced the Generals of Poland that their time proven strategy of bringing the main part of the enemy army into a single battle, and then destroying it, was the correct tactic. Once again, the Polish army began to swell with cavalry, at the expense of artillery and infantry.

With the army on its way to pre-war strength, Poland began to search for allies, eventually joining Austrian-led alliance with Bohemia. The Austrian Emperor had inherited the Hungarian crown in 1518, and now shared a long boarder with the Ottoman Empire. It saw the entrance of Poland into its alliance as a strong deterrent for Turkish adventures in the Balkans. The other member of the alliance, Bohemia, was a content vassal of Austria and followed the Emperor's line when it came to foreign policy.

With what appeared to be a strong alliance at its beck and call, Poland began final preparations for war with Russia, moving army units into position along their immense boarder with Russia.

As Poland was not being incredibly subtle about their military deployments, Moscow was very aware that its large neighbor to the west was up to something.

The Russian army sine its last war against the Uzbeks in 1514, was not nearly as strong as it appeared. Monies used for training, new equipment and even officer's salaries had been diverted to other areas, including the Tsar's coffers. As a result, by the time hostilities began with Poland, army moral was at an all-time low.

At the start of the Polish-Russian war, the Russian army stood at just over 100,000 men at arms. The vast majority, 70% in fact, were infantry. Cavalry and Artillery making up the rest, at 20% and 10% respectfully. Russian infantry was much quicker to train, and considered more economical. For every cavalry unit raised, 3 infantry units could be produced. Russian cannon were actually German and Swedish cannon, as Russia was still having trouble producing reliable cannon of sufficient quantity. As a result, the cost to equip a Russian army with artillery was incredibly expensive. Cavalry units in the Russian army were made up mainly of Cossacks. Cossacks were notoriously hard to keep in the standing army, as they preferred to roam the plains of the Don basin, and hire themselves out as mercenaries for money. As Russia had been at peace for so long, most of the Cossacks that fought in the wars of earlier in the century were no longer retained in the service of the Tsar. The standing cavalry units of the army were made up of aristocratic sons of the Russian nobility and merchant class.


The composition and tactics of the Russian forces were very different then their Polish counterparts. While the main Polish army considered almost entirely of cavalry, a Russian army was considerably more well-rounded. The average Russian army group was usually made up of 20,000 infantry, 10,000 cavalry and around 30 to 50 artillery pieces, making it around over 30,000 men strong. During peacetime there were 3 main army groups located through out Russia. The Novagrod Detachment was quartered in its home province, guarding the undefended northern provinces from Denmark-Norway, and the recently independent Sweden. The Imperial Guard was stationed in Moscow, to defend the capital in case of sudden Polish aggression. The third army group was stationed in Astrakhan, to guard against a Persian advance into southern Russia and as a safeguard against rebellion in the Muslim province. Other, smaller detachments were spread around the eastern provinces of Sibir and the southern Uzbeks territories in policing duties.

While Polish tactics called for trapping and destroying as much of the enemy army as possible in a decisive battle, Russian doctrines called for a less dramatic, but provenly effective tactic. A Russian army group would occupy an enemy province and lay siege immediately, after defeating or driving off any enemy units. The cavalry elements of the group would then separate from the rest of the group and fend off any approaching enemy armies. The remainder would keep the siege and be reinforced as necessary until the province hoisted the Russian standard. The process would be repeated till victory. This strategy worked very well in previous wars, and usually brought victory quickly, though that was usually due more to inferior enemy fortifications, then to any great Russian tactic. The tactic had never been tried against larger, more sophisticated European fortifications.

When news reached Tsar Vasili of Polish movements along their boarder, he immediately issued orders for the army to mobilize. Money was diverted from military research and other areas, though not from the Royal coffers, and poured into training and equipping the standing army into wartime standards. The Tsar also authorized the raising of additional troops, though because of the length of the boarder with Poland-Lithuania, the 25,000 men conscripted would be very spread out. With the cloud of war with Poland on the horizon, Vasili had one bright light to look upon-Crimea.

While Russia had enjoyed its time of peace, the Crimeans had been more active. A brief war with Persia in 1518, while not having any territory exchanged, had gotten the Khan of Crimea a small indemnity from the Persians. A more substantial war had been waged against Georgia. They had not called on their Russian allies for the war, and had netted the province of Georgia in the peace. There had been strong talk from the nobility and the church to intervene on behalf of their Orthodox brother in Georgia and declaring war against Muslim Crimea. The Tsar refused, having sense enough not to throw away a wildly successful alliance for the sake of a kingdom that despised Russia. That single act of restraint cemented the already tight alliance between the two kingdoms. Apparently there was a real fear in the court of the Khan that his Russian allies would turn on him when his forces were elsewhere. After the tensions of the war with Georgia had passed, the Crimeans would fight beside Russia until their ally gave them reason not to.

As the second decade of the 16th century began, Poland was adding the finishing touches to its army and the plans for the invasion of Russia. Their allies of Austria and Bohemia were unaware of their intentions, and kept their eyes and their swords pointed south, toward Turkish Europe. Russia was preparing for war at a furious pace; whipping their standing army into shape, hastily conscripting reserves in the interior and calling in their more far-flung units toward the western frontier.

On at 9am on March 30th, 1520 the Polish Ambassador left his embassy quarters in Moscow for an arranged meeting with the Tsar and his Foreign Minister, where they were scheduled to discuss measures to ease the tension between their two kingdoms. In his satchel he carried a document that would change the course of history.

The Polish-Lithuanian declaration of war against Russia.




(Next- Clash of the Titans....)
 

Warspite

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hmmmm, i must admit there is a growing amount of russian aars lately, but my friend this is easy and compelling reading and i look forward to more. Might i also ask that you grace your writing style to the senate chambers of my Italy aar, you would be a welcome member.
but if your too busy here, all the better for our reading pleasure,

amore, amore
 

Lord Durham

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Nicely done. Good use of historical embellishments. I look forward to more.
 

unmerged(1497)

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C) Clash of the Titans- The Invasion of Russia and the Battles of Moscow




When the Polish-Russian War broke out in 1520, nobody who knew of the geo-political climate in Eastern Europe could act surprised. A reckoning between the two powers was in the wind, but it was expected that the two kingdoms would engage in a series of wars. Both of them were considered too large and powerful for either one to conquer the other. Not that Europe would have allowed such a turn of events, even if it appeared to be happening. There was a certain way wars were fought during that time, and power-hungry monarchs would soon find the rest of Europe arrayed against them if they attempted to ignore the balance of power.

In fact, neither Poland nor Russia saw the war as one of absolute conquest. Poland went to war in theory to stop Russian meddling in their eastern provinces. Poland claimed publicly that Russian influence was thought to be behind a number of peasant rebellions in the Ukraine and other Orthodox provinces. While it was true that the Patriarch of Russia had expressed support for Ukrainians attempting to establish their own state, the Tsar hadn't the resources to aid any kind of rebellion in Poland, even if he had wanted too. Vasili was much more concerned with rebellions in the kingdoms Muslim-dominated provinces, then with helping Ukrainians establish an independent Ukraine

The true reasons behind the war was serious discontent in the nobility and merchants of Poland. With the Commonwealth's only port to the Black Sea fallen to the Turks, there was a wish to compensate for its loss by expanding elsewhere. There was also a fair amount of wounded Polish pride behind the war with Russia. Poland had been defeated by the heathen Muslims and lost valuable territory. Russia, however, had enjoyed great success in eliminating Muslim threats to their heartland, and expanded to the Caspian Sea. True the Uzbeks were not the Ottomans, but the mere idea that Russians, who only generation before were confined to a backwater wilderness, now had a realm that stretched from the Baltic and White Sea to the eastern edge of the Caspian was intolerable. That while the heathen had humbled Poland, Russia had humbled them time and again was outrageous. The nobility of Poland thought that it was time Russia learned who was the major power in the region.

Russia on the other hand would have been more then content a decade or more of peace. While they had struggled hard to catch up to other European nations, they still lagged in many areas. There had been plans to build an Academy of Learning & Arts in Moscow that would rival the best in Europe. The army was hoped to be greatly expanded before any war with Poland, to at least 5 army groups. An updated tax system, the expansion of Ingermanland to a port city giving access to the Baltic. All of these plans were put on hold when the Tsar received the Polish declaration of war on that rainy day in March.

40,000 Poles, mostly heavy cavalry, crossed the boarder into Tula and kept riding. Their target was Moscow. Not so much the city, as the 37,000 man strong Imperial Guard that were stationed there. All over eastern Poland, infantry and cannon were being raised in anticipation of the sieges to come. So far, everything was going according to the Polish plan…except for two things.

The first was Austria and Bohemia refusing to honor their treat obligations. The second was that the Crimeans would honor theirs.

The reasons behind the Austrian, and through them Bohemian, refusal to declare war with Poland are many. Austria was concerned with two nations: Turkey and France. War with Russia had never entered the Emperor's mind. French aspirations on Italy and Turkish ambitions in the Balkans were what kept the Austrian Emperor up at nights, not Russian intentions in the Middle East or eyes on the Baltic. In fact, at the time that war was declared Austria and Russia were on good terms. The Holy Roman Emperor Maximilian I praised Russia's victories over the Muslims in the east, and hoped that they would continue to threaten them. While he was careful not to praise Orthodox Russia too much in public, he was realistic enough to know that Russia and Austria had at least one common enemy: Turks. Emperor Karl V continued his predecessors agenda of keeping a strong front against the Turks, while focusing on Italy. He saw no reason why Austria should involve itself in what was clearly a Polish affair. Bohemia agreed, and both decided to watch the war from the safety of neutrality.

Modern historians often ask what if Austria had supported its ally, Poland? Would the war have ended differently? Would Austrian and Bohemian steel added enough weight to one of histories most decisive battles to change the outcome, or would they just added more blood and different uniforms to the one of the worlds most famous battlegrounds?

The answer is: probably not. At the time the war started, Austria's army was actually Hungary's army. 80% of the Austria's army was inherited when Hungry was annexed in 1518. Though the Empire had a large pool from which to raise armies, it chose to spend the money need to do so on other areas. The Austrian army there was, amounted to almost 60,000 men, but it was spread all across the empire. Most were in southern Hungry, ready to counter any Turkish moves in the area. The rest were watching the boarder with Venice, and in place to take advantage of any turmoil in northern Italy. To move troops from any of those areas would invite the Turks to invade Hungry, the Venetian to make moves toward Tyrol, or the French to make another grab for Milan. In fact, Austrian holdings in the low lands were devoid of troops, so frugal was the Emperor in taking money away from trade or infrastructure development. The conclusion of this historian is, even if Austria had wanted to involve itself in the war with Russia, it could not have done so without leaving itself open to at least one enemy.

So, with its allies abandoning it, Poland faced the combined armies of Russia, Ryazan and Crimea. Ryazan's entry on Russia's side assumed by the Poles. Not only was it a member of Russia's alliance, but it was also a vassal. Crimea's honoring its treat did come to a surprise to a few Polish generals. They had assumed, incorrectly, that the Khan's war with Orthodox Georgia had soured the relations of the allies and that they were just waiting for an excuse to leave the alliance. The realty was the exact opposite in fact. The Khan was a man of many faults, but stabbing a loyal ally in the back was not one of them. The fact that the Tsar and the Khan were actually friends, and exchanged letters regularly for many years was also unknown to Poland. So, when Russia called for her ally's aid against the Commonwealth, the Khan jumped at the chance to expand at the expense of Catholic Poland.

The war between Poland-Lithuania and Russia/Ryazan/Crimea was, upon closer examination, two different wars. Poland against Russia and its vassal, and Poland against Crimea. While there is no doubt that Crimea's entry on the side of Russia did help their allies considerably, the Russians and the Crimeans never fought along side each other against Poland, as they did against the Golden Horde.
The Polish/Crimean aspect of the war was on a far smaller scale then the Russian Theater. 20,000 Crimeans did lead a 15,000 Polish army a merry chase through the Don basin and the Ukraine that spring, but it paled in comparison to the battles that occurred outside Moscow, Tula and Tver that spring and summer. In comparison to the Battle of Kursk…well it seems downright insulting to compare them. Also, after that first spring in 1520, the Crimeans had a free hand in the south of Poland, facing only small and sporadic resistance from a Polish army concerned with battles to the north.

The first engagement between Russia and Poland happened on the fields outside of Moscow in late April. The Russians had decided to defend their capital, and the Tsar stayed in the city in the hopes that his presence would inspire valor in the defenders. Plans were made however, to retreat to Tver if the situation became untenable. The Poles had ridden hard toward the Russian capital, risking having their supply lines cut by leaving no forces to protect them in Tula. The thirst to destroy the main Russian army in the area, overriding the lessons beaten into them 3 years previous by the Turks.

The first battle was not so much a battle as it was a rout. Of the 37,000 Russians that met the Poles that day, barely half that would make it Tver when the general retreat was sounded. In the space of 3 days, the cream of the Russian army lay dead outside the capital. The Poles had lost 6,000 horsemen in that battle, a small price to pay for laying waste to 16,000 Russians. Even before the garrison of the city could man the walls of the fortifications, the Polish army put spur to their horses and gave chase to the retreating Russian forces.

This would be the tale of the early months of the war. Every time the two sides met, the Russians would flee, though each subsequent time it would become a better organized retreat, with few and few casualties. Never again would the Imperial Guard flee in blind panic, losing half their number as they fled the field of battle.

The man credited with bringing order to the Russian forces is General Michail Glinski, often confused with Tsar Mikhail Glinski. In fact the General had been dead 10 years when Mikhail rose to the throne of Russia.

General Glinski was the best strategist and tactician in the Russian army, and had been for a number of years. He had gained his rank through taking on the toughest assignments in the wars against Kazan and the Golden Horde. When Vasili III rose to power, he promoted the then young soldier to the rank of General, and sent him to lead his armies against Sibir and the Uzbeks. The General exceeded the Tsar expectations when he conquered both peoples.

A son of a fur trader, Michail was most at home in the wilderness, surrounded by his men. He had little patience for the intrigues of the Tsar court, and when rebellion broke out in Astrakhan and Muslim rebels seized the city, the General went to crush them himself in 1518. After he had disposed of the rebels, which he did with the same calculated ruthlessness that he displayed in his campaigns in the east and south.

When war broke out with Poland, he was with a small detachment in Kum-Dag, dealing with rebels in the former Uzbek lands. Even before the last rebel body was nailed to the city walls, General Glinski was moving north on the fastest horse he could find.

His trek across the Russia is a story that would be turned into legend. Every Russian general after him would read his journal entries of his journey from one side of the nation to the other, stopping only for supplies, and to pick up reinforcements. Even these needed stops frustrated the General to no end, he so longed to reach the battlefields in the Russian heartland.

The following is an excerpt from his journal as he waited in Astrakhan for the reorganization of his army group to be completed:


"I cannot stand it. While I sit here, Polish thieves brutalize the kingdom! My Tsar, my friend must hide in his palace because Poles have placed a bounty on his head. In his own capital! Even the blasted Musliman is doing more for the Tsar, then I.

I warned the Tsar! Keep the army strong! They are the ones that will die for you. Not your nobles or your merchants, but the common peasant soldier! He stands in defense of the realm and how does his Tsar reward him? Cutting his pay! Letting the men who would turn him into a mighty weapon, leave to till fields or hawk beets in the market! Bah!

The only comfort I have at the moment is the knowledge that in every city, town and hamlet from here to Moscow, men await to follow me into battle. Young and old, grizzled veterans and green conscripts! Men of every station are standing ready to defend our motherland. It is this and this alone the drives me onward, to my Tsar. The day will come where we will throw out the Popeish heretics from our lands, and then drive forward and punish them for their treachery!

Damn Polish dogs! Have they no honor! With our armies we could drive the Turk from our shores, cast them out of the Holy Land and back into the desert wastes where they belong! Are we like the Spaniard and the Frenchman? Fighting each other like dogs over a few square miles of land, slaughtering good Christians like lambs? All the while the Sultan gathers his forces in Constantinople, waiting to strike like a scorpion from under a rock!

Now I must go kill Poles. Men who should by blood should be fighting with us, instead of against us. Ah, if my father were alive he would weep bitter tears indeed, to know that his grandfathers countrymen have brought arms against his homeland.

I must rest now. Tomorrow at dawn we march northwards. Then I will show those Popeish bastards the folly of raising their sword against my Tsar…"


That excerpt of his journal, The Road to Moscow, shows how personally the part-Polish General took the war. He was a fanatical Orthodox Christian, and believed to the day he died that the Tsar was God's chosen one on earth. It is obvious that his hatred for both Muslims and Catholics ran deep, not to mention his general contempt of 'Europeans'. Strangely though, he was one of the first and loudest supporters for pan-Slavism, believing that it was the duty of Russia to unite and 'purify' their Slavic brothers from the influence of the Pope in Rome and the Sultan in Constantinople. While his radical thinking made him unpopular in the capital, it also made him a genius on the battlefield.

The General and his army, which he called the 'Army of Siberia' due to the fact that many of the soldiers followed him in his first command against Sibir, made incredible time considering that most of the army marched on foot. It took him 4 months of hard marching before he Moscow came into view. It is said he wept when he saw it, not for any love of the city. He despised it in fact. No, he shed tears of joy because he knew that he would finally get the battle he had hungered for since he had left Kum-Dag all those months ago with barely a thousand men.

The army he had brought to Moscow was considerably larger then the thousand souls that had started the journey with him. 64,000 soldiers had managed to keep up with the General's long march, and these were all hard men indeed. The weather and constant drilling on the march having either killed off or driven off the less hearty ones. This army group was about a 60/40 split between infantry and cavalry. The surprising number of Cossacks waiting for the General in Astrakhan had considerably strengthened what otherwise would have been an almost purely infantry army.

In November, the first frosts were coming to Russia, indicating that winter was coming a little late. Which suited the General Glinski plans perfectly. He sent word to the Tsar, who had remained in Moscow the whole year, that he had arrived. The Tsar sent back a status report on the situation of the war.

For most of the spring the Imperial Guards had been chased through most of northern Russia, leading the Polish cavalry armies in a wide circle that was aimed to return to Moscow within a fortnight. It had been constantly reinforced so as to keep the Polish interested in the chase. The tactic had worked, but at great cost. Of the almost 40,000 men that had been raised and added to the Guards over the year, barely a third of them were alive to tell the tale.

The Poles had paid a steep price for the chase as well, with almost 14,000 dead horsemen littering provinces around Russia. Later, historians will call the trail that the two armies followed 'The Ring of Thorns', in reference to the swords and pikes used to mark the graves of the fallen soldiers of both sides.

There was also bad news for the General, if you consider the rest good. Tula had fallen to the Poles in early September, when the first of their siege armies arrived. Tver had managed to survive repeated assaults due to its increased fortifications, though the defenders were beginning to waver. The news that a fresh siege army was on its way was starting to make the mayor consider surrendering. It would be a race between the Polish army, the General's plan of action around Moscow and the winter. If the Poles beat the General and the winter to Tver, the city would fall and the Tsar would sue for peace. If not…there was still hope.

General Glinski began issuing orders within hours of the Tsar report. He divided his army into 2, sending the infantry, now named 'Army of the Baltic' toward Tver in an attempt to break the siege before Polish reinforcements arrived. The Cossacks he held back in Kazan. It was known that the Polish army, almost 20,000 horseman would beat the Imperial Guards to Moscow by at least only a day. There they would wait and then finish off the just over 12,000 Russians following them and then head back to Polish territory for the winter.

Glinski sent word to Moscow for the Guards to fight for as long as they could, and then head toward Tver, where hopefully they would arrive in time to aid the Army of the Baltic in the breaking of the siege. The General would lead the Army of Siberia toward Moscow as soon as the Guards arrived. He hoped to time his arrival just as the Poles began to move out of the area, catching them in surprise as he led the 24,000 Cossacks under his personal command, on their heads.

After the war was over, the Tsar would tell the Patriarch of Russia that God must truly have been smiling on them that day. "There is no other explanation except the intervention of the divine, to explain how that day ended."

The day ended in victory for the Russians. Whether it was an act of God or pure luck that made General Glinski's charge outside the gates of Moscow perfectly timed as to catch the Poles unaware, we'll leave to theologians and armchair generals. What we do know is that on November 24, the remains of the 60,000 Poles that crossed the boarder that rainy March day were slaughtered to a man. Glinski's Gambit, as it would later be called, decimated almost a quarter of the Poles before they realized that they were being attacked. The General led from the front of the line, his saber slashing bloody arcs in the starlight.

The following is an account written by Petre Talonoff, a Cossack in the Army of Siberia, to his wife:

"When dawn rose that day, dead Polish horsemen littered the ground. I don't know how many of them died that night, but in the first rays of sunlight, it looked like every man who lived in Poland had died on that field. 4,000 Cossacks went into the ground that day, I know because I helped bury them. When the gates of the city opened, it seemed that every woman and child in the city came out to cheer us, the men having been recruited into the army long ago. In the lead was the Tsar himself, the Patriarch beside him. Our General, bleeding from several wounds he earned during the fighting, kneeled in front of the two most holy men in his Russia, his sword stabbed into the frost covered earth like a bloody cross. His head down and his eyes closed, he asked the Patriarch to bless the men who had fought and died that night, Pole and Russian alike. When the Patriarch told him that he could not bless Catholics, Glinski answered that they were God's children before they were Catholics.

You know I have only slightly more respect for a Catholic, as I do for a Musliman, but I swear to you my dear wife, when the Holy Father spoke the blessing, even I asked God to accept them. For Our General was right. They were God's children as much as we were, Catholics though they were. More then that they were men. Soldiers who had fought bravely, and died with their swords in their hands. I tell you now, any man who does that will get my blessing. I hope that when I fall, that my enemy offers a prayer for me. One can have too many."

After a brief rest and a short meeting with the Tsar, General Glinski led the Army of Siberia in the direction of Tver. He would arrive at Tver, again in the nick of time, to lead the breaking of siege. His victory on that frozen field outside of Moscow did not win the war with Poland. It did insure that Russia would live to fight another day.

That 'day' would last for over 16 months. Michail Glinski would be there then, leading his soldiers in the greatest battle in Russian history. The name of the battlefield would be a Polish province that most of Europe had not heard of before, but would soon be written in the blood of countless thousands in every history written after it. If God had intervened in the Battle of Moscow, Lucifer would in the Battle of Kursk…


(Coming Next- Hell on Earth…)
 
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Thanks for the good reivews. I was a little unsure how this AAR format would go down, but I'm glad to see that its being enjoyed. The reason for the format is mainly because I never really decided to write an AAR for the game until after a devlopment in the Polish/Russian War (which will come later.*g*). Even then, I wasn't sure what to take notes on, so I tried to take notes on everything, which didn't turn out great.:) Hence the format. Troop numbers are guesstimations until around the late 1500s, though they're pretty good guesstimations I think.


I hope to have the next installment done tomorrow night, time willing. Since my latest EU game crashed while I was saving it and got dreked, I've decided to write this AAR for awhile before starting a new one.

warspite- Hey! Yeah, I've noticed a recent surge in Russian AARs as well. I think it comes from the fact that Russia is just so damn fun to play. :) Russia can expand in pretty much every direction pretty quickly, and colonizing Siberia is just neat. Though I do wish there was more to colonize. That thin strp of territories to the pacific don't make the area 'brown' enough in my opinion. *g* And after I finish writing up my Battle of Kursk (which I hope is as compelling to read as it was to fight), I'll try to swing by your Italian AAR, and to what I'm sure is are already volitial and turbulant senate disccussions. That's the problem with reupublics...everyone's so busy arguing that it takes forever to get anything done. Tsars are much more efficient. True, the nobility can get restless sometimes, but you can always throw THEM to the peasent justice.*g*



Ivan the Mellow
 

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Hey,

Sorry for the lack of updates. Real life has been sucking every minute of free time, keeping me away from the computer. I have about a quarter of the next installment done, and am actually working on it right now. Hopefully, I'll have something up late Monday night or Tuesday. Hopefully.*g*

The next part is being a real pain in the arse to write, mainly because I want to get the atmosphere of it right. I want it to be as exciting and as hectic to read as it was to play. Plus...I think I misplaced half of the notes I took about this part.:)

Anyway, just want to let people know that this AAR has not been forgotten! It will continue!


Ivan the Mellow
 

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Originally posted by Ivan the Mellow
Hey,

Sorry for the lack of updates. Real life has been sucking every minute of free time, keeping me away from the computer.

Ivan the Mellow

You are now experienceing the dreaded curse of the aar. The ones who write the best ones find that it takes a great deal of time and energy. I admit I haven't had the nerve to try one myself but I like the choice of format that you are using. Keep going as this is one of the best starts in a long while.

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D) Flames on the Horizon- The First Battles of Kursk and the Conquest of Kiev



The reason why the Battle of Kursk was the definitive turning point, not only the Polish-Russian War, but in the balance of power in Eastern Europe, are many. Putting aside the blatant military results that the battle produced, a look at the moral and political situation that occurred within Poland after the battle are very revealing indeed.

After the disaster outside of Moscow the pervious year, the Polish army was wounded, but not even close to dead. True, the military machine they had painstakingly built after the war with Turkey, had been dealt a harsh blow, that same machine had done considerable damage to the Russian army. In fact the last Battle of Moscow was the only real defeat of Polish forces up to that point. The Poles had managed to pull their siege army out of Tver with few casualties, while inflicting severe ones on the enemy. Tula had been taken with little effort, so the loss of the Russian province that winter did not cause great concern to the Polish General Staff. It was assumed that come the spring, Tver would be taken again with minimal effort.

In fact, if the war had ended that winter, Poland could have claimed victory in the conflict, based on their mauling they had given to the Russian army. Poland had lost more soldiers to desertion, weather and disease then they had in battle against the Russians. If the Tsar and the King of Poland had agreed to peace during the lull in combat during the winter, Poland would have been hailed the victor by the rest of Europe. They had inflicted terrible losses on their enemy, looted and pillaged the provinces they had entered, including the Russian capital. The Russians, in the eyes of Europe, had only succeeded in driving the Poles off with winter and blind luck. The details of General Glinski's trek through Russia and the great care he had taken insure victory at Moscow, would not be known to the rest of Europe till after the war. Polish pride, which could be argued, contributed almost as much as Russian arms to their eventual defeat, kept the war going into the new year.

The 'Battle of Kursk' was actually a number of battles, skirmishes and engagements that bled into one another for over 16 months in 1521 and 1522. The province itself was on the eastern edge of the Commonwealth, bordering the Russian province of Tula. The population was made up of what we would today would call, 'ethnic' Russians. Before the war, the provinces' main function was as a supply depot for Polish armies on their way north or south. The siege army that took Tula the previous September had used Kursk as a rallying and staging point before they moved into the Russian territory to the north.

Kursk did not factor into the strategy for the Polish offensive, planned for the spring. The fortifications were minimal, and the Poles could only gather a few recruits in the province. While Polish armies were planned to pass through it, no serious actions were planned there, according to the Polish plan.

The Russian plan, on the other hand, factored in the province considerably. The weak fortifications and its proximity to Russian territory made it the first target of the large Russian army group that had been formed in Moscow over the winter. It was expected to fall quickly, and the army group would then move on to either Smolensk or Belegode, depending on which way the Russian generals felt the wind blowing.

With Tula taken back during the winter, the Russians hoped to take the war to Poland, come the spring. The Russian strategy of attrition was once again rearing its head. Used to great success in the east and south, the Tsar hoped it would work in the west to the same results. It did, to a fault.

The first Russian forces entered Kursk on February 27, 1521. 15,000 infantrymen, 40 cannon and a small cavalry screen of 2,000 began a siege that would not end until July 3, 1522. General Michail Glinski did not put too much planning into siege, as he planned the major Russian offensive to be in the south. The Crimeans, who had spent the first year of the war rampaging through southern Poland, had yet to take a single province from the Poles. In fact, the Khan was sending letters to the Tsar that his nation was taking tremendous losses, and might see fit in the near future to come to terms with the Polish King. He neglected to mention that the majority of Crimean casualties had resulted from futile assaults on Polish forts, and freezing to death during the winter, not from any real engagements with the enemy.

With the Crimean acquisition of Georgia, the Tsar and the Patriarch both agreed that keeping further Orthodox brothers out of the Khans' clutches was a priority, and ordered the General to secure the southern front. The General did just that. As spring came earlier in the south, the General was well into the siege of Donetesk by the time the first Russian forces entered Kursk. Another Russian army laid siege to Poltava a few weeks later.

The Polish plans for their offensive were part genius, part folly. The genius was stolen from the Turks, as the generals planned to land forces in the enemy rear by invading the Russian controlled province of Ingermanland by sea. The main city of Ivangrod had little over 500 Russians living in it, though there was a strong native presence in the surrounding area. The city had no defenses to speak of, and the Poles would only have to land troops ashore to gain the surrender of the province. The fact that Russia had no navy at all, meant that there was nothing to stop Poland from taking the city and then moving on to the rich city of Novgrod.

The folly was a straight and obvious thrust to retake Tula. The Russians expected this, and prepared reserves in Moscow and Novgrod over the winter to counter it. The Poles hoped that by attacking Tula, they could draw Glinski and the majority of the Russian forces into a decisive battle, and retake the initiative in the war.

While the landings at Ingermanland proceeded without opposition, the 11,000-man force took the province without a shot being fired on April 8th, the main Polish army never reached Tula. Instead they met the Russian siege army at Kursk, and engaged them on April 21st.

The Russians had about 11,000 infantrymen and 35 cannon at Kursk when the Polish army arrived, 25,000 man strong and mostly cavalry. The Russians had been in the province since February, and their numbers had diminished through attrition and an ill-fated assault on the fortress. While their moral was still strong, they lacked any cavalry support, their small detachment having been lost in the assault. As soon as the Poles were spotted entering the area, the command of the Russian forces sent a messenger to Moscow, advising that he believed that his force would be overwhelmed eventually if reinforcements were not quickly forthcoming. He would, however, not retreat unless ordered to do so. The time of Russian withdrawals in the face of Polish arms had passed. The victories of the previous winter had put iron into the backs of the officer class, showing them that daring and Russian pride could defeat the Poles.

When the generals in Moscow received the report, the immediately ordered the reserve forces they had there to march double-time to Kursk. They even went so far as to order the Novgrod Detachment to cease their movement toward Ingermanland and wheel south toward Kursk, leaving a small cavalry force to pin down the Poles at Ivangrod.

Looking back, the orders to throw the entire Russian reserve forces in at so early a date could be considered rash. The spring was still early, and the Russian generals had no idea about what kind of reserves the Poles had. While the Tsar could order the conscription of more men, he was hesitant to do so. The royal coffers were depressingly low, and the Tsar was unwilling to take another loan.

In fact, the Poles had a number of large armies moving toward the front lines from western Poland, and were forming more in central Poland. When news reached Warsaw of the large Russian armies moving toward Kursk, the Polish King believed that the main Russian offensive would take place in the north, and that the south was a feint to draw their armies away. Why else would they send such massive reinforcements to Kursk?

While forces from all around Eastern Europe began to make their way toward Kursk, in the province itself the battle raged. The Russian force was slowly but surely being driving back by the heavy cavalry of the Poles. The Russians gave ground grudgingly, drawing out the battle for as long as they could, in the hopes that the relief forces would arrive in time. The Poles on the other hand pressed their attacks with a vengeance. Their cavalry dominated the battlefield, causing more breakthroughs then the Polish infantry could exploit.

The battle had already brought horrendous losses, considering the number of men already on the field. 9,000 Russians were dead, with 30 cannon destroyed. 5,000 Poles, mostly infantry, had already gone into the ground.

The first Russian relief forces entered Kursk in May. 20,000 men, half on horse, entered the battle immediately. They were well rested, well equipped and hungry for battle. While before they came, the Russian presence in Kursk was all but extinguished, their arrival gave a fresh infusion of strength to the battle. The Poles, who had sensed victory in the air, now found themselves on the defensive, forced to fall back slowly as the fresh enemy troops pounced on their battle weary forces.

While the arrival of the new forces gave a well needed boost to moral to the Russian troops, the Poles who had been so confident of their triumph now found their moral falling rapidly. Men would turn to flee, only to be cut down by Cossack horsemen.

The Polish commander, not wishing to have his army cut to pieces around him, was preparing to withdraw to Belgorod when his own reinforcements arrived unexpectedly. From a hilltop on the western edge of the province, he watched as those fresh troops joined the fray, shocking the Russians for a moment into reeling back. When the Russian lines held, he was noted to remark; "The fires started here will burn the soul out of an empire." He was probably unaware at how true those words would become.

While the Battle of Kursk was just beginning to truly burn, General Glinski was directing the siege of Kiev, in the Ukraine. When word was brought to him of the events taking place to the north, he cheered; "Let Catholics die there! I will be more then happy to take our lands back unopposed."

And he proceeded to do just that. Over the course of the spring and summer, Glinski took the entire Don Basin. Donetsk and Poltava had both fallen to the Russians by the end of July. The Ukraine would fall in September.

While Kursk was being waged and the Don was becoming a Russian river, the Tsar's vassal of Ryzan waged a surprisingly effective offensive in the provinces of Bogutjar and Vorones. While the poor nation could not field as great an army as Poland or Russia, its smaller army did manage to occupy those provinces to such an extent that Poland was unable to recruit soldiers or collect much needed tax revenue from them. They laid siege to those two provinces for the better part of a year, reinforcements trickling in as they were raised.

Crimea, on the other hand, was beginning to waver in their support for the war. The losses of the previous year had gained them nothing, and the Khan had begun to suspect that there would be little to gain by continuing to fight the Poles. The Russian control of the Don Basin, land the Crimeans coveted, left them with little room to expand. They had little want of a territory north of the Don and west of the Ukraine. Also, the idea of sending troops to fight and die for Russian expansion did not sit well with the Khan, no matter what his relationship with the Tsar. Though no word reached the Tsar of it, Crimea began preparations for peace negotiations with the Commonwealth.

While the Tsar had no idea of Crimea's intentions, General Glinski had his suspicions. The complete lack of a Crimean presence at the sieges of Donetsk and Poltava was a clear sign that something was amiss for the General. When Glinski arrived in the Ukraine to direct the siege of Kiev, his soldiers told him that the Crimeans had raided the province just before they had arrived, taking cattle and slaves back to Crimea. The General promptly wrote the Tsar that he doubted the resolve of their Crimean allies. He received no response from Vasili, who was busy trying to direct the growing battle in Kursk, and put the issue to the side.

The deceptive ease of the capture of Kiev had many factors in it, but none probably more important then the Ukrainians themselves. While politics will be covered later, it is worth noting its pronounced effect in the capture of one of the largest cities in the Polish-Lithuanian Commonwealth.

Ukrainians were Orthodox Christians, like the Russians. Before its war with Turkey, Poland was easily the most religiously tolerant nations in Europe. While officially Catholic, it had a large Orthodox minority and a smaller Muslim one. As much as the King and nobles might want to crackdown on non-Catholics, the risk of rebellion in the east and south provided much religious freedom to the subjects of the Commonwealth. The defeat in the war with the Ottoman Empire changed all that.

Religious freedoms were curtailed in an attempt to better assimilate the minorities in the eastern provinces. Orthodoxs' also began to be taxed more heavily then Catholics, and were slowly being barred from important civil servant positions. All this brought heavy resentment and unrest in the east, but none more pronounced then in the Ukraine. The 1510s saw rebellions against Polish rule erupt in the Ukraine and most of the Don Basin. After the army suppressed each rebellion, even more harsh measures were in-acted, breeding further unrest.

When the Russians arrived at Kiev in early August in 1521, they discovered that they had many allies in the city. While there were more then a few hard-line nationalists who wanted a totally independent Ukraine, the average citizen would just be happy to get away from Polish rule. So when cannon started blasting into the walls of the fortress surrounding Kiev and the Polish garrison pressed Ukrainians into service to repair them, those pressed took their time with their jobs and often didn't do it at all. Spies also reported to the Russians the exact strength of the soldiers in the city and their moral levels. This information proved invaluable when General Glinski arrived in September to oversee the siege. He often met with Ukrainian spies personally, leaving them with a favorable impression of himself and Russians as a whole.

With support from inside the city, the Russians quickly devastated the fortress and then assaulted the demoralized Polish troops inside. When the Russians finally entered the city the majority of the citizens saw them not as conquerors or an occupation force, but as liberators. Glinski was hailed as a hero, and the common Russian soldier found the city a very pleasant place to be.

The loss of the Ukraine and the Don provinces was a devastating blow to the Polish that cannot be overstated. That area was a prime recruiting ground for the Polish army and their proximity to the frontlines meant that armies would have to be raised further away and take longer to reach battle. Not to mention the powerful blow to moral for Poland the loss of territory caused. The Russians controlled more of Poland then the Turks had when that war ended.

That fact was not lost on the king of Poland and his advisors, and they vowed not to end the war until the territory had been taken back. Unable to do that at the time, they focused all their military energy on Kursk. That province was quickly turned into the linchpin of the entire Polish war effort. If they could beat the Russians there, then the gates of Moscow were not far behind. Kursk would be kept at all costs.

Armies that were supposed to invade Ryzan and attack Tver were ordered to Kursk. Even a small force that was raised in Danzig and slotted to help the forces in Ivangrod breakout into Novgroad was redirected to Kursk.

In fact the force that had taken Ivangrod in the spring had not managed to break out of the wilderness and into Novgrod by the autumn. The Russians kept blocking the advance into the wealthy province with hit and run attacks and making the Poles believe that their forces in the area were much stronger then they actually were. Another factor was the commander of the Polish force, a veteran of the Turkish war, and his fear of having his precarious supply line cut and being left to starve outside the walls of Novgrod.

At Kursk, a battle had been raging since the first two armies met in April. For six months, the Russians and the Polish fought each other on the plains of Kursk with no break. Every time one side appeared to be winning, a fresh enemy army would arrive and set the scales back to a bloody balance. By October 1521, more then 60,000 swords were planted in the ground as grave markers. The summer months saw a heatwave hit the province. Flies, rats and carrion birds flocked to feast on the corpses of thousands of horses and hundreds of unburied men, bringing with the disease. It is considered a miracle that the Black Death didn’t show up on the fields of Kursk that summer.

The Poles had a slightly easier time of it in supplies, as the city was still under their control, and they received some supplies from it. The Russians were left to what supplies could trickle in from Tula, and from forging.

As the first autumn winds began to blow from the north, Poland was ready to unleash a new offensive at Kursk. They had scraped together an army of over 50,000 men. Unlike most of their armies, this one was heavily infantry, though the mounted portion was not small. The army left Belerus in mid-October and arrived in early November. They showed up just in time to save the Polish forces already there, which were about ready flee against orders. A Russian army of 15,000 had arrived in October, giving them the advantage of fresh troops.

With the new army, the Poles had almost 60,000 men fighting. The Russians had just fewer than 40,000. Again it would be Polish cavalry that would tip the scales against the Russians. Slowly but surely the Poles started to overwhelm their enemy. Russian stubbornness contributed heavily to the casualties on both sides, as the Russians refused to retreat a step. By mid-December, with winter fully entrenched in the province, the Russians were down to less then 20,000 men, facing over 40,000 Poles.

The Tsar, who had been reading the reports from Kursk with growing alarm, sent orders to General Glinski to move his army to Kursk and throw the Polish army out, once and for all. Glinski had planned to winter in Kiev and resume his southern offense come spring, and did not like his orders at all. His forces were scattered from Kiev to Vologrod, and were straggling in unit by unit. By the time his army was collected and reorganized to his standards, it would be almost January. He refused to send his army in piece by piece into Kursk. That would not win the battle, but only prolong it. To fulfill his orders, the General would need a single, large and well-equipped force, and he would not leave Kiev till he had it.

The Tsar could not force the General's hand, which was shocking. Some nobles wanted Glinski hung for treason for disobeying a direct order of the Tsar. To Vasili that was even more shocking. The idea of waging this war without a man of the General's abilities at the head was horrifying. The fact that the nobles, who Glinski had saved with his victory outside of Moscow the previous winter, could voice such an action made the Tsar deeply suspicious of them. It was a trend in thought that most Tsars would have after Vasili.

Letting the General have his way, the Tsar combined the cavalry force that had been blocking the Polish movement to Novgorod, with 6,000 raw recruits he had raised in Moscow. That would only give him an additional 10,000 men to throw against the Poles in Kursk. Not enough to win the battle, but perhaps just enough to keep it going until Glinski could reach the battle with is army.

Those troops reached Kursk in mid-December, giving the Russians a much need boost in moral. Even with those troops, the Tsar only had 18,000 men fighting against over 30,000 Poles.

Glinski's army, fully reorganized and ready for battle, marched out of Kiev on January 8, the day after the Orthodox celebrate Christmas. The army would have to cross Polish Belgorod to reach Kursk. There was a fear that the Poles would try to intercept it and delay it enough to secure victory in the north.

Like the previous winter, it would once again be a race between the Russians and the Polish forces. If the Poles could delay Glinski's army by even a few days, they would most likely grab victory from the bloody fields of Kursk. If the Russian forces there could hold on until the General's army arrived, it would be they who would take the province.

In one of the harshest winters in living memory, a final confrontation was building between the nations of Russia and Poland. There would be no retreat from Kursk. One way or another, a victor would emerge from the firestorm of that distant Polish province. The winner would hold the initiative for the coming season…but would they be able to use it after the bloodletting on the plains of Kursk?


(Next- Victory of the Dammed and Wolves of the Black Forest….)