March 1838 [1]
It was an amazing time to be a member of the Democratic Party. James Buchanan was glad to be at the helm of such a strong ship. He had just received word that Jackson had called the Democratic leaders for a special meeting on the eve of the Special Convention of 1838, to be held in two weeks. Apparently, Northern journalists began to question the validity of the congressional and presidential elections from 1833 until 1838. While many grumbled, Jackson saw this as his way out of office and acceded to set a precedent to show his political party was above reproach. But now Buchanan was a bit anxious about this meeting. Could he finally be asked to step forward as a different candidate apart from the vice president?
He dabbled a little perfume on his kerchief and made sure that he appeared immaculate before entering the meeting room. He was not the first to arrive, which he had planned, and made sure to enter before President Jackson. The men situated around the two tables were some of the most notable names in his party: Franklin Pierce, Martin Van Buren, John C. Calhoun, John Polk, Lewis Cass, Linn Boyd, and, much to Buchanan’s chagrin, George Mifflin Dallas. He gave a very affable smile to all except the upstart Dallas, his nemesis within the Pennsylvania and National Democratic Party. He carefully and elegantly sat down.
Some of the men smoke cigars, which prompted Buchanan to take out his perfumed kerchief and hold it to his nose. He looked across the room and saw Dallas, in conversation with Lewis Cass, give a slight smirk in his direction. Buchanan did nothing but stare. Finally the door opened and everyone stood up as the President arrived. Once Jackson had reached his seat he nodded for everyone to sit down.
“Gentlemen,” the president started gruffly, “I shall make this as brief as I can. This war in Mexico is progressing wonderfully but I worry about our ongoing actions in Haiti. I worry that we are being too cavalier. In fact, I believe our actions to drum up a justification for war will be discovered either by the Haitian government or one of the European powers. It is my unfortunate decision to therefore remain in office.”
There were some audible gasps, most loudly from the direction of Van Buren. Jackson held up his hand.
“I have not arrived at this decision lightly, especially going against my word before the last election. Martin I know you have proved a faithful ally but...I believe the Southern Democrats must see that we mean no harm to their institution of slavery.” To this point he looked at John Calhoun. “John, in this room, who is the most acceptable to your likeminded constituents?”
“President Jackson, I am sure you don’t need my opinion...but I shall give it to you. As Mr. Boyd and I seem to be the only Southerners worthy of these...fine...Northern leaders of the party, I must say that you mean to select a Northern man? If so, I believe that Mr. Pierce would be acceptable to most of the Southern states.”
“I dare say, Mr. President, that Mr. Pierce is outspoken at times and this may lead to attacks on his character by the Northern presses.” Buchanan was uncharacteristically bold but he felt his moment slipping away and had to press his chance, given this grand floor. “If I might, I would suggest a more moderate candidate for Vice President would suffice.”
“I have made my views clear enough to Congress and to the people. I believe myself to be moderate enough on the issue of slavery. Your concerns are noted James, thank you.”
They talked for over an hour and eventually Pierce’s name rose to the top. Dallas put it succinctly: “Put Franklin in the Vice Presidency, where he can only call the Senate to order and offer nothing else to the discussion unless we are deadlocked. His mouth will be shut, which is what the opposition loathes.”
“Very well gentlemen, I thank you for your understanding, you as well, Martin.” The President meant to go on but was interrupted by Van Buren.
“I am sorry Andrew, but while I am understanding of this decision, I still have my honor. I offer my resignation. If I am not seen as fit enough for a second term, why wait out the rest of this term?”
“Very well, accepted.” Jackson answered immediately. He looked at Buchanan. “James, make the delegates aware only at the convention that I will be running. Always surprise. That is what I learned during the war with Britain. We shall lead this party and this country to greatness.”
June 12, 1838 - Olympia, Washington Territory
The trek had been arduous but many had undertaken the journey for this momentous event. The location of Olympia, located at the mouth of an inlet which many said went all the way to the Pacific Ocean, was chosen since it was probably one of the oldest American settlement in the territory and had a large enough church to hold a meeting. [2] There were not very many houses or inns here so a tent village sprang up outside the town where the attendees planned to stay. This meeting was very special, since it was the first meeting of Territorial Legislature.
In attendance were American men, and some former British Canadians, who were selected by their local communities to represent this new territory. Also among the group was a very grizzled, and foul-smelling, army officer who smoked cigars near the entrance and kept to himself. The chairman, Isaac Ebey, arose and brought the meeting to order. Their first act was to draft a letter to Congress acknowledging the full landownership of most of nearby Bush’s Prairie (or New Market as some locals called it) by one George Washington Bush, an African-American/Irishman. Ebey, along with other local leaders, declared Bush’s contributions to the area and eventually the letter was approved to be drafted.
Sawes only snickered a little and then spat onto the church floor.
The business proceeded regarding the formation of a militia, dealings with local tribes, and future plans to bring in more settlers in the hopes of eventually declaring Statehood. Finally, Ebey called upon Captain Sawes for his own thoughts on how the army would assist the settlements.
“Goddamn to hell, men,” Sawes started, much to the chagrin of most of the delegates. “You all seem to have so much figured out. The army will still mainly be stationed along the Columbia River to the south. I can’t see much use for me and my boys up here unless you give us warning of issues with the savages. But, I tell you what. I’ll send my men up here to make sure you folks are doing just fine once a month. Of course they’ll need some provisions for the return journey, and a place to sleep, some more...warmth between the sheets,” he laughed at his own joke, “all this to make sure you feel right safe up here in the North. Possibly I’ll send the boys on a wide route to enforce America’s law to all the settlements in the North. Course, they’ll need to be provisioned just the same.”
Isaac Ebey arose at once. “Captain Sawes, while your offer seems generous, this request for debauchery and sinful pleasures is outside of our reach and uncouth to speak of. There are no women of ill-repute in Olympia or anywhere else in the North. We are close-knit settlements.”
“Horseshit.” Sawes started towards the front of the church. “Every man needs some relief from the pressures of life, and of his wife. And damn it to hell, when my men arrive, they’ll find their own women, of ill-repute or not.”
Delegates began to rise up to denounce the captain. Ebey pounded a gavel upon the pulpit. “Captain Sawes I find you out of order for this meeting and ask you to leave at once.”
“Alright. I’ll leave. But...I’ll be back. The Army runs this damn territory. Not no Indian, and not no bunch of settlers.”
July 1838 Headlines - Springfield Republican
HAITI DECRIES US AS IMPERIALISTIC BULLY!
Provocations and Lies states the Haitian Government
SECESSION CONVENTIONS SPREAD!
More Southern States hold meetings to Separate
TEXANS DENIED ANNEXATION!
President Sam Houston Dismayed
July 21, 1838 - Washington, D.C. (Senate Chambers)
“...have us believe that our military has been sending men, surreptitiously, to the Haitian capital and, from there, donning disguises and attempting to foment an incident to give us claim for war. I must say that I am inclined to believe this Haitian diplomatic party. We have been entirely too aggressive in our policies. First our heavy-handed and almost mutinous dealings in Colorado by Governor Fremont and then we helped the Republic of Texas bear arms against the Mexicans. I have spoken with the French ambassador and they take us for warmongering fools! We need a resolution to cease our activities in Haiti immediately and that we mean the Haitians no harm.”
James Buchanan sat down and felt drained. He had spoken for almost an hour. Most of it from the still boiling anger at having been passed over for the Vice Presidency from Jackson. The thought ate away at him every day, to know that he was so close and now may never get a chance to ascend to the executive branch.
William King (Alabama) rose in response. “Mr. Buchanan, your speech, as always, was eloquent, but seemed filled with rage brimming beneath the surface. Perhaps we should look at this in a level-headed manner? The refusal to allow the Texans a place amongst our stars has lead to a constriction on our institution. Many territories have become states since this administration began and not one of them has allowed the institution of slavery. Haiti, meanwhile, or even Cuba, would be perfect for this fair and balanced expansion. Many times have we worried in these chambers about slavery spreading West. Let us expand it South instead. So the Haitians are ex-slaves? Then perhaps we should institute a policy, for fairness, that those negroes already living in Haiti should be allowed to emigrate and resettle our new Western lands, or to go back from whence they came in Africa. That is why we established Liberia in the first place! Let the darkies live free on their
own continent.”
Lewis Cass (Michigan) rose for a rebuttal. “Mr. Buchanan has a clear mind about this. Why all of the deception if we are trying to influence Haiti to look to us for support and not Spain, or France, or any other European government? Perhaps a diplomatic annexation would be best? One where perpetual servitude would not be impressed upon those living there. What you have failed to elaborate upon, Mr. King, is what would happen to those Haitians who refuse to leave your new little slavery paradise? Would you enact the laws of property upon those men, women, and children as well?
But what is the cost of a future war with Haiti? What is the point? We are creating territories now in land not settled by American citizens. There are still many lands to the Southwest that rightly belong to our nation as well, once the Mexicans realize this inevitability. The Haitian army is, by all accounts, vastly inferior to our own. The loss of life will be minimal. So the monetary cost of occupying Haitian provinces is of primary concern; the ongoing costs of administration will be the next concern. I believe they are primarily exporting and producing tobacco on the island? That may cover such costs and then provide a surplus for the Customs Department. Therefore, maybe we should also look at this war as a great economic boom to our economy?
In short, while I abhor the idea of another slave state: the population, the land, the location, and the product of Haiti, may mean that we need to think in broader terms than mere slavery.”
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[1] I ask you to suspend historical fact for the foreseeable future until 1841. I wanted to roleplay that Jackson stayed in office (since I forgot to Hold Elections in 1837 in the game) instead of leaving after one term in office. Thankfully for America, there would be no Presidency of Martin Van Buren.
[2] The inlet is the southernmost point of Puget Sound.