Thank you! And I was reading your AAR as well! I just thought it was kinda dead. And thank you again! (More exclamation points ahead) !!!
-
We have updated our Community Code of Conduct. Please read through the new rules for the forum that are an integral part of Paradox Interactive’s User Agreement.
Thank you! And I was reading your AAR as well! I just thought it was kinda dead. And thank you again! (More exclamation points ahead) !!!
The time for negotiations had ended, finally. While Daniel Webster knew that President Jackson would not publicly come out and say he supported these negotiations, so as not to upset Southern sentiments, the president had confided to Webster he would not stand in the way of the treaty’s passing in Congress. Webster knew that Vice President Pierce might object to the ending of the Atlantic Slave Trade, but reparations from the British government, or the enticement thereof, might quell some of the Southern congressional members. Money always soothed political wounds.
“I do say, Senator, these talks were a smashing success. Much more akin to my type of fight than most other members of the House of Commons.” Alexander Baring, the 1st Baron of Ashburton, proffered him a drink of champagne. “Those ruffians know nothing of civilized political discourse, which is why the Duke offered me this role. Far above mindless squabbles in parliament. Now, we, and our countries, can see the wise assessment of such an appointment.” Baring gave a truly Anglo smile which left Webster with the only course of action but to agree.
Webster had seen the benefit to codifying the border between the two countries but he was especially proud of the language indicating the necessity to end the Atlantic Slave Trade. His life had been one in taking people at the worth they offered society, not society’s worth thrusted upon them. It was a momentous day for America, he hoped his own governmental squabblers would see it that way.
Cabinet Meeting, White House, Washington D.C. - September 19, 1839
“Gentlemen, Russia has announced it will be sending an expedition to the southern part of its North American territory. We have assurances from Great Britain they will not be sending a team for parallel research. The way is open to move an expeditionary team to the Sitka region in order to find any rare botanicals or other scientific discoveries. While the Russians may not be pleased with our team, the pride of America is at stake. And if we do find rare plants or animals, then the greater our scientific influence grows as well as our esteem or nation holds in the world. We should consider such an expedition.”
“Thank you, James.” President Jackson responded to his Secretary of State. “Any other thoughts?”
“What Polk has not talked about is the cost. There are much more important works the government should invest and fund right now. Mostly major railroad networks between the states. We cannot go gallivanting and spending thousands of dollars just to see it go to waste.” Levi Woodbury said. Woodbury was the most recent Secretary of Treasury in Jackson’s revolving door of men at that position. The Secretary continued, “We need to seriously consider the ramifications of our actions.”
“Thank you Levi. However Mr. Polk is correct in his assessment that no other country, save ours, is willing to undertake such actions. Europe is at war, Russia cannot stand to benefit from any discoveries. We must send an expedition and they need to be funded enough to thrive. James, please make the necessary arrangements to draft the bill through Congress.”
Charleston Courier, June 10, 1840
HAITI SURRENDERS AND ACCEPTS ANNEXATION!
Santo Domingo - It is now apparent that the Haitian people and those denigrated individuals who consider themselves “Dominicans” realize the futility in the most recent armed struggle against the nation. Washington now finds itself the owner of yet another state, this one in a utopian climate and enviable position in the Caribbean. While the populace is almost entirely of the lesser race, there are assurances from some members of Congress, whom in the past have spoken on the need for another slave state so that Southern Rights will be equally represented in the government in Washington.
This reporter can see the need for such men of intellect and civilization in this land. It looks as if the Spanish left after losing to their chattel and the chattel continued to build the same huts their infantile minds can imagine. The land cries out for the watching hand of plantation owners and overseers. It cries out to be managed by those whom can actually manage it.
To think there are those in the North who are calling for an affirmation of native rights on this island is abhorrent. Have those devils come south to Hispaniola? Have they seen what happens when the Negro is given charge of their own affairs? I would like those “Holy Crusaders” from the North to bring their Bible and their harsh words and see if they can make sense of the matters at hand in this new land. [1]
Hispaniola (State) - Wizipedia Entry accessed 03/21/2016
By the slimmest of margins, enough Northern Democrats joined the Southern members of their party and voted in favor of admitting the recently annexed island of Hispaniola as a state in the Union and open to slavery. The news that Congress would impose slavery on a people who, only four decades earlier, threw off French rule and their French chains, was appalling to some Northerns. However, this sentiment was not held by a vast majority of the population. That the vote was so close only spoke to the political divide within the country. The Republic of Haiti was not diplomatically recognized by the United States government nor any other European power at that time. Many of the populace felt Northern politicians had struck a deal with their Democratic counterparts in order to appease the populaces back in their states in voting against the admission of the island as a state.
The next days would see placards plastered all around the South proclaiming land in Haiti for sale to any white buyers. By the end of the year, some 3,000 men and their families, emigrated to Hispaniola to finally have their own plantation with chattel (newly purchased in Southern Slave Markets). These new plantations were carved out from existing plantations in the lowlands and foothills outside of Port au Prince and in the savannahs making up most of the eastern island lowlands north of Santo Domingo.[2]
This emigration, forced relocation, and the threat of white landholders gaining a majority vote, led to the growth of Dominican and Haitian Nationalists. While the immediate aftermath of the annexation, and for several years thereafter, did not promote any violent protests, the populace was greatly distressed. The first state representatives and senators represented a stark contrast to the conservative members of Congress when the Hispaniola delegation was finally seated in the House and Senate at the beginning of August. The three men became the first non-white delegates in Congress (one was a former slave and two were of Spanish descent).[a] That they hailed from a slave state made the paradox even more absurd to the general public. Northerners began to use the Haitian congressmen as a rallying cry for an end to slavery throughout the nation and the rights of non-white citizens of the nation.[3]
[a]Representative Charles Riviére-Hérard, Senator Juan Pablo Duarte, and Senator José Núñez de Cáceres
Dallas Mansion, Philadelphia, PA - July 31, 1841
The knock at the door was alarming since George Mifflin Dallas had gone to bed some three hours before. Dallas heard the knock again and a group of voices outside his house as he quickly pulled on a robe, while his doorman inquired upon the meaning of the disruption at the door. As Dallas began to come down the staircase his foyer was engulfed in many a well-dressed man. These were men he knew from politics and his mind was instantly set to some disaster at hand. But the atmosphere of these late night guests belied his thoughts. They were, happy.
“What is the meaning of this?” Dallas called out above the din.
“My dear, George! Did we wake you?” Augustus Smith answered, which brought about laughter from the other men. “We have come to tell you good news! You and Polk have won the election! Should I start calling you Mr. Vice President?” The men broke out in laughter again as they called for ale and food to no one in particular. [4]
---------------------
[1] Purely role-play people, chill.
[2] These facts are also purely role-play and not born out from the current game pops.
[3] It is actually quite absurd and a stupid decision on my part to extend slavery. However, I did so under the assumption that Texas would not petition for annexation again (which they did some time later). Oh well...such are the great Paradox roleplay's built. But note however how I roleplayed only Riviére-Hérard as the only black delegate and the delegate nationalities show how the Dominican culture group was favored on the island.
[4] A slight twist on how Dallas was told of his nomination to the Democratic ticket with Polk in 1845.
Last edited:
Given everything I've heard listening to the Revolutions podcast, those attitudes towards the Haitians are correct, if horrifying to modern readers.
November 15, 1840 - Washington, D.C. - Senate Chamber
The atmosphere in the room was hot, while an early snow fell outside the building. The various slavery proposals introduced throughout the year were once again being debated. Henry Clay had worked tirelessly to formulate a plan which would bring the Pro-Slavery and Anti-Slavery factions together in a compromise. From his own ideas regarding the limitation of slave markets within the District of Columbia to a codified endorsement of popular sovereignty, Clay’s great speech was going to bring an end to the slave debate once and for all. That was the plan.
Yet a great many of his colleagues were outraged at Clay’s ideas and proposed policies. While the obvious Southern voice came from John C. Calhoun, Lewis Cass, a Northern Democrat, was also frustrated with Clay’s Grand Compromise since it failed to include the outright ban of slavery in any lands the country may acquire from Mexico. When Clay finally ended his two hour long speech, it was Lewis Cass who first met with him to discuss the actual passage of the compromise bill.
“Henry,” Cass began as the two senators seated themselves in Clay’s Senate office, “this is a grand idea. But without a provision regarding Western lands-”
Clay held up a hand. “Lewis, those lands don’t legally belong to the United States yet. What quicker way to have a war thrust upon us then to tell another country: ‘This is what we are going to do with your land some time in the future’? We must worry about the territories now under the mantle of our government.”
“We cannot be without a mechanism to incorporate new lands into the nation. Or else the sectionalism will continue in a few more years when the rest of the Northern Mexican territories are incorporated into the nation. The slave states must be appeased, of course, but so do those who do not support slavery. The more we shape ourselves to fit how Calhoun wants the government to work, the less standing we have as men of moral standing.”
“It is true, Lewis. We cannot continue with the bill as is. However, would it not be easier to break the compromise into more palatable smaller bills? A definition of Texas’ boundaries if they go ahead with the rumored request for annexation; a codification of popular sovereignty for new states; the establishment of the 36th parallel as the northernmost line for deciding slavery; and the end to slave markets within the District of Columbia. Can we count on enough support from Democrats to support each bill?”
“I believe we can. But the exclusion of a provision expressly outlawing slavery would-”
“Would force the Southerners hands and they would actively and officially look for a way to leave this nation through secession. I believe the codification of popular sovereignty will settle the matter.” There was a knock at Clay’s office door. “Yes?” Clay called out.
The door opened a bit and Senator Juan Pablo Duarte stepped into the office. “My apologies Senador Clay,” Duarte said in heavily accented English. “I see you are busy, might I return leugo, pardon me, later?”
“By all means, I think this is actually a perfect time to talk with Senator Cass and myself,” Clay answered with a smile.
Duarte closed the door and went to seat himself but realized there were no more chairs, nor had Clay moved to offer him his chair. Duarte still needed to get used to these slights from men who were legally his peers. “I was thinking of your speech this morning in the Senador Chambers. It reminds me of the humiliation imposed on my own coun-, excuse me, of my own state,” the last word was clearly forced out. “Senador Caceres and I would like to know what help we can be of ridding this abominación from the United States?”
“Thank you for your kind words about my speech. But you and your fellow senator are the minority in the Senate. Senator Duarte, your best option would be to tie yourself to the Whigs and pray a transplant from Georgia or Alabama does not take your seat come the next election. Your help in containing slavery can only be enhanced with your unique situation. People like Senator Calhoun look longingly at your lands and, as I said, your state's two votes in the Senate.”
“I somewhat agree with Senator Clay,” added Cass. “However, the Democratic Party would be more than happy to keep our Southern brothers out of your state’s seats.”
Duarte’s mood turned from calm to indignant. “Senador’s I came here to help and I am turned away like a scolded child. I am the son of a peninsular who came to Hispaniola seeking a better life, much like your ancestors.[1] I am not one of the poor African souls trapped in bondage. I will vote for this grandioso compromiso of yours but I mark my words: you Yanquis need to begin treating your newest state as a state or the citizens will not stand for it. Everywhere I go throughout these halls it’s slavery against anti-slavery. You should not be so willing to dismiss the people of Hispaniola. We beat the French if you remember. Let us be citizens and we will work to be better citizens. If you keep us from our proper place in society the people will cause trouble which cannot be controlled from those above.” [2]
August 19, 1841 - Duwamps Settlement / Village of Seattle - Washington Territory
Isaac Ebey’s militia lay in wait in the very wet and dense forests outside of Duwamps, or Seattle, depending on who you spoke to from the village on the edge of the bay. Across the trail from Ebey’s force were allied Duwamish and Suquamish natives. While at odds regarding land and white settlement, the area natives and colonists had found one common enemy: Captain Jebediah Sawes and his outpost unit. Both locals and natives started to refer to the debased man as the devil’s captain.
Pleas to the garrison in Astoria for relief from Sawes had gone unanswered. Messages sent via naval transport to the government in Washington, D.C. had also gone unanswered. So the territorial legislature had made the move to pass the 1840 Act of Defiance declaring Captain Sawes and his outpost garrison to be Enemies of the Territory. This, the small legislature hoped, would be enough to get the Army’s attention. But the annexation of Haiti and the rumors of a growing concentration of troops in Texas only evidenced a disinterest with the Washington Territory from the US government.
Ebey had resigned his post as Territorial Governor after the Act of Defiance was passed, believing it did little to right the wrongs suffered by the colonists at the hand of Sawes and his men. He had met with the Duwamish and Suquamish chief, Si’ahl, or as the Americans called him, Seattle, and discussed the possibility of an alliance to rid both of their people of Sawes. Chief Si’ahl had agreed, much to the relief of Ebey, who now had a militia of 35 men (some really boys following their fathers) and a band of 90 native warriors to cause havoc against the garrison’s 100 men.
Ebey’s strategy was simple, capture Sawes’ roving patrols, who were causing so much misery throughout the area, and force Sawes to resign his post for the return of his men. Ebey had met Sawes once and that was enough to know that the captain would not request help from his superiors, as he thought he was ruled by no man.
The report of a seven man squad coming to Seattle had stirred the militia and natives to action. While they greatly outnumbered the patrol, they hoped their numbers would avoid unnecessary bloodshed and allow for an easy detainment of the soldiers on patrol. That was the plan.
Yet coming down the forest trail were not seven men, but twenty-seven men. With Sawes on horseback in the rear. The patrol was not at route step either, no, these men were marching with arms at the shoulder.[3] Ebey had an uneasy feeling about the entire situation. Had his plans been exposed? Had he been betrayed?
He still felt this was the best time to capture Sawes and bring an end to the devilish reign of this one man. He quietly made some hand movements to his men to calm down and wait. He would converge on Sawes as he brought up the rear once the main body had passed.
Suddenly, the Crosswhite boy sneezed. Ebey didn’t remember much detail from there.
Orders rang out from Sawes to form platoons and commence firing. Ebey remembered ducking into cover while he heard Si’ahl raise a war cry.
He remembered coming up from his prone position to fire at the soldiers to his front.
The cries of wounded behind and in front of him.
And then rising up to take a shot followed by a surge of men - he couldn’t remember if he called the charge or not - into the soldier's formation.
Ebey reacted with an instinct born on the frontier. He upended his rifled-musket to swing it like a club at the first soldier he reached. Then barreled forward into another uniformed man aiming his musket at him. He gave the man a savage hit from his musket butt and looked up to see Sawes fire his pistol into the Duwamish natives swirling nearby, locked in a deadly skirmish with other blue-clad soldiers. Ebey growled and tore the knife from his belt and ran towards Sawes. All ideas of “capture” were gone from his thoughts. His people had suffered too much.
Sawes had just killed two more natives by shooting them in the back when he turned in time to see Ebey launch himself upwards with a knife outstretched. He felt the knife plunge into his stomach when he squeezed his navy revolver one last time. He was pulled down off the saddle by the weight of Ebey and felt the knife plunge further into his gut when he hit the ground. He knew, right at the end, he was a dead man.
In a longhouse on the outskirts of the village, Si’ahl gave a speech about the men who had died that day fighting for the freedom of his people and the white settlers, including Isaac Ebey. A great dance was held after his stirring words with Duwamish, Suquamish, and local villagers in attendance.
--------------------
[1] Peninsular - term for a person born in Spain who moved to one of the Spanish colonies.
[2] The Clay-Cass Bill / "Grand Compromise of 1841" was passed on January 4, 1841
[3] With muskets at “shoulder arms,” the unit was marching in a way to most easily move to the “ready” position to fire. Also, marching long distances would compel officers to call for “route step” so that the men would not get tired holding their muskets in one of the several carry positions, as the arms would be carried at will.
“Sir, a messenger has arrived.”
“Thank you, Major.” General Zachary Taylor stood from behind his desk to don his frock coat. The double-row of brass buttons gleamed against the sun from the open window. It was a beautiful Spring day in Texas. Taylor had begun to think of moving to this state from Louisiana, however the loss of his slaves would be dear. He had tossed the idea around in his head. Perhaps he would be akin to Washington, where he might free the slaves in his will. Or, perhaps he would sell all but two, preferably mates, that would be the house staff for he and his wife. But those thoughts were for another life. He was a military man after all.
“General Taylor! This dispatch arrived from Washington this morning.” His staff officer handed him the folded paper.
Taylor unfolded the paper and grunted. “Call the brigade commanders to a meeting, Major. We have just declared war on Mexico for El Paso, Laredo, and New Mexico.”
Cabinet Meeting - Washington D.C. - June 15, 1842
“Mr. President, while we all understand our justification for war was well within our rights as a nation, the European powers simply do not agree that we should attack Mexico for unprovoked reasons.” Daniel Webster said.
“Thank you Daniel, how do the ambassadors gauge the response to our actions in Europe?” Polk asked his Secretary of State.
“They do not believe any will intervene. Great Britain and France are too invested in their own renewed rivalry and Spain is too weak to do much of anything. There are pressing concerns about the growth and size of the North German Federation, however Ambassador Ringlen believes we should maintain our course of non-official interaction with the NGF.”
“And what about our South American allies?”
“They are fully supportive of our war. Many feel that Santa Anna and Spain’s de facto control over the Mexican people due to heritage may have had a destabilizing effect on Central America and into Colombia. The Presidente of the USCA was very happy since he was looking for a reason to justify his large army he had been maintaining since the end of the El Salvadorian Rebellion.”
“Any news of the Sitka expedition?” The President asked. It was his pet project but since taking office, he had little time to keep track of the expedition’s findings.
All eyes turned to the newly appointed and confirmed cabinet secretary, Thomas Ewing, who was helping to shape his new position as Secretary of the Interior. “Yes, well, ah, it seems from accounts from, ah, officials in, ah, Vienna, that they have discovered a most, ah, remarkable flower. They have, ah, claimed their expedition a success. Many, ah, other nations have, ah, left the area. We should also, ah, call our expedition, ah, back to Washington for a, ah, a meeting.”
“Just think of the benefits if we would have succeeded. They would have talked about the great flower of America,” Polk opined.
“There is always the, ah, Poinsettia, Mr. President,” Ewing responded, which brought a lighthearted glare from Polk.
Army of the South Field Headquarters - Laredo Province, Mexican Texas
The army had been attempting to control Laredo for over two months and the work was slow going. Villages to bring under control, local leaders who offered some resistance, and the securing of key points. While there wasn’t much out here, the stronghold of Laredo was becoming tough to break. Reports had started to stream in from scouts sent across the Rio Grande of massing armies and brigades of the Mexican army. There were also reports from the USCA Army that their forces had engaged a Mexican army the size of Taylor’s own force.
He had called this meeting in his tent with his staff to discuss the possibility of requesting a massive mobilization of the populace from Washington. He hoped they could avoid such a measure. Yet his senior officers were of the opinion that the war would be over if the army began to call up the militia’s and organized them.
“We should be in agreement that this report accurately reflects the situation here and that immediate mobilization is necessary. Clearly the politicians in Washington believed Dixie could handle it on our own. Yet the facts bear out we may be overwhelmed with the Mexican response to our army. Any news from Santa Fe?”
“General Jones’ report from last week spoke of only local resistance but no Mexican forces.”
“So they are concentrating on Texas. Santa Anna has always worried about Texas. What of progress on reconnoitering south of the Rio Grande?”
“The same conditions as always General Taylor, the Mexican army is amassing men. However, the maps I have provided should offer us routes to take upon the successful occupation of this province.”
“Thank you Captain Lee. Major, I leave the writing of this letter to you and another officer of your choosing. When you are finished I will look over the contents and sign it.” Taylor stood to leave. “Let us be sure we make the report urgent enough but not try to dictate the terms to Washington. They must make the decision, not us.”
All across the nation, placards and advertisements were being put up in towns big and small. The American man was called upon to help fight against the Mexicans in the government’s war. Men heeded the call to arms with fervor and élan. Some joined because they felt it was their duty; some joined because of their boyhood friend; others joined for the bounty; and some joined because they could not face the disgrace of staying at home. There were camps of rendezvous set up by the Army. These camps were located in Harrisburg, PA and Little Rock, AR. From there, the men were sent to two staging camps: Okmulgee in the Oklahoma Territory and Houston, TX.
Chester Robinson had been appointed a Colonel of New York Volunteers by the Governor of New York, Millard Fillmore. En route to Okmulgee with 9,000 NY volunteers, Robinson was notified of his rank increase to Brigadier General of Volunteers and ordered to take command of regiments arriving at Okmulgee with his troops. Robinson was no military genius though, he was a political appointee. Someone whom could be controlled. However, Robinson did not realize this at all. Which made him dangerous and grandiose in his thinking.
Still, the Northern army he assembled in the Oklahoma Territory was the largest army the US had ever fielded. Twenty-four thousand men marched southwest from Okmulgee under Robinson with the objective of occupying as much Mexican territory, starting with population centers around El Paso del Norte. Robinson was instructed to avoid a major engagement whenever possible but he knew he would “attempt” to avoid the engagement but knew that his political career would be much better off if he could crush the Mexicans on the battlefield.
The other Brigadier General of Volunteers, Luke Connor, was the former Colonel of the Indiana State Milita. He was renowned in Indiana for being a man of high morals, strength, determination, and a leader of men. At Okmulgee, the Indiana men spread the tales among regiments from Milwaukee to Boston of tales about Connor and his exploits. These stories became known as Connorisms. How he fought off a bear with a knife in each hand near the Ohio River. How he had ended an Indian uprising near Terre Haute by beating the tribes best warrior in a wrestling match. There were many more stories, each more outlandish than the last. When Connor’s 15,000 man army marched south to join Ulysses Hayes’ regulars in expelling the Mexicans out of San Antonio, Connor was already a hero to his men.
Major General Ulysses Hayes and General Connor combined their forces in Austin, TX before heading towards San Antonio. The American emigrants had provided them stories of the near subjugation of that region so Hayes ordered the armies to move with all haste. The use of early settlers and some native scouts was invaluable as the Army had all dragoon regiments stationed in Haiti. Hayes and Connor were also inhibited by the lack of artillery but reports showed the Mexicans had no artillery of their own.
In early February of 1843, the US 3rd and 4th Infantry attacked elements of Joaquin Pimentel’s 10th (Mexican) Infantry. Battles would be fought throughout the month culminating the in the Battle of San Antonio, not that far away from the famous Alamo site just 8 years before. There, Hayes and Connor overwhelmed Pimentel’s dwindling forces and drove them out of San Antonio towards Mexico. Connor was ordered to follow and harass the Mexican army until he crossed the Rio Grande, at which point he was to occupy as much territory as possible.
The end of major Mexican operations along the American border ended when Pimentel’s fleeing army evaded Connor and made for El Paso. Dispatches reveal Pimentel did not realize the Americans had already occupied the region. His army of 6,700 men was totally destroyed, in detail, by Robinson. The Americans lost 216 men, and of that number, only 30 were killed. It was the resounding victory Robinson had hoped for.
Chester Robinson, while having little military experience, was extremely good at occupying territory. Much faster than any other US Army, he was able to quell local resistance and install political appointees to oversee the region once the US solidified their control of Mexican lands. He quick subjugation of El Paso and the province of Paseo del Norte led to an order from General Taylor to “make all haste South towards Mexico City” with the purpose of besieging the capital to end the war quickly. Once again, Taylor advised Robinson to “avoid a general confrontation with Mexican arms.”
By November 1843, with losses along the route of march dropping his effective fighting strength to 19,000 men, Robinson arrived in Mexico City to a cool reception. The town guard offered no resistance and the residents hid inside their homes. Robinson was met in the city square by José María Jesύs Carbajal who asked the general to spare the city and to not loot the palace. Robinson convened his corps commanders and told them to not harm any citizen. His men were stationed throughout the city and the looting was considered “spoils of war.”
The last major battle of the Mexican-American War of 1842-43 took place in Saltillo Province, Mexico when General Bocanegra managed to surprise General Zachary Taylor and the Army of the South. The Mexican forces outnumbered the Americans by 7,000 soldiers. Taylor sent two messengers off to the southeast to request the immediate support of Luke Connor and the 2nd Volunteer Army who were besieging Tampico on the Mexican Coast. The messages were not needed as Taylor’s masterful generalship provided the outmanned Americans a strategic advantage. After the loss of two regiments against the small US army, who were in a highly defensible position.
On March 25, 1844 the Americans and Mexicans signed a peace treaty ending the war. The Mexican ceded all of their Nueva Mexico Territory as well as all land once considered part of Cohuila y Tejas (land to the north of the Rio Grande) to the Americans. President Polk was hailed as a visionary in Washington while General’s Taylor and Robinson were regarded as the hero’s of the war by the press.
Free Man, Equal Vote!
The slogan of the rising Whig party this past year had taken the press and the nation by storm. While there were some in the Senate who derided the campaign to grant universal voting to all legally free men, enough saw the issue as a way to make good change in the country. One of those men, who allied himself with the Democratic Party, was Juan Pablo Duarte. He knew that his constituents back in the state of Hispaniola were become more and more incensed with the loss of their sovereignty. Most aggrieved were the Haitian people. The provision not enslave the Afro-Antiliean peoples already living on the island at the time of annexation was sometimes overlooked where a predominantly white majority existed. Emigrated plantation owners needed workers for their tobacco plantations and they obtained them by force if a slave from the mainland could not be purchased.
Duarte had been tireless in his talks with the Whigs and with socially conscious members of his own party, mostly Northerners. His efforts paid off when he chanced upon a meeting between Vice President Dallas and James Buchanan, who had returned home to discuss issues relating to his post as Minister to the United Kingdom. As their meeting ended, Buchanan hung about to listen to Duarte’s entreaties to gaining the executive office’s support of universal voting rights.
Yet Dallas was firmly set against such reforms claiming the men who had gathered their money wisely clearly showed the education and knowledge to choose the president for the country. When Duarte was about to concede defeat, Buchanan spoke up in favor of his idea, prompting a great discussion between Dallas and Buchanan which Duarte understood could only come from an intense hatred of each other. By the end of the day, Buchanan had sent word the senators from Pennsylvania, Michigan, Illinois, and Indiana had all pledged their support behind Duarte’s plan.
Now, after two months of debate, the vote had finally come to the Senate floor. Duarte was amazed at how quickly one man could change the fate of thousands of people. He was even more amazed that man was him. His fellow senator from Hispaniola gave a reassuring pat on his shoulder.
“This is all formalities. We have gathered the information and your reform will pass.” Senator Jose Nunez de Caceres said.
“It is not my reform Jose, but it belongs to the people of Hispaniola.”
“Always modest Juan Pablo. This reform will pass thanks to you.”
“Or should it be thanks to Minister Buchanan?”
“You were at the right place at the right time, yes? Do not worry about the particulars. When the Haitian and Dominicans hear of your work, you will be a senador for life.”
“But will I also become the face of the resistance? Will I become the leader de facto of those wanting our island back? I helped the Yanquis army when they came, but that was due to the atrocities of the Haitian army on our people. I had hoped they would release us...but the injustice of allowing slavery on our island, when we had worked so hard to rid ourselves of that cruel institution…”
“Come now. So men will take your name as a rallying cry. Is that so bad? Prove your faithfulness to these Yanquis and they may let our island go.”
“Come now Jose, you have been here several years. You know how this nation, and this government, thinks. We get by easily due to our ancestors, how has Charles fared?” Caceres gave a knowing nod. “He is afraid to leave his quarters some days. He has spoken of not putting his name forth as a candidate for the next election out of fear that he may be kidnapped and forced into slavery by anyone of his southern ‘colleagues.’ These men will not relinquish land white blood has been spilt in claiming.”
…
The mood was jubilant throughout the nation as newspapers, post offices, and taverns greeted the news of the passing of universal voting. Most happy were the poor immigrants, landless Southerners, and almost the entire state of Hispaniola. The island took on a carnival-like atmosphere with spontaneous parades and dancing in the streets of Port-au-Prince, La Vega, and Santo Domingo.
Democratic Convention of 1844 - Columbia, SC
The atmosphere was pitched with fire and joy. The delegates from each state’s political machine had arrived. And most everyone knew whom they were voting as their candidates for President and Vice President in the upcoming election. President Polk had already told the political party leaders that his health procluded him from running a second time. Yet it may have been more to do with his inability to stop the passing of universal voting that made him give up the chance to stay in the White House.
The delegates knew their men though. Mostly through the meritocracy of state political machines, they had already been told whom to vote for. This would be no contested convention. However, it would serve to promote the unity of the nation regardless of geographic location. For President, Lewis Cass, from Michigan; for Vice President, the Southern fire-eater, John C. Calhoun. Calhoun had to be convinced, due to his advanced age, but he must have known his nomination would help Southern interests regarding slavery.
…
There was raucous cheering despite the inevitable outcome when the names of Cass and Calhoun were read. The South Carolinian delegates were cheering and carrying on the loudest. Bands played, people jumped up and down as if in a Quaker Meeting, and the meeting hall where they were at shook so horribly that many a woman fainted.
Cass Homestead - Detroit, Michigan January 1845
Lewis Cass was seated in his office with a constant stream of messengers arriving and departing. He was very interested in the outcome of the election. He had served most of his life for the United States government and knew he would be a broken man without the Presidency. He was hunched over in the chair behind his desk double-checking the numbers that his secretary had already gone over.
The prospects were overwhelmingly in his favor. The inclusion of Calhoun had brought the Southern Democrat faction charging ahead in their support of the ticket. And the universal vote had convinced the people that, if they couldn’t have Polk, they would have another Democrat in the White House. While the Northern press had try to make sure Senator Duarte got the credit, the Southern papers had widely marginalized the Dominican’s contributions to the reform and instead bolstered Buchanan and the Democratic Party as the main proponents. All this Cass took as politics.
He liked Duarte, but he could not see how a Dominican could maintain his political life with the American government or people. He was contemplating though, doling out a favor to Duarte by naming him to a cabinet position. Perhaps Secretary of the Interior? He still needed to consult with Buchanan and Calhoun though. There were many who needed to be rewarded for this outstanding success. [1]
----------------------
[1] The Democratic Party won 90.4% of the presidential vote
Last edited:
I have no specific comments, but wanted to say that I have been enjoying your updates.
Thanks! This is actually a lot harder than it looks, to create both role play and the let's play videos. I am also having a f-ing BLAST playing Victoria 2. Everyone was right--this may be the best Paradox franchise. VIC-TOR-IA 3! VIC-TOR-IA 3! VIC-TOR-IA 3!
Presidential Office - The White House - Washington, D.C. October 1846
“There are currently three territories which have petitioned to be accepted into the Union as States: Minnesota, Washington, and South Dakota. Yet we must be aware they have all stipulated they will enter with slavery outlawed in their state constitution’s.”
“May their ill-begotten sons rot in the fiery pits of hell to codify that a nigger should be free.”
“John, there is no crowd here. You may dispense with the rhetoric and flamboyant speech.” President Cass gave his Vice President a pained look. Then turned his attention back to the other man in the room, his Secretary of State. “Please, Stephen, do go on.”
Stephen Douglas cleared his throat and continued, “The developments in Hispaniola have given rise to a Congress more apt to agree that slavery should be outlawed. I’m not saying it will happen in the next several months, but possibly by the 1860s there will be an outcry to outlaw slavery.”
“And you have seen, Secretary Douglas, that the sovereign States of the South will not consent to a government in Washington telling them how to govern their own people, especially chattel. I was placed in this government to help moderate you outrageous Northerners and your meddling and I’ll be damned if...if....”
Douglas quickly placed an arm on Calhoun’s shoulder. “John, are you feeling well?” The Vice President gasped for air and then grabbed at his heart before becoming limp in the chair. “My God!” Was all Douglas could manage to get out, clear in shock from what was occuring.
Cass stood up and called out for a doctor, but both he and Douglas knew it was too late for the Vice President.
Fountain Springs, Colorado Territory - Spring 1847
John Fremont looked out his window onto the burgeoning town of Fountain Springs below him. He had left St. John as a residence some 11 years ago. He had visited the town once or twice due to his official duties as Territorial Governor but he had little other incentive to go North. That he made his office in Fountain Springs came as no surprise. He had commanded the garrison which secured Colorado as an American Territory against the Mexicans. Colorado was his land. Now, he was trying to shepherd the people towards the decision to make Colorado a state, his state.
Yet there were many difficulties, the chief among them being the political leanings of most settlers in Colorado, conservatives through and through. Thankfully, there were not many pro-slavery adherents among the prominent individuals who made up the local governments. Yet there were not many influential men who considered themselves of the liberal mindset either. These were dyed-in-the-wool Northern Democrats. Men who wanted to make money at home with little foreign competition, who wanted their government to support said domestic industries, and who cared little for those already in bondage. These were the men he had at his disposal to form a shining beacon of morality in the West.
There came a knock at his door. “Yes?” Fremont answered without turning towards the visitor.
The door opened and in walked a very well-dressed army officer. “Excuse me, Governor.”
Fremont turned on his heels. “Captain Lee! Ah, I see you’ve been promoted, congratulations.”
“Thank you John. I hope I am not imposing? Your secretary outside indicated you would not be busy for 20 minutes or so.”
“He would be correct, as well. I am waiting for some self-styled politicians from over the mountains. Such is the way of my life these days. What about you Robert? How are you and Mary?”
“We are doing well; she is a remarkable woman to be married to a soldier. I now have seven children and Mary is kept busy in this way.”
“My word, Robert, seven children!?”
“Yes, the Good Lord has blessed my house. How about you John?”
“I should think not. I have not even found a woman who catches my eye. Though I am getting older and should consider settling down. While I look forward to being elected Governor when Colorado becomes a state, I do not know if my bachelorhood will go over well with my more conservative constituents.”
“Perhaps not. I did want to stop in and pay my respects due to our unfortunate parting so many years ago.”
“Robert, that was a decade ago. We have both grown more wiser since then. I have even learned to hold my tongue, at times.” Fremont gave a childish grin. “Will you be in Fountain Springs for long? You can, of course, use my house as lodging.”
“I’m afraid not John, as I am on duty. I shall sleep in the officer’s quarters.”
“Fine, then I insist on dinner.”
“It would seem improper for a Major to attend dinner with the governor and not his commanding officer,” Lee replied, clearly taken aback.
“Manners and genteel behavior as always. I will invite General Taylor as well.”
“General Taylor is still commanding down in Texas, Colonel Robinson is commanding.”
“Chester? My God, Robert, how do you survive?” Fremont shook his head as he reclined against his desk.
“I am a soldier, John.”
“Fair enough, I’ll invite Coronel Robinson, though if he starts going on about the plight of the downtrodden farmer…”
“Very well then, governor.” Lee shook Fremont’s hand and left the office.
Immediately Fremont’s secretary came into the room and started to speak to the governor. “We must invite Major Lee and Colonel Robinson to dinner tonight. And, of course, by ‘we,’ I mean you.” The secretary started to respond but was cut off by Fremont again. “Have the delegates arrived yet?”
“They have governor. I had them lodged at the Inn but they are waiting to see you before the settle down.”
“Very well, shall I open the window?”
“It’s 50 degrees outside!”
“Nevermind. Send them in.” Fremont still had to get used to the man’s utter lack of sarcastic humor. The governor seated himself in his chair and took a few moments to collect his thoughts. What nagged at him was Robinson’s soldiers...and why he wasn’t told of their movements beforehand.
Executive Mansion, Monrovia, Liberia - September 1847
“Gentlemen, the British to the north and the French to the south have recently sent demands to my attention that, since the ACS [American Colonization Society] founded and maintains de facto defense of Liberia and that our government is not recognized by either nation, they will await word on a meeting to discuss the dissolution of Liberian borders and the partition of our lands between the two European nations.” Joseph Jenkins Roberts clasped his hands together and reclined in his seat waiting for input from the rest of his staff.
“I for one think the time is now upon us to declare ourselves our own masters. The natives may not want us here, but we are here. The British and the French may not want us here, but we are here. Let us make this colony a nation and be done with White powers telling us how to run our lives.” Nathaniel Brander was a brash man but well liked and one of the original colonists, his wife was also Roberts’ mother-in-law.[1]
“I believe that the Lord wants us to throw off ACS’s auspices as well. While the organization has brought individuals and families to populate this land, they have long held differing views as to the future of the people here. We must determine for ourselves and our families how we should proceed. America itself stipulated that a country should not be ruled by another country an ocean away, let us declare the same.” Anthony Williams gave a confirming wrap of the table with his fist to punctuate his stance.
“Very well, let us take some time to draft our own Declaration of Independence and see what London, Paris, and Washington have to say. The ACS brought us here to be rid of their negro problem, let us show them they can be rid of us for good.” Roberts’ statement meant with many an agreeing nod.
La Vega, Hispaniola - September 1847
The room was filled with representatives from all over the state. They had come to hear Duarte but also to air their grievances with American rule. Duarte was sure it would not be a good meeting. The Haitian Independence movement continued to gain adherents and resistance fighters, only two Army divisions were helping keep the leaders from rising up. However, Duarte thought that soon the US Army would be outnumbered. He was hoping to prevent such a calamity.
[The following was spoken in Spanish]
“Greetings my fellow citizens. I thank you for coming to La Vega so we may all begin to understand the ills that have happened to our people and how best to work with Washington.”
“We don’t want to work WITH Washington! We want to be free again!” A voice shouted from the crowd, bringing a roar of agreement from those assembled. Duarte raised his hands to quiet the crowd.
“It is true, freedom would be good. But let us reflect of our time as a State. Are you not free men? Did not the Americans allow us to vote and send a Representative and Senators to Washington? Have we been legally treated different than other citizens of the United States? I admit, the importation of slaves is very worrisome considering our own past history, but such is the political obstacles thrown in our way. We are men of intellect. You have elected me to serve in the Senate in this State’s best interest from the beginning. Have I not helped bring reform so that a farmer in the Nord Ost can cast a vote for the President and have it mean the same as Henry Clay’s vote?”
There were murmurs of agreement from the crowd as Duarte paused.
“I understand your pain and suffering of losing our national identity. So do we let those on the mainland to tell us how to act? NO, I say. We must work with the system imposed on us. The Democrats, the authors of our imposed allowance of slavery, need not stay in power. We have the political means to support those men who will bring change to this nation.”
“White men! You cannot believe that the Yankees will allow any of us the opportunity to run for President?” Duarte knew that voice, as it was filled with anger and pompousness. As Duarte glanced around he saw the face of Pedro Santana, filled with anger and rage just below the surface.
“Stand up and talk to me like a man Pedro.” Duarte called out. And Santana shot straight up out of his seat.
“I will speak to you as I would any bootlicker!”
“Your words are as eloquent as always. But let me answer your question: of course they won’t. They won’t allow any of us to run here since the Constitution forbids it. We were not born Americans. But think of your sons! Are they not Americans now?”
The room was filled with those agreeing and those opposing such a statement. Pedro spoke for the latter group. “My sons and daughters will never be American. We are Dominican and proud! You have forgotten yourself, lost as you are with the rest of the white politicians in the gilded halls of Washington! We will consider ourselves free when the Yankee Army leaves this island!”
“And I say to you that they will not leave as long as you continue to muster Haitians and Dominicans to your resistance. Do you not understand? The Army is here to put down any resistance, any rebellion. Have they oppressed us now? They have upheld the laws, not one of us has been captured in the night by the plantation owners to work their tobacco fields. Your wives and daughters have not been raped by those same men. We must resist the government through our vote, as those Americans before us did.”
But Santana was not done. “If I recall what we learned of the Americans, they resisted the British through force of arms for a just cause. Are you saying our cause is not just?”
“What I am saying,” Duarte responded bluntly, “is that the time for armed rebellion is over. We have always fought for our independence. Generations know nothing but rebellion. Let us bring our children peace. Let us bring them a government that is for them and of them. Put down your arms for good and pick up the plow. Let us rebel with our voices and not with rifles!”
--------------------
[1] Brander’s wife already had a daughter when they married, this daughter was Roberts’ second wife, after his first wife and infant child died shortly after reaching Liberia.
Just a quick political history of the United States at the end of 1847:
1836-1841
1841-1844
1844-1847 (Present time in AAR)
Other Notable Political Figures
1836-1841
- President: Andrew Jackson - TN - (Democrat) - in fact was the "Father" of America's Two-Party system
- Vice President: Martin Van Buren - NY - (Democrat) 1836-1838
- Vice President: Franklin Pierce - NH - (Democrat) 1838-1841
- Secretary of State: James Polk - TN - (Democrat) 1838-1841
- Minister to the United Kingdom: James Buchanan - PA - (Democrat) 1840-1841
- President: James Polk - TN - (Democrat)
- Vice President: George Mifflin Dallas - PA - (Democrat)
- Secretary of State: Daniel Webster - MA - (Whig) 1841-1843
- Secretary of State: John C. Calhoun - SC - (Democrat) 1843-1844
- Minister to the United Kingdom: James Buchanan - PA - (Democrat) 1841-1843
- President: Lewis Cass - MI - (Democrat)
- Vice President: John C. Calhoun - SC - (Democrat) 1844-1845 (died in office)
- Vice President: Vacant
- Secretary of State: Stephen Douglas - IL - (Democrat)
- John C. Fremont - Territorial Governor of Colorado 1837-Present
- Juan Pablo Duarte - Senator, Hispaniola 1840-Present
War Department Building, Office of the Secretary of War, Washington, D.C. - October 15, 1848 [1]
The evening was beginning to cool rapidly in the nation’s capital as Fall wore on. The lanterns and candles had been blown out or were tapering off in most of the offices surrounding the White House but not in the office of the Secretary of War, Charles Magill Conrad. The Louisianian (a Virginian by birth), was a concessionary choice made by President Cass to the Southern Democratic machine. Cass’ own choice for Secretary of War, Thomas Gilmer, was now Secretary of the Navy and, at this moment, on the verge of an enraged diatribe directed at the President.
Conrad drummed his fingers on his desk. “I can’t say I like it, Mr. President. Where will we be without a strong navy? The founding fathers knew this nation needed a strong navy to help protect our shores. That much was proven during the late war against Britain. How do we protect our naval interests to and from Hispaniola without enough ships?”
Gilmer swallowed hard, as if swallowing his anger, and echoed the Secretary of War. “President Cass, Lewis, there has got to be another way to save money. Perhaps a reduction in purchases for our military? Or taking it out of the State Department’s budget?” This produced a sound of contempt from Stephen Douglas. “You just can’t press us to disband half of our navy!”
Lewis Cass looked over the men from where he stood near the window in Conrad’s office. He did not know if the cool air came from the outside the window or from Conrad and Gilmer. “Gentlemen this was not a light decision but the navy simply sits in port. We have no overseas interests, especially now since Liberia has the presumptiveness to declare themselves independent. Why should I put revenue at risk by defending them when the English and French start overrunning those Negroes? No, our navy will do nothing of the sort. Our only concern that is not accessible by land is Hispaniola, as Charles stated. But we have too large a navy for such a simple role as transport escorts. Spain is becoming rapidly diminished in the eyes of the world and the UK is more concerned with Russia than any country in our hemisphere. The French merely care about provisioning their Caribbean colonies and not reclaiming Hispaniola. We are rulers of this side of the globe.”
“So you ask yourselves, what about Mexico? What about the Mexicans? From diplomatic reports their entire fleet is located on the Pacific Coast! [2] They would have to sail the Straits of Magellan and navigate the entirety of the South American coastline to reach any port along the Gulf of Mexico, in the event we brought war to Mexican shores. There would be no need for a navy as the army would operate further inland.”
“You seem to have thought out that point very thoroughly,” Gilmer said coolly. “So what is to become of our navy? A second-rate merchant marine?”
“It is clear we need to modernize our navy,” Douglas offered. “However, the national budget has been used extensively to upgrade our nation’s railroads and deliver more resources to market. More resources to market means larger manufactures, which means more goods sold to the citizens of America, which means greater surpluses to modernize our navy. We must cut back on spending now to spend for better equipment in the future.”
“That is Northern thinking!” Conrad offered. “The cotton plantations in the South and the tobacco plantations and farmers in Hispaniola need a strong navy to protect their shipments from privateers.”
“I have actually heard the Hispaniolian tobacco farmers have been faring quite well with the reduced taxes and access to markets on the mainland. Are you more concerned about the emigrated plantation owners on the Island?”
Conrad just offered a disgusted grunt and a wave of his hands towards the Secretary of State.
“As I said before, this was not an easy decision. But I feel it is the right one.” Cass stated, ending the debate about the topic. “I would also like to add, Charles and Thomas, that this discussion should not find its way into any secessionist movement pamphlets. We are all working diligently to find an amicable acceptance and tolerance of slavery. This should not be turned into a rallying cause by secessionists declaring it ‘unjust Northern interests at work’ or the like.” [3]
“Is it anything but?” Conrad replied. “We are being denied mutual access to markets.”
“I would say not. Was not the first government sponsored railroads built to help supplement the Port of New Orleans?” Douglas waited for the War Secretary to respond; Conrad begrudgingly gave a nod of his head. “Our recent round of railroad bills has provided money and emphasized construction of better lines through Louisiana all the way to Virginia. We’ve even propped up railroads around Santo Domingo! These surpluses and sponsored projects can only continue with a reduction in the navy.”
“Then your point is made clear. But the issue will come to the forefront when it is brought to Congress.” Gilmer said.
The White House, Private Office of the President - January 13, 1849
While every result had not been turned in, especially from the States out west, Lewis Cass was assured of his victory in the Presidential Election. His policy of tax reduction and cost-saving proved wildly popular with the populace. Since he did not fill the position of Vice President after John Calhoun died during his first term, the Democratic Party put forth William King, from Alabama, as his running mate this year.
King was the most logical choice. A Southerner to offset Cass’ Michigan birth. Well-respected as a leader within the Party. A former senator and a former Minister to France. The one peculiarity that everyone spoke in hushed tones about but never to King’s face was his - unique - relationship with James Buchanan. Both men were lifetime bachelors and roomed together in Washington, and had for many years. But Cass was not concerned about such things. It would actually be good to have King around because of his close relationship with Buchanan, who many considered to be one of the architects of the Democratic Party in the North.
What bothered Lewis Cass, and why there was a meeting with William King, James Buchanan, Stephen Douglas, Linn Boyd, and an aged former president, James Polk, was the decline of the Whig Party (who had not even held a convention) and the rise of the Free Soil Party. Whereas the Democratic Party had a stranglehold on the electorate four years before, the growing liberalization of America could be seen and felt not just in Congress but with the election results. The Democratic Party had won 82% of the vote, but the sudden rise of the Free-Soil Party and their 12% showing in the elections was astounding. That the Governor of New York, Martin Van Buren and a relatively unknown representative from Illinois, Abraham Lincoln, had polled so well was a shock to these men and to the Party.
Cass was happy to be here, happy to have won the election, but he could feel something slipping away from him. It wasn’t the South. No, he felt that the nation was slipping away into pandering liberalism. Where men reached out their hands for a government to prop them up and help them. Where a man relied too much on his government and not enough on his own two hands. The thought scared Cass, as it scared most Democrats.
--------------------------------------
[1] Yes, I KNOW the reduction of the navy most likely would have needed the consent of Congress. But this is MY world. The President’s of this timeline has clearly shown to be one who listens to the Senate but act on their own quite a bit.
[2] How is this known to me????? HHHHMMMMMMM?????
[3] Charles Magill Conrad was a major proponent of secession in Louisiana and served as a representative to the CSA Congress.
Last edited:
American Embassy, Rio de Janeiro, Kingdom of Brazil - January 25, 1850
“Mr. Coughlin, we are asking for your country’s help in this matter. While our prime minister believes we can win this war, the backing of the United States, who has invested so much diplomatically with our own government, would be invaluable. We feel that the proven military might of America would help quell any major commitment from the defending coalition. And, if it does not come to it, America is no stranger to warring with other nations for territorial gain.” The foreign minister had finished and Pierre Coughlin, the Minister to Brazil, just had a 20 minute reminder of why he disliked the man so much.
“Minister Cerva,” and Coughlin was once again struck by the well-fitting surname for this man, “I cannot say I very much appreciate the Brazilian parliament making assumptions about the interests of the United States of America without first consulting someone with intimate knowledge about those interests. Yes, your staff has kept my office updated on the progression of this issue in parliament but never once did you come to me to ask for the official opinion. Our dealings in Mexico were justly taken due to external pressure from the Mexican government in making provocative military and diplomatic moves to retake Texas and the Colorado Territory. However, this war of Brazil’s is nothing of the sort.” The minister’s expression began to sink as Coughlin continued.
“I understand your government’s wish to expand. Being hemmed in to the north by France, England, Venezuela, and Colombia, where my nation has deep diplomatic ties, means you can only expand southward. However, the target of this aggression is a province with no geographic connection to the nation. How will you enforce your rule? What will be the drain on the economy? Our interests are to help nations, including Brazil, lift themselves up economically in order to produce more lucrative trade between North and South America. We are not about to come into sectional warfare when there is no just cause.”
“Shouldn’t your Department of State make such a definitive answer? Have you consulted them?” It was the last hope from Minister Cerva to win the argument.
“I wrote Secretary Douglas last month and he made clear that your squabble with Argentina was of no concern to America. I am sorry minister, the answer is no. America is not willing to destabilize the interests of an entire continent for your nation’s benefit. Your neighboring countries, Britain and France included, may well ask themselves when the United States might intervene next. It would be disastrous diplomatically.”
“Very well,” Cerva said with a sigh. “I shall notify the prime minister.”
Governor’s Residence, Fountain Springs, Colorado - April 24, 1850
The ball was magnificent and John Fremont was the honored figure. Though Fremont was a polarizing figure, he had done much for Colorado. This ball, to celebrate the acceptance of Colorado as a State, was put on with the help of prominent denizens of Fountain Springs and Denver City further north. While most of the delegates to the constitutional convention who resided across the mountain were not in attendance, there were enough people to consider the event a success.
That Fremont, still a bachelor, had been elected to be the state’s first governor from the delegates showed how far he had matured politically. He wooed each delegate as if they were a lover much desired. And through it all no one called him sycophantic or pandering. And in this land, where no one but the native tribes and a few Mexicans could call themselves “original,” he had flourished. Fremont was able to shed his bastard upbringing and make a name for himself. He was just another American soul who made Colorado his home, to escape the modern life of the Northeast or the near aristocracy of the Southland.
Finally it was time for the toast. And it was not Fremont who was toasted, but he who made the first toast. “To my fellow Coloradoans, thank you! We have come together after so many years a territory. We have fought the Mexicans, the Indians, and sometimes each other,” a lighthearted laugh from the crowd broke out, “but we have persevered. Now that we are the newest State in this Union let us seek to become increasingly tied to our neighbors. The railroad is here, let us transport our goods far and wide. There is plenty of land to expand our ranches and our orchards. When men, women, and children move West, let them be welcomed to our lands. There is room enough for all. We should seek to improve industrially in order to improve our economy. While the Democrats have been generous, let us not siddle up to the government and expect them to always improve our state. For it is our state. So, let us raise a glass to each other and to Colorado!”
Joint Session of Congress - Washington, D.C. - December 15, 1850
“...there is but one thing which shall continue the dominance of these United States to achieve an everlasting freedom for their citizens, to spread Westward, to embark on a righteous crusade to bring civilization to those people so long under the thumb of poverty and oppression as wrought by the government of Mexico. The Mexican government has continually harassed those settlers in the New Mexico Territory and the citizens of Texas acquired from our last hostility, that it leaves little doubt they intend to strike at us. Their government has increased tensions in the area of our Pacific territories by moving military troops towards the border of Oregon and provoked a general uprising among the tribes in the border areas. This shall not stand. We have tried to make overtures to the Mexican government to no avail. Gentlemen, the time for words is now over. We must declare war in order to secure our borders and to secure our citizens.”
President Cass stepped off the podium to great applause. Applause which Juan Pablo Duarte could not help but notice was concentrated among the more conservative elements of Congress. He wondered when the American appetite for land would stop.
White House, Washington, D.C. - January 21, 1854
Lewis Cass was a happy man to leave office. Just a month ago however, he was as forlorn as any drunkard without a drink. The Democrat outlook for the Presidency looked grim. The upstart Free-Soil Party candidates of Nathaniel Banks from Massachusetts and the same Free-Soil Vice Presidential candidate as four years before, Abraham Lincoln, were exceeding expectations and many papers in the North and the South were calling their victory “inevitable.” Yet Cass knew the end of the Mexican War would bolster his party’s ticket. James Buchanan had finally been given the chance to sit in the Executive Office but the reasons for keeping him off the ticket so many years had become apparent.
He was a boor. While politically astute, he was not known as the man of the people. Many were calling for a change at the top. The Democrats had held a virtual monopoly on the White House for almost twenty years. The party had anchored Buchanan with a very adept South Carolinian, John C. Breckinridge. [1] Breckinridge, as the Southern VP candidates had done before him, went about winning over the pro-slavery politicians and voters and was the driving force of keeping the Democrats in the public consciousness.
But the Mexican War had ended in early December and the conservative-controlled Congress had swiftly ratified hastily drawn up constitutions for California, Nevada, and Arizona. These three states were already known to have a high density of conservative minded American “immigrants” who were formerly under Mexican rule. Then, another group of conservative citizens were brought into the Union with the acceptance of Idaho, North Dakota, and Nebraska. These six new states had swung the election back to the Democrats at a crucial time. [2]
When the ballots (which had recently been reformed through an act of Congress to be Non-Secret) were vetted and, possibly in some instances “corrected,” the Democrats had won an astoundingly narrow victory over the Free-Soil Party. Buchanan-Breckinridge won 50.03% of the votes while Banks-Lincoln had won 49.97%. Had one new state voted for the Banks-Lincoln ticket, Cass would be welcoming abolitionists into the White House.
But, as things stood, he was welcoming another Democrat duo into the highest executive offices of the nation. It was a proud day for conservatism.
Office of Senator Juan Pablo Duarte, Washington, D.C. - January 21, 1854
It was a sad day for liberalism. Duarte had thrown his whole-hearted support behind Nathaniel Banks and the ungainly, but oratorically gifted, Abraham Lincoln. Being the only liberal senator from a Southern state had marked Duarte for ridicule. Many of his colleagues had seemed to accept his Spanish-Dominican heritage, yet they renewed their less than congenial treatment of him now due to his political beliefs.
Duarte was not despondent, he was sorely disappointed. The hopes of his people in Hispaniola rested, in part, on the removal of the Democrats from the Executive Office. Yet Mexico’s capitulation right before the election was disastrous. The Congress had moved faster than any in the Free-Soil Party projected they would in accepting new States into the Union. And now, Duarte could see that the Liberals needed a new party. The Free-Soil Party was too shortsighted was the cry he had heard most often. Their platform was too narrow. They needed to expand, they needed to embrace their Liberal ideology to win more votes. They needed to become totally anti-slavery.
But Duarte knew such a stance would rile the Southern aristocrats and government officials. He shuddered at the thought that in less than a decade there might be two rebellions. One focused on protecting slavery and the other from his own State. The former Haitians were starting to be excluded from markets in Port-au-Prince and Cap Haiten due to the growing population of Southern slaveholders and other white emigrants. The armies garrisoned on the Island State were doing little more than “keeping order.” They were not their to correct societal wrongs. This sentiment was creeping eastward over the mountains into his lands. Duarte was worried and he did not know how much longer he could help. He was not as young as he used to be. But he would champion the marginalized populations wherever he went.
*******************************
I apologize for the short entry but not much has gone on. The war with Mexico couldn’t really be called a war since I dominated them every step of the way. However, I touched on the event which I thought was the biggest shock. In hindsight, I should have waited to bring Idaho, North Dakota, and Nebraska into the Union. I had no choice with the Southwestern states to accept them as states.
----------------------
[1] This was the actual 1857 Democratic Party ticket that did nothing to stop the Civil War.
[2] Which should be a warning to anyone else playing the USA: don’t be so quick to create states.
Last edited:
*************
This is my last AAR update for at least one week but possibly two as I head down to Florida for my 10 year wedding anniversary and then out to New Mexico on business. If you haven't subscribed to my YouTube channel, please do so to stay up to date with the videos. I will still post them here, but may not get to it in a timely manner. THANK YOU for all of your support everyone! The story continues whether I'm here or not.
*************
June 28, 1855 - Harper’s Ferry, Virginia [1]
Colonel Robert E. Lee rested in the Provost Marshal’s office. It had been a long day, a very long day. His duty to put down John Brown’s small insurrection met with success, but a great cost for Lee. He still wore his suit he had been destined to travel back to Texas in when called to lead the Marines against John Brown and his men. It was now dusty and unkempt. There he sat at the desk of the Provost Marshal writing his report.
He had taken notes from his meeting with Lt. J.E.B. Stuart and Lt. Israel Greene he was now preparing his official report for President Buchanan and the Secretary of War Jefferson Davis. Lee had given Brown and his men the ultimatum of surrender or risk the storming of the small pump house they had turned into their “fort.” Brown had refused. So Lee had asked the local militia leaders to storm the fort which they flatly refused to do since they didn’t want to risk any of their men.
In the end Lee, who did not want to use federal force to quell Brown, thus giving legitimacy to Brown’s ravings that the government supported the “morally unjustified” enslavement of any and all blacks, had to order the Marines to storm the pump house. One poor young private had been killed and another gravely injured but Greene prevailed. Brown was injured and currently under guard and the insurrection was put to an end. There was still much mourning in the town as three local men had been killed, and a free Negro who worked for the Baltimore & Ohio Railroad, but Lee had to do his job.
He did not relish the taking of life and still was put off that he had to be called into service during his leave. He had wanted one last day with Mary, but he was a soldier. The pull of both family and service was at constant war within him. Yet here it was, so close to home. This was not some frontier out in Nevada or down in Mexico. This was an armed insurrection in Virginia, his home, his State.
John Brown’s Body said:
September 25, 1857 - Office of the Secretary of State, State Department Building, Washington, D.C.
Hannibal Hamlin was attempting to deal with the events in Mexico. He had been trying to deal with the implications since news reached his desk earlier that morning. A coup had taken control of the Mexican government, installing, by all appearances, a dictatorship in all but name. Reactionary elements had managed to overthrow the democratically elected Presidente and installed the former general, Antonio Lopez de Santa Anna. He had only the mere crumbs of information but it appeared active reprisals were going on. Yet this was only word of mouth from businessmen traveling out of the region and speaking with federal authorities.
There was a knock at his door. “Yes? You may enter.” Hamlin called out. The door opened and Vice President Breckinridge strode into Hamlin’s office.
“John, what a surprise!”
“It should not be all that surprising Hannibal,” Breckinridge replied in his Southern drawl, extending his hand for Hamlin. Hannibal gave the Vice President a firm shake and sat back down behind his desk.
“Are you here about Mexico?”
“I am.”
“And the President?” Hamlin inquired.
“The President thought it was nothing worth too much effort or act of federal intervention. He said the Mexicans had been defeated twice and would never start a war against the nation after their latest humiliation.”
“Yet I suppose you do not believe him?”
Breckinridge sighed. “I fear for the South and our exports of cotton. We were working very well with the Mexicans in bringing a great cooperation between our two nations. We do not know what these reactionary political elements will bring.”
“And with Santa Anna leading that nation.”
“Santa Anna! Dear Lord. The man still hates us for taking their Northern lands. Have you any news?”
“I am afraid I have only pieces of information, none I would call reliable. Information cannot travel fast enough, even with all of the rail construction in the South. I have summoned the Mexican Ambassador but that was only a half-hour ago. We will wait it out.”
“I am concerned with the agitation it will cause among my own people.”
“Why would anyone in the South have concerns?”
“Reactionaries easily took over the government of Mexico. How many fire-eaters are needed to stir the populace and the politicians into a fury to convince them they could take over Washington just as easily? I dare say that the leaders of these secession conventions are still riled that the last Southern President was Polk.”
“That was only 12 years ago,” Hamlin offered.
“Twelve years too long many believe. We have large opinions of the South’s worth to the Union. And we are not too ignorant to realize we are being hemmed in.”
“John, we need not get into this today,” Hamlin said almost as a plea.
“No, we need not.”
March 14, 1858 - Santo Domingo, Hispaniola
Juan Pablo Duarte did not like delivering bad news to his local political leaders. Yet he knew he had to. He knew they also read the papers and so to not mention the Supreme Court’s decision would be to admit he was powerless. So Duarte was here at this meeting to discuss the implications of the decision for the ongoing struggle of slavery in Hispaniola.
“My friends, we must see what becomes of this decision. It is an interpretation of a law already in place.”
“Already in place against our will and the will of how many thousands of people? This Taney,” the mayor pronounced it incorrectly as ‘tannie,’ “seems to hold all power in the USA. To so lightly write off the lives of men, women, and children as mere property is outrageous!”
“We are more concerned, Senador Duarte, that this means any efforts to help individuals or families out of bondage to the Northern States is no longer viable.”
Duarte wished the state representative from La Vega had not brought up this particular issue as he had to tread very lightly. Which he could do, he only wished to speak plainly to his people again and not as a politician. “The federal government has always shut down these underground railroads whenever they became public. They have long established that slaves were to remain slaves…”
“In the South,” the representative finished the sentence for Duarte. A silence hung in the meeting room, broken by singing of birds outside the window and the bustle of Santo Domingo creeping through as well.
“We must break away.”
“Enough!” Duarte yelled out. “We must work with the Yanquis. We cannot hope to break free. They already have 15,000 troops stationed on this island. The Haitians need to revolt is starting to spread to our provinces. We must work with the Yanquis.”
“Are you beginning to think the Yanquis know how to lead us better than any Dominican?”
“We have no hope. I do not wish to see us all in chains. This Dred Scott decision is deplorable. Yet what good would it be if we rebel? Everyone in power now will lose their head.” Duarte slumped in his chair. The outburst was uncharacteristic and he knew, then and there, that his political days were numbered. There were too many young people who were becoming radicalized to the ideals of their fathers. To the hope of a free island. Too many…
----------------------------
[1] If you ever have the time, you must go down to Harper’s Ferry NHP, West Virginia and walk around the one and half streets that are still the original buildings of Harper’s Ferry. My Civil War reenacting group does two events each year down at HF as we reenact a garrisoned town. It is amazing to see pump house (rebuilt), to walk down the streets that men such as Lee, Sheridan, and others walked and to interact with the tourists. The National Park has been severely limited due to the growth and encroachment of the town of Bolivar adjacent to it but it’s still an amazing site. Take the family for the afternoon or the whole day.
-------------------------------
I have returned! If you haven't yet, please watch the past episodes on my channel if you want to see all of the details of the events I vaguely touch on in this update!
-------------------------------
He had become a patriot during the war. Fighting against the Southern aristocracy that reminded him so much of the hated British. McAllister settled down in Brooklyn after the war to work in the naval yards. It was good work, the government was working to expand the navy and he had some of the skills necessary to succeed. Yet recent events had proven that the government he had fought for was something to fight against.
The School of Socialism was an appealing ideology for McAllister. He saw how the shipyards chewed up and spat out any worker that could not hold their own, either physically or regarding their quota, even if they were having a bad day. There was not much unemployment, which meant the yard bosses kept the pay low and the hours gruellingly long, fearing no repercussions. McAllister had started to attend meetings in the borough with other like-minded individuals and found acceptance.
He was wholeheartedly behind the 1865 Shipyard Strikes. The work stoppage was supported by a number of workers which gave McAllister hope for the spread of the socialism to those left behind in the Democratic regime’s capitalistic policies of low tariffs and abhorrently high taxes. However, President Johnson did not send in the army by spoke out in support of the workers. It was a shock to the socialists and to the other workers but eventually the bosses, realising they had no local support (as the mayor was a Republican) and no national support, eventually met and agreed to new terms with the strike organizers.
While nationally the American Socialist Party was not widely known, in metropolitan areas it was gaining ground both with local elections and Congressional elections. So McAllister and the rest of the socialists in New York City voted for Republican candidates in national elections and dictated the same to the other, less active, members. When McAllister’s name was put forth in 1872 for one of the empty senate seats of New York, he was quite shocked.
What was more shocking was the support New Yorkers of New York City and Albany showed McAllister. His name had become well known throughout the state for his layman’s speeches during the Shipyard Strikes, he never realized it until his election. While McAllister was occupying the same seat as New York’s last Socialist senator, he felt that the had been giving the keys to unlocking the door and letting liberalism and socialism into every corner of this great land.
*********************
Juan Pablo Duarte was an old man. He felt it in his bones. He felt it in his breathing. He felt it looking at himself in the small, tarnished mirror hanging on the wall. He ran the cold water over his face again. Looking out from his bathroom window onto the early morning bustle of Washington, D.C. he sighed.
He was once a man of respect. He had borne the brunt of anger at not being Anglo-Saxon from his fellow senators when he first came to Washington so many years before. He refused to let Senator Cáceres take on blame or unjustified indignation for being born a Dominican. That was so very long ago.
Duarte had successfully sponsored and pushed through Congress a voting reform act, which paved the way to truly secret ballots. He had chaired the committee to the Geneva Convention and helped the Republican Party whenever he could with elections or campaigning. Still, he worried he would be construed as a man incapable of quelling his own constituents. While emigrated Southerners in Hispaniola had forcibly joined his state to the Confederate States of America during the brief Civil War, he was still seen in a negative light by his colleagues. He was the only member of Congress from a Southern state to not join the Confederacy, at great personal risk to his own person.
The fact that Pedro Santana had become a senator at that time and had happily joined the CSA also cast dispersion on his character. Many colleagues, at that time, openly wondered if Duarte was a spy or a turncoat. Not many believed that Duarte was a man set on the principles of liberty and freedom. Then came the Haitian Rebellion last year. Though Santana’s rebellion was quickly put down Duarte had still seen the looks of contempt and distrust in his colleagues eyes as he walked the halls of Congress.
He finally toweled off his face and walked to his room to put on his suit. He was due at the Colonial Exposition in an hour since he was on the forming committee. He also did want to see paintings and artifacts from Wake and Midway Islands. Perhaps he would sail out there and live the rest of his life among the Pacific Islanders. The thought brought a mirthful chuckle to his lips. If only he could peel himself away from his people.
There was a large crowd gathered amidst a festival like atmosphere as the first Republican Party President-Elect took the dais outside the capital. It was a brand new day for the country in their eyes. The stodgy conservative Democratic Party’s grip had finally been wrenched open at the national level. Buoyed by Southern States and the West Coast, the Republican Party had finally found the perfect ticket. Forty years of a Democratic White House had certainly shaped the country in a most unique way.
This was a nation built for expansion and imperialism. While the newspapers called for ever-increasing isolationism, it was all directed towards Europe and was a Democratic Party line. The populace though, the people, the citizen, called for the expansion of American values. Some more astute civilian political minds would even say the Democrats themselves wanted an imperial America, but only over brandy in the smoke-filled rooms of private clubs.
But the Republicans had built their base on the backs of disenfranchised labourers and philanthropic businessmen. And although the Republican Party ruled nationally, the growing number of Socialist Party senators and representatives in Congress spoke to a proletariat wave soon to break upon the nation. But such fears were pushed away on this day. The Socialists had done their part and rallied behind the Republican ticket. They still had yet to field an organized Presidential convention after three elections.
Their disorganization at a national level could be linked to former President Andrew Johnson’s policy of supporting workers rights during the intermittent strikes throughout his two-term presidency. The Republican’s had run on a platform of harsher penalties against uncooperative magnates and industries, much to the delight of the more radical liberal elements in society. Aside from workers rights the Republicans had also run on the need for government to extricate itself from direct involvement in industry (ie., ending direct investment in factories and ending subsidies), the removal of a cap on tariffs, placing a cap on taxation rates, and enlarging the military. Such planks were not universally accepted by all liberal ideologies, though there was enough similarity to rally behind the ticket.
Such emotions and hopes were tied to the Republican Ticket that the boisterous crowd almost erupted into maniacal jubilation when their president stepped up to the podium. It took a bit for the police and other, more level headed, members of the crowd got the situation under control. Thankfully, the Sons of Republicanism band hadn’t started playing again which helped precipitate the return to order.
The President-Elect stood at the podium, beaming a bright, toothy smile, as he waited for control. This was the moment of a lifetime. Something unimaginable and almost unattainable. To the President-Elect’s right stood Chief Justice Salmon Chase with a Bible in hand, ready to administer the Presidential Oath of Office. Some in the crowd close by the dias swore later to newspaper reporters the President-Elect started the ceremonies by the telling Chief Justice Chase: “Well, get on with it.”
In the typical query-response formula, the oath took place:
“I John Fremont, do solemnly swear that I will faithfully execute the office of President of the United States, and will to the best of my ability, preserve, protect, and defend the Constitution of the United States.”
June 1876 - Midway Island, Pacific Ocean
The wind blew through the palm trees, shaking the fronds. Randolph Sigmundson sighed. It was a sigh of contentment. He then turned around from his brief respite to the somewhat frenzied commotion near the docks. He was the dock superintendent and it was his job to make sure the entire naval infrastructure was constructed correctly.
The Secretary of the Navy had sent off messages to the Island of Hawaii almost every three days with reports of progress. Sigmundson knew that Midway had to be ready to receive naval supplies and personnel for a huge naval operation. The construction of the basic naval base was complete, he was now overseeing an additional expansion of the number of docks and warehouses. Housing was still restricted to his personnel and the few other naval officers. Some laborers even ventured back and forth between Midway and Kaua’i every other day.
The lack of housing concerned Sigmundson, smaller housing units, and the lack of barracks, meant Midway wasn’t the forward naval base the government needed. He was keeping himself abreast of colonial intentions further west among the Micronesian and Fiji Islands but he still couldn’t pinpoint what the Navy was preparing for. News was slow coming out to Midway. It was even slower to reach the small naval detachment at Wake Island. They had only heard of the new president in March. It was meant with a shrug, a wiping of sweat from the brow, and a return to the work at hand. He had not received any orders to countermand his original orders, so work continued as if nothing happened.
The sound of rumbling precipitated a column of water exploding out of the ocean offshore. His primary concern. The offshore reef, while beautiful, was a damn nuisance to deep keeled ships, and needed to be removed. Not all of it, as he constantly reminded his Hawaiian wife, only enough to allow two ships to pass each other as they made their way into and out of port. Personally he wanted to expand it further but the work was hard and those were not his orders.
Another sigh. Back to work.
The butler entered the room where President Fremont was seated with the First Lady, Edith Williams Fremont, his son, Colonel Joshua Washington Fremont, his daughter-in-law Mildred Lee, whom everyone called Milly, and his grandchildren Robert, 10, and Mary, 7. It was a joyous time, this Christmas Day, yet there hung over the family a somber mood. The butler had known the President had not wanted to be disturbed except for nation-destroying news. However, the elderly man had been very insistent and, well...he knew not to upset elderly politicians. He audibly cleared his throat.
“Excuse me, Mr. President?”
Fremont looked up from where his grandchildren were reading to him out of a new primer they had received as a gift and gave a sharp look. The look softened as he saw who had called on him. “Abraham,” Fremont greeted as he rose out of his seat, his wife rising after him, along with his son’s family. “I did not expect you...well, at all.”
“ ‘Soon shall the winter’s foil be here,’ ” Lincoln said with a smirk.
Fremont returned the smile. “Whitman, correct?”
“Correct as ever my dear boy.” Lincoln clapped Fremont on the back. This was their joke, as Lincoln was only four years older than the president, yet his large stature and early entry into national politics always cast him as the ‘much elder statesman.’ Lincoln’s face turned somber though as soon as their familiar game of greeting had ended. “How are you, John?”
“We are well, thank you.” Fremont made a half turn and indicated that Lincoln should sit at the small drawing table. Once Lincoln had been seated, tea was quietly brought in as the adults situated themselves around the small table with Mr. Lincoln. The children had been whisked away by one of Colonel Fremont’s hired staff.
Abraham Lincoln sat down and pleasantly greeted the First Lady and Colonel Fremont. His face became even more anguished when he turned next to Milly. “My dear, I am very sorry. Your father, he was a great man. A formidable man. And a true patriot.”
“Thank you, Mr. Lincoln. Father was a great man as you said, I hope everyone who visited him at his post at Washington University saw the same thing. He was a devoted father and grandfather…” she began to choke up and brought a kerchief to her eyes for modesty. Her husband reached out a hand of comfort.
“I did not wish to stir up the same terrible emotions.” Lincoln apologized. “John, I apologize,” he added, unnecessarily. “I do have business at hand from Europe.”
“Yes? This better be a dire emergency. Excuse me, my dear.” His wife nodded in consent and rose, taking Milly’s hand and leading the young woman out the door towards another sitting room. Colonel Fremont finished his tea and rose to bid farewell to the two men. The elder Fremont looked at his son and smiled. “Sit down, Joshua.”
“I am surely not privileged enough to be a part of this meeting.”
The president dismissed the fact with a wave of his hand. “Does the Secretary of War agree with the Colonel’s assessment?”
“Well, properly he shouldn’t be here. However, this old Secretary’s eyes are a bit dull and ears are a bit muffled, he looks like a general to me.” Lincoln gave a smirk full of mirth.
“You two...gentlemen, are incorrigible.” Colonel Fremont stated as he dropped back into his seat. He poured himself another cup of tea and rang for the butler. The three waited a moment in silence. “Some whiskey, Mr. Reeves.” Colonel Fremont requested.
“I wanted to reiterate my apologizes, Joshua.”
“It is all right, Secretary Lincoln. The loss of her father has been hard on Milly, as it has been hard on all of the Lee’s...and the Fremont’s.”
“That man….” the president added his thoughts trailing off. “He took his parole with soldierly acceptance and entered into academia with no second thoughts. I offered him, time and again, to join me here as an unofficial advisor, yet he would have none of it. He didn’t want to be a flashpoint of criticism. I told him over and over my whole life was a flashpoint and we were so close to Arlington House that he could commute everyday.” The president let out a sigh.
“Robert probably had so much remorse on his mind John, you must not overlook this fact. When the pitiful rebellion attempt was crushed, the world only knew of Robert E. Lee the secessionist general. They didn’t then, nor might a good bit of people now, know of Robert E. Lee the devoted father, friend, and patriot. It had to be hard to have followed your state to war just to see the whole endeavor fail so spectacularly.” Lincoln shook his head. The butler entered the room again with three glasses and a decanter of whiskey. “Oh, none for me Mr. Reeves, just more tea please.” Lincoln told the butler.
“Well, enough of my old friend. What news couldn’t wait until tomorrow?”
“Italy’s gamble for the Rhone Valley has finally played out. The French and Russians declared war yesterday. We received word from all three embassies confirming the outbreak of war. The French and Russians have asked us to stay out of European politics while the Italians are fervently wishing to know our intentions.” Lincoln reached into his pocket and pulled out three slips of paper containing the telegraphed messages.
President Fremont took the messages and looked them over. “What do the Congressional leaders say?”
“Speaker Clemens indicates everyone understands the situation, at least among the Democrats and Republicans. The socialists, they keep to themselves, of course.”
“Damn those bastards.” Colonel Fremont let loose.
“Now, now, Joshua. The socialists voted your old man into office twice now.” The president offered his son a fatherly smile and a wink. “But I do echo your thoughts. We should send for Senator McAuliffe. I hope he doesn’t come wearing that pathetic patched suit coat of his like some beggar. You know I have been trying to add more and more pomp into my circumstances here.” Lincoln gave a quizzical look at the president. “For my successor’s benefit as well,” Fremont replied with indignation. “One should not come to the White House, at the President’s request nonetheless, looking as if they had just walked twenty miles uphill. There are plenty of fine tailors in the District. Senator McAuliffe should frequent their establishments.”
“I take it I should inform the rest of the Cabinet for a meeting later?” Secretary Lincoln asked.
“Yes, I suppose you should. I did ask them to stay nearby. Only...Banks, went back to Massachusetts, correct?” Both Lincoln and the younger Fremont nodded, knowing the Secretary of the Treasury loved returning to his state as much as possible. The president turned his attention to his son. “Get someone to call after Senator McAuliffe, I need an answer by tomorrow.”
“Father, you can’t hope to get a vote by tomorrow?! It’s the day after Christmas, Congress is excused.”
“I need the socialists support regarding the Cabinet’s decision tonight. McAuliffe will have to understand his role in this political game.”
December 25, 1878 - The War Department Office, Washington, D.C.
Snow had started to fall outside, reflecting the moods of the men inside surrounding a large table. The United States had always concerned itself with it’s own side of the world. This had been the standard response from the majority of the cabinet at the outset. As the night wore on, the maxim had been torn apart.
The increasing insertion of Great Britain into America’s international politics, with constant diplomatic bannings and insults along with the UK’s alliance with Colombia (both Colombia’s).
The expansion of American interests in the arctic, in Egypt, the Pacific, and Asia.
And the fact the Italians reached out to the United States for an alliance in the first place.
It was a long arduous talk. They had recessed for two hours to move their deliberations to a local tavern down the block before returning to the meeting room. As the lamps were being lit and the carolers muddled praises penetrated the windows, an agreement had been reached.
The United States would cast off it’s self-imposed isolationism and join the war. However, as Secretary Lincoln had pointed out, this was a public gesture only. The majority of men were stationed along the Canadian border, mirroring the encampments of the large British army in Canada. The rest of the army was marching towards Eureka, California and a smaller contingent was still keeping peace in Hispaniola. The Secretary of the Navy also reminded everyone during the course of the night the entire steam transport fleet was based out of Eureka.
Yet joining the war would signal to the other Great Powers that America was a world player.(1)
March 27, 1879 - Joint Session of Congress, Washington, D.C.
“We have watched and felt humiliated for too long as the European powers ate up land and resources. Yes, our nation is vast and grand. Yet where is our influence in the world? What have we done to cultivate the American ideal outside of our borders? In South America, to be sure. But South America is yesterday’s land of opportunity. We are diplomatically outmaneuvered from settling Africa as well, where so many European nations now control huge portions of that Dark Continent. This was a leftover from 40 years of sycophantic, conservative rule. So we must go West!
“We have created our land bridge throughout my term in office. First the annexation of the Hawaiian Islands, followed by Midway Island, Wake Island, the Islands of Micronesia, Fiji, Tahiti, and on and on. But we have been hemmed in at sea as well. But this must end now. Not for bloodlust, but for the future of our children’s children. The Koreans have spat on our every attempt to resolve the matter diplomatically. After the murder of our port official in Pohang, we must respond with force. Which is why I come to you.
“Your authorization of this War of Concession does not require the mobilization of our populace. This requires an act of faith in the future. We may not see eye to eye ideologically, but I ask you to trust me as the population of our great nation have trusted me these past two terms. This conflict will be in our best interest. The Korean Peninsula is, indeed, a world away. But we are continually threatened by the English and the Russians are only a stone’s throw away from our colony of Alaska. We must secure a bridgehead and center of influence in the Pacific that will make our nation proud. In fact, our presence may one day lead to federal democracies throughout the Asian world, where too long they have suffered under emperors and despots. An Asia for the people, of the people, by the people.”
The President of the United States ended his war speech to thunderous applause. Some had been bought, but he knew most was genuine. He hoped the war would be over quickly, though. He knew the politicians and public would not care for a drawn out war in a far off, almost mythical locale in Asia.
May 8, 1879 - Gwangju City, Korea
General Samuel Hatch didn’t mind Korea. The temperature was fair and the scenery was beautiful. The people, however. He had nothing against them, but the leaders of this country and clearly kept the peasant class in such dire straits there could be no uprisings or call for revolution. He was glad of this war then. The United States would bring civilization to the area. There were no railroads, no telegraphy, there was...nothing. But the Korean army had weapons. To be honest, Hatch didn’t know whether to laugh or cry at the captured weapons. Matchlock rifles. Matchlock! The standard issue infantry rifle for the United States was a breech loaded Philadelphia rifle, nicknamed “Old Phil’s” by the soldiers. The Korean army, while numerous, were severely outmatched so far.
It was those numbers that scared Hatch, though. After their initial landings, Hatch had finally communicated with General Donald Custer of the 3rd Army, in the neighboring province of Pusan. Hatch had found a very informative young Korean officer who had learned Russian. This would have been a problem, had not Hatch’s aide-de-camp studied in Moscow for a year. The Korean officer had seen the futility of fighting the Americans and so became a turncoat. Hatch didn’t mind, he needed information on the Korean army since the Americans had sought very little preparation for their invasion.
It was this information, of a large Korean army numbering 30,000 soldiers, Hatch had passed on to Custer. Yet the army was nowhere nearby. Which worried Hatch. He absentmindedly petted the snow white dog from Jindo he had been given by the local town leader there. Compensation, the Korean officer had told him later, for not destroying the man’s house.
September 1, 1879 - Wonju, Korea
General Hatch and General Custer sat together reviewing after action reports from their corps commanders. Hatch rubbed his eyes and shook his head. “So much loss of life Donald.”
“I agree Sam. But these Koreans, they fought valiantly enough. Hopefully this battle shows their emperor we will decimate them at every turn.”
Hatch scratched his dog, whom he named Alpine, between the ears. “That was a good fine piece of soldiering out there, Donald. We’ll have to write back to Old Abe about incorporating those, what did you call them?”
“Cross-Sector firing zones.”
“Yes, firing zones. Incorporating the use of firing zones for our artillery brigades. Their effect was quite…”
“Murderous. Yes I saw. I think you are right, I’ll send a report on the orders and placement with the next packet back to Hawaii.”
There was a flurry of activity that gradually spoke to the end of their brief time together. At present a corporal was brought up shouting warnings. Hatch’s Korean officer came over to listen as the corporal was ordered to attention harshly by Colonel Jacobs, Hatch’s aide-de-camp. After some brief words Colonel Jacobs brought the man over.
“General Hatch,” Jacobs said with a salute, “this is Corporal Snyder. He has some troubling news from Taejon province. Go ahead, corporal, report.”
“This situation is very distressing General, sir. We were completely taken by surprise. There’s a whole army marching towards Taejon, numbering at least 30,000 men. Hell if I know,” he continued answering an unspoken question, “they may already be in Taejon laying siege to the remaining garrisons.”
Hatch was furious. Furious with himself, but also furious with the Korean officer who had grown quite comfortable providing them information. “Please wait near the fire Corporal Snyder.” Hatch offered him a salute. “Jacobs! We need to have a chat with our Russian-speaking Korean.” The Korean stepped forward as all eyes turned towards him. And Jacobs became the Russian intermediary for the conversation between the turncoat and Hatch.
Hatch began the questioning. “We faced the only Korean army today?”
“Yes, General.”
“There are no more armies at your emperor’s disposal?”
“No, General.”
“Then why the hell is there another army marching through Taejon? Who have you been passing messages back to your people, too?”
“General, please! I don’t know anything about another army! I have given you faithful information.”
“Like hell. More like a mouse skittering beneath the closest horse that would keep it safe from a predators! I find myself in no further need of your employ. You are hereby charged as a spy against the American Army and will be treated as such.”
“General!” This word was spoken in heavily accented English as the Korean dropped to his knees.
“Guards!” Colonel Jacobs called out, bringing two privates under the canvas fly. “Arrest the man and bring him to the Provost for hanging. The charge is spying. I will be along shortly with the necessary paperwork.” The two privates saluted then grabbed the Korean man from the ground roughly and practically drug him the entire way to the provost’s office.
When he was out of sight Hatch pounded the table with his fist. “I’m a fool.”
“We both went into this blind Sam.” Custer responded. He gathered his gauntlets and stood. “We must follow after this other army. We have seen our superior arms make quick work of the Koreans.” This statement managed to bring a small nod out of Hatch. “Good luck Sam.”
September 26, 1879 - Taegu Province, Korea
The battle against the Korean 2nd Army was not as lopsided as the Battle of Wonju. The woods of Taegu hampered the concentration of artillery by the Americans. While it wasn’t as one-sided as Wonju that didn’t mean the Koreans were in any chance of winning. When the field was cleared, just over 23,000 Koreans were dead or captured and only 5,000 had been able to withdraw. The combined American army had lost 4,800 men, mostly from Hatch’s infantry and engineer brigades, who had been clearing lines of sight for artillery pieces.
During their approach to Taegu they had learned of another large Korean army which was lifting the occupation of Pusan. After this 20,000 strong force Custer’s 12th Army was sent. It was composed primarily of specially trained Guards units and three artillery brigades. Custer had reorganized his army quickly after the Battle of Taegu and made for Gwangju as quickly as possible, chasing after the Koreans.
Yet Custer underestimated the tactical ability of the Korean General Kwon Seon. Custer had set the Tuscaloosa Guards first order of battle even though they were the most heavily engaged of his units during the Battle of Taegu. They were ambushed at the outset of the battle and broke in confusion. Custer was able to send off messengers once an artillery brigade was ambushed while they were limbered up, causing great confusion. He attempted to withdraw but became pinned down.
Two days later General Hatch arrived to lift the siege of Gwangju, his presence causing great great panic among the Korean attackers. The finally tally saw 3000 men killed from the artillery and 1500 from the infantry while the Americans had annihilated their Korean foes.
Subsequent “mopping up” battles in Southern Korea brought Custer’s army down to 9,000 active duty men. The men had begun to refer to Gwangju as “The Meat Grinder.” Reinforcements were slow to arrive from Hawaii or did not arrive at all. The mainland was dealing with it’s own issues causing the widespread support for the war to diminish.
Two loosely trained “armies” had risen up, espousing a revolution for Jacobin Idealogies. These men pulled the entire 1st Army of 36,000 men away from the Canadian border in Maine to deal with their uprisings in Virginia and North Carolina. When the dust had settled, quite a few of the rebels were veterans of the failed secessionist movement 20 years previously.
Generals Hatch and Custer knew nothing of this, nor would they have cared. Their increasing concern was whether they had enough men to finish the task of subjugating the Koreans in order to win this war. Thankfully, the Chinese were fenced out of Korea. Manchuria, north of Korea, was a staunch ally, really a puppet, of the Russian Empire. This, despite the fact that it was a substate of the Chinese Empire. (2) Factored along with the American dominance of the waters surrounding the Korean Peninsula, this meant the hundreds of thousands of Chinese were left watching from the outside as the Americans went about their business.
Supply steamers leaving Gwangju always contained reports from the 2nd and 12th Armies, however, first requesting, then towards the end of 1879, pleading for more men or another army to open up a third front on the Koreans.
-----------------------------
1 - The Franco-Italian war had a predictable end without American support. The Russians invaded from the East while France invaded through the recently annexed Rhone Valley. It was no contest and the Italians return the provinces making up the Rhone Region in three months.
2 - Pretty odd circumstances but the Chinese probably didn't have military access through their client state...which is still really odd.
Last edited: