I have a question and sorry if I should've deduced the answer from the previous updates but how come that Ulster holds so much stuff (and it actually goes along the real cultural lines) without creating or usurping like what, three royal crowns by now? It seems to have enough Ireland, all of Wales minus one county, and possibly enough Scotland... Can it be that those crowns are held by folks who are constantly at war with someone and thus can't be usurped?
A History of the World According to Paradox - a Hands-Off AAR
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I've found in my games the AI is very iffy about creating new kingdoms and crowns, for the reason that it causes more problems that it solves. If you have more than two crowns, you'll find that your vassals in either kingdom will immediately begin to desire one of the crowns for themselves. Its like when you hold a province in the traditional territory of a duchy that you don't have, the duke will want to have that land for himself because he sees it as being part of his own duchy. That means he'll have something like a -10 or -15 relationship status to his opinion of you. The same thing applies to crowns, except this applies to every vassal holding lands in the traditional lands of the kingdom. If, for example, I were playing Sweden and created the kingdom of Finland, all my vassals in Finland would desire the crown of Finland, and thus would take away -10/15 in his opinion of you.
If, however, you don't create a new crown, you don't get this problem. In fact, within a hundred years, all the lands that were previously seen as being part of the kingdom of Finland would actually become seen as Swedish, not Finnish.
EDIT
actually that is unusual, there doesn't seem to be any reason why Ulster hasn't created a title yet...I know in previous updates there was a Kingdom of Ireland, so maybe the rightful holder still exists, but in a distant province? Maybe Ulster doesn't have enough money or prestige?
Well, I know, but I'd still be rather reluctant to avoid forming at least one kingdom and e.g. waiting out the 100 years, then perhaps creating the rest as titular titles, especially given the complications of being under someone else's crown authority level or those cases where being above dukes on the ladder helps with some inheritance matters.... I'm kinda skeptical about AI making the decision not to form that one single kingdom to lift its rank one notch (other than a Humble duke or something). But as you say, perhaps dude doesn't have 400 gold or the other requirements. I remember lacking piety sometimes.
The King of England is also King of Ireland despite his small holdings there. I don't know if the A.I. considers the strength of the holder when considering usurpation, but it would logically give one pause. I'm surprised the van Vlaanderen's haven't been aggressively going after de Jure claims in Ireland.
And yes, I also think it's cool that the Republic has spread in such a culturally appropriate way. I'm hoping Ulster and Navarra become colonial powers in Eu3. As far as requirements, the Doge would certainly have plenty of gold, but prestige might be a problem since Republics don't develop dynastic prestige.
And yes, I also think it's cool that the Republic has spread in such a culturally appropriate way. I'm hoping Ulster and Navarra become colonial powers in Eu3. As far as requirements, the Doge would certainly have plenty of gold, but prestige might be a problem since Republics don't develop dynastic prestige.
But they could also form Wales, and those wars in Scotland should've given them some prestige.
I've been very remiss in my lurker duties by not responding before now. This has been a very enjoyable read for me over the last two months, and it was the first AAR I jumped into as a lurker.
Thank you very much for this Magritte.
Thank you very much for this Magritte.
I suspect that the glory days of France are over; its lost its access to the Med and the entire French empire looks stretched rather thin. It is actually quite interesting to see an AI go into decline, rather than just retain its power forever. Should make EUIII very interesting...
talt
I like how Bohemia tend to resemble to historical Burgundy and how the reversed hundred years war ended with the same result. There are still time, but interresting to see all of this. I wonder, did you find the game more instable since the factions?
Well, I checked and it seems the Doge of Ulster has plenty of prestige. Don't know why they haven't made a kingdom title...it's not a limitation on Republics is it? I can't recall ever seeing one become a Kingdom in CK2.
I think the game is a little less stable with the factions--more about that next update--although the HRE really cracked up in the mid-13th century (almost spooky really) before factions took hold.
As far as France goes, it's important to keep in mind that the English revolt failed. The kingdoms are separate, but the van Vlaanderen's still rule both, so it's entirely possible one will inherit the other at some point in EU3.
I think the game is a little less stable with the factions--more about that next update--although the HRE really cracked up in the mid-13th century (almost spooky really) before factions took hold.
As far as France goes, it's important to keep in mind that the English revolt failed. The kingdoms are separate, but the van Vlaanderen's still rule both, so it's entirely possible one will inherit the other at some point in EU3.
UNREST IN THE EAST: BYZANTIUM AND THE TIMURIDS, 1422-1450
The late 14th and early 15th century was a time of great turbulence and change in Europe, and the great eastern empires did not escape the wave of internal conflicts that swept the continent.
The East in 1421:
Dissatisfaction with Basileus Dionysios Doukas increased in his middle years. Perhaps it was inevitable that in such a vast empire, his court in Egypt could not address every concern of his far-flung vassals, but the prevailing feeling was that he preferred to indulge himself rather than concentrate on the Empire’s business. But if that were the chief complaint, there was a sad irony in the fact that the first major revolt against him broke out while he was sailing a fleet to the White Sea in order to land troops for an expedition against the cruel Chief Dodai Bezhetskid of Yaroslavl.
While the Basileus was still at sea, his haughty kinsman, Despot Apollonios of Serbia declared himself independent, as did several of his most important vassals around the Black Sea. The nobles of those lands had felt neglected ever since the capitol had moved south from Armenia. The others joining the Despot of Serbia in defiance in 1422 included Despot Anthimios Karianites of Taurica, Grand Prince Alexei Neplyuyev of Moldau, and Doux Eustathios Bryennios of Syria. When news finally reached him of the revolt, his troops were concentrated so far away that there was little he could do.
When Dionysios returned to the south after defeating the chief of Yaroslavl, he could have chosen to try and regain his lost territories in 1424. Some men whispered that his campaign against the Thughrids was chosen due to cowardice, hoping for an easy victory against the weak muslims as opposed to his powerful former vassals. Others saw the influence of the ambitious Bishop Hectorios of Al-Salihiyah, who preached of the opportunity to crush the morale of the Mohammedans by capturing their holy city of Mecca. Mecca fell into Roman hands in 1428, but the mood of the vassals did not improve.
In fact, there was so much internal fighting in the Empire in those years that it was scarcely recognizable as a state at all. Duchess Sophia Palaiologos of Cairo and her cousin Doux Arsenios of Crete were at war, as were Doux Anthimos Peganites of Derbent and Doux Isaias Peganites of Temes. Within his own family, the Doux of Paphylagonia and his nephew the Doux of Rostov—confusingly, both of whom were named Isidoros Doukas—had gone to war. And of course, there were counts rebelling against their superiors, as well. He was fortunate that Khagan Munglig of the Timurids was embroiled in struggles with five of his High Chieftains and the Shia Caliph, and in no position to move against him. Though Munglig put the rebellion down, it took him five years and the last of his strength, as he died in 1431.
With the whole land in turmoil, yet another wave of independence declarations came in 1430: Doux Gennadios Argyros of Syria, Doux Maurikios Myredeites of Tripoli, Doux Narses II of Baghdad and Doux Belisarios Barbaros of Kartli. With his ‘loyal’ vassals largely tied up fighting each other, Dionysios was unable to mount a successful response, and passed a weaker Empire to his son, Isaias II when he died the following year.
The death of Khagan Munglig left his son Belgunutei on the throne. The leadership ability of the modest and shy young man was soon tested. In 1434, High Chief Khutula Hashtergid of Hamadan and High Chief Ajai Qasrid of Basra won their independence
The East in 1435:
With Belgunutei’s weakness exposed, more vassals began to break free. In 1438, High Chief Guyug Timuridsid of Itil and High Chief Chulgutei Nayagid of Khorasan defeated him and won their independence. The proud men of the steppes whispered that their leadership had gone soft in only two generations in the west. Another rebellion was fomented by the Shia Caliph Khal Ghazan, joined by High Chief Chiledu Banhold of Birjand and High Chief Harghasun Kokochu the Wise of Mazandaran.
With the faith of his underlings collapsing, Belgunutei was ousted by a cabal from Luristan led by Boroghul the Conqueror in 1443. But the change of leadership failed to stem the disarray into which the mighty Khaganate was falling. The Caliph, and the rebellious High Chiefs defeated Boroghul and won their independence in 1444. Boroghul succeeded in preventing further defections, but the Khaganate was not what it had been under Timur and his son.
Though the first campaign of Isaias II was waged against the Thughrids again in 1436, he began what he hoped to be the slow process of reuniting the Empire by declaring war on the Despot of Taurica in 1439, and was victorious the following year. But 1444 proved a tumultuous year for him, just as it had for the Timurids. Troublesome Doux Ioulianos Doukas was notorious for his wickedness, having had his cousin the Duke of Rostov murdered some years before. And with both his grandfathers having died in the dungeons of Basileus Isaias I, he had an axe to grind with the ruling branch of the house. Claiming he had uncovered evidence that Isaias was a bastard, he asked all men of the Empire to support him in putting his sister Parthena on the throne. He was joined in this insurrection by the Duchess Dorothea Dalassenos of Thessalonika, and Duchess Eudokia Euforbenos of Wallachia.
The East in 1445:
Instead of reuniting the Empire has he had planned, Isaias would spend the next five years struggling to hold together what was left. He finally succeeded in imprisoning Ioulianos and his sister in 1450, though it was rumored the poor lady had never desired the throne at all and had been despondent even before her capture. He was generous to Ioulianos’ allies, however, taking no punitive action gainst Dorothea or Eudokia’s son, who had inherited Wallachia after her death in 1448.
The East in 1451:
The late 14th and early 15th century was a time of great turbulence and change in Europe, and the great eastern empires did not escape the wave of internal conflicts that swept the continent.
The East in 1421:
Dissatisfaction with Basileus Dionysios Doukas increased in his middle years. Perhaps it was inevitable that in such a vast empire, his court in Egypt could not address every concern of his far-flung vassals, but the prevailing feeling was that he preferred to indulge himself rather than concentrate on the Empire’s business. But if that were the chief complaint, there was a sad irony in the fact that the first major revolt against him broke out while he was sailing a fleet to the White Sea in order to land troops for an expedition against the cruel Chief Dodai Bezhetskid of Yaroslavl.
While the Basileus was still at sea, his haughty kinsman, Despot Apollonios of Serbia declared himself independent, as did several of his most important vassals around the Black Sea. The nobles of those lands had felt neglected ever since the capitol had moved south from Armenia. The others joining the Despot of Serbia in defiance in 1422 included Despot Anthimios Karianites of Taurica, Grand Prince Alexei Neplyuyev of Moldau, and Doux Eustathios Bryennios of Syria. When news finally reached him of the revolt, his troops were concentrated so far away that there was little he could do.
When Dionysios returned to the south after defeating the chief of Yaroslavl, he could have chosen to try and regain his lost territories in 1424. Some men whispered that his campaign against the Thughrids was chosen due to cowardice, hoping for an easy victory against the weak muslims as opposed to his powerful former vassals. Others saw the influence of the ambitious Bishop Hectorios of Al-Salihiyah, who preached of the opportunity to crush the morale of the Mohammedans by capturing their holy city of Mecca. Mecca fell into Roman hands in 1428, but the mood of the vassals did not improve.
In fact, there was so much internal fighting in the Empire in those years that it was scarcely recognizable as a state at all. Duchess Sophia Palaiologos of Cairo and her cousin Doux Arsenios of Crete were at war, as were Doux Anthimos Peganites of Derbent and Doux Isaias Peganites of Temes. Within his own family, the Doux of Paphylagonia and his nephew the Doux of Rostov—confusingly, both of whom were named Isidoros Doukas—had gone to war. And of course, there were counts rebelling against their superiors, as well. He was fortunate that Khagan Munglig of the Timurids was embroiled in struggles with five of his High Chieftains and the Shia Caliph, and in no position to move against him. Though Munglig put the rebellion down, it took him five years and the last of his strength, as he died in 1431.
With the whole land in turmoil, yet another wave of independence declarations came in 1430: Doux Gennadios Argyros of Syria, Doux Maurikios Myredeites of Tripoli, Doux Narses II of Baghdad and Doux Belisarios Barbaros of Kartli. With his ‘loyal’ vassals largely tied up fighting each other, Dionysios was unable to mount a successful response, and passed a weaker Empire to his son, Isaias II when he died the following year.
The death of Khagan Munglig left his son Belgunutei on the throne. The leadership ability of the modest and shy young man was soon tested. In 1434, High Chief Khutula Hashtergid of Hamadan and High Chief Ajai Qasrid of Basra won their independence
The East in 1435:
With Belgunutei’s weakness exposed, more vassals began to break free. In 1438, High Chief Guyug Timuridsid of Itil and High Chief Chulgutei Nayagid of Khorasan defeated him and won their independence. The proud men of the steppes whispered that their leadership had gone soft in only two generations in the west. Another rebellion was fomented by the Shia Caliph Khal Ghazan, joined by High Chief Chiledu Banhold of Birjand and High Chief Harghasun Kokochu the Wise of Mazandaran.
With the faith of his underlings collapsing, Belgunutei was ousted by a cabal from Luristan led by Boroghul the Conqueror in 1443. But the change of leadership failed to stem the disarray into which the mighty Khaganate was falling. The Caliph, and the rebellious High Chiefs defeated Boroghul and won their independence in 1444. Boroghul succeeded in preventing further defections, but the Khaganate was not what it had been under Timur and his son.
Though the first campaign of Isaias II was waged against the Thughrids again in 1436, he began what he hoped to be the slow process of reuniting the Empire by declaring war on the Despot of Taurica in 1439, and was victorious the following year. But 1444 proved a tumultuous year for him, just as it had for the Timurids. Troublesome Doux Ioulianos Doukas was notorious for his wickedness, having had his cousin the Duke of Rostov murdered some years before. And with both his grandfathers having died in the dungeons of Basileus Isaias I, he had an axe to grind with the ruling branch of the house. Claiming he had uncovered evidence that Isaias was a bastard, he asked all men of the Empire to support him in putting his sister Parthena on the throne. He was joined in this insurrection by the Duchess Dorothea Dalassenos of Thessalonika, and Duchess Eudokia Euforbenos of Wallachia.
The East in 1445:
Instead of reuniting the Empire has he had planned, Isaias would spend the next five years struggling to hold together what was left. He finally succeeded in imprisoning Ioulianos and his sister in 1450, though it was rumored the poor lady had never desired the throne at all and had been despondent even before her capture. He was generous to Ioulianos’ allies, however, taking no punitive action gainst Dorothea or Eudokia’s son, who had inherited Wallachia after her death in 1448.
The East in 1451:
I could easily see Byzantine being chopped into at least 3 kingdoms if you wanted in EU3. The territories to the north of the Black Sea and the Caucuses could become the Kingdom of Kiev or indeed a new Rus, Egypt could easily be converted into a kingdom in EU3 while Antonlia is essentially a kingdom in its own right.
I'm pretty sure republics and theocracies are restricted from forming kingdom or empire level titles.
THE PAPAL PRONOUNCEMENT OF 1452
In the fall of 1452, Pope Urban II announced that beginning in December 31, 1452, he would be “rationalizing” all further correspondence with governments throughout Europe. The large numbers of titles held by some rulers, along with the fact that in some cases the same names were used for titles of different levels, led to unnecessary confusion. Henceforth, he would be referring to all rulers by a single set of titles, with no overlapping names, and he urged all Europe to follow him in this practice. He then set down to assign the official titles to all the major rulers in Europe.
While most received titles that were traditional and appropriate, some were decidedly strange. Basileus Isaias II was irked that the Pope had chosen to follow the absurd new fashion of calling his Empire “Byzantine” to distinguish it from the so-called ‘Holy’ Roman Empire. Duchess Epiphania Bryennios of Syria had no idea what an “Ottoman” was, but she supposed it mattered little how the schismatics in the west referred to her. Doge Benedetto of Genoa blasphemously joked that he was flattered that the pope apparently saw him as a Trinity, referring to the separate correspondences naming him as Doge of Genoa, Doge of Tunis and Doge of Sardinia. While a few other notables had two titles, Benedetto was unique in receiving three.
For others, the pope’s choice was no laughing matter. While Iziaslav Neplyuyev had no objection to his realm being referred to as Moldau—it was his primary title after all—he was furious that the title King of Rus, which had belonged to his ancestors, had been bestowed on Kaiser Bernhard von Lenzburg. But it was the other title bestowed on the Kaiser that caused the greatest consternation: Burgundy. While it was true that Bernhard was Duke of Upper Burgundy, the Kings of Burgundy had been the von Margraves for decades now. King Ruprecht von Margrave was pointedly ignored. His vassal, Duchess Euphemia of Sicily protested vigorously against being referred to as Aquitaine, as her family had never held any lands there. She was not amused when told that the Pope had found some dusty old documents recognizing the ancestor of some obscure Sultan in Arabia as the titular holder of Sicily.
The Pope invoked the doctrine of Papal infallibility and excommunicated Duchess Euphemia when she attempted to argue that the name of her realm was surely not a matter of doctrine. After that, the rulers of the west decided to accept their new titles, however odd. And before long people began to forget that Aquitaine had once referred to a land in southwestern France, not an island in the Mediterranean. In a century, the new names would be so ingrained that they would remain the standard way of referring to those countries until the 19th century.
In the fall of 1452, Pope Urban II announced that beginning in December 31, 1452, he would be “rationalizing” all further correspondence with governments throughout Europe. The large numbers of titles held by some rulers, along with the fact that in some cases the same names were used for titles of different levels, led to unnecessary confusion. Henceforth, he would be referring to all rulers by a single set of titles, with no overlapping names, and he urged all Europe to follow him in this practice. He then set down to assign the official titles to all the major rulers in Europe.
While most received titles that were traditional and appropriate, some were decidedly strange. Basileus Isaias II was irked that the Pope had chosen to follow the absurd new fashion of calling his Empire “Byzantine” to distinguish it from the so-called ‘Holy’ Roman Empire. Duchess Epiphania Bryennios of Syria had no idea what an “Ottoman” was, but she supposed it mattered little how the schismatics in the west referred to her. Doge Benedetto of Genoa blasphemously joked that he was flattered that the pope apparently saw him as a Trinity, referring to the separate correspondences naming him as Doge of Genoa, Doge of Tunis and Doge of Sardinia. While a few other notables had two titles, Benedetto was unique in receiving three.
For others, the pope’s choice was no laughing matter. While Iziaslav Neplyuyev had no objection to his realm being referred to as Moldau—it was his primary title after all—he was furious that the title King of Rus, which had belonged to his ancestors, had been bestowed on Kaiser Bernhard von Lenzburg. But it was the other title bestowed on the Kaiser that caused the greatest consternation: Burgundy. While it was true that Bernhard was Duke of Upper Burgundy, the Kings of Burgundy had been the von Margraves for decades now. King Ruprecht von Margrave was pointedly ignored. His vassal, Duchess Euphemia of Sicily protested vigorously against being referred to as Aquitaine, as her family had never held any lands there. She was not amused when told that the Pope had found some dusty old documents recognizing the ancestor of some obscure Sultan in Arabia as the titular holder of Sicily.
The Pope invoked the doctrine of Papal infallibility and excommunicated Duchess Euphemia when she attempted to argue that the name of her realm was surely not a matter of doctrine. After that, the rulers of the west decided to accept their new titles, however odd. And before long people began to forget that Aquitaine had once referred to a land in southwestern France, not an island in the Mediterranean. In a century, the new names would be so ingrained that they would remain the standard way of referring to those countries until the 19th century.
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And here it is: the final general CK2 update of this AAR.
Dynasties in 1452:
The most noteworthy aspect of this map is it highlights the several multi-kingdom dynasties: the Van Vlaanderans (France & England), Von Lenzburgs (HRE & Hungary), and de Boulognes (Denmark and Bohemia)
Cultures in 1452:
Basque culture has spread across northern Spain and even into north Africa and enclaves of Danish culture are starting to appear in Portugal. Meanwhile Russian culture is fading, being replaced by German, Greek, and Scandinavian cultures. Greek culture is strongly established in the Middle East and Egypt--it's the neo-Helenistic Age.
Religion in 1452:
Christianity is triumphant. The Timurids have managed to restore Shiite orthodoxy.
The largest realms in 1452:
1. Basileus Isaias Doukas the Great of Byzantium, 795
2. Kaiser Bernhard von Lenzburg of the Holy Roman Empire, 325
3. King Guillaume II van Vlaanderen of France, 302
4. Khagan Boroghul Boroghulid the Conqueror of the Timurids, 239
5. Queen Ragnhild Pridbjornsdatter de Boulogne of Denmark, 156
6. King Onfroy van Vlaanderen of England, 146
7. King Erlend Erlendsson Ylving of Norway, 140
8. Despot Eustratios II Ouranos of Nubia (vassal of Byzantium), 134
9. King Kristof Ambrusfi von Lenzburg the Wise of Hungary, 129
10. Duchess Dorothea Dalassenos of Thessalonika (vassal of Byzantium), 117
11. Doge Dabid de Carrickfergus the Great, 111
12. King Ruprecht von Margrave the Cruel of Burgundy, 102
13. Despot Maurikios Argyros the Great of Syria, 94
14. King Philipp de Boulogne of Bohemia, 86
15. King Alfontso Gonzalez Benavides the Lionheart of Navarra, 83
16. Doge Benedetto di Genoa of Genoa, 71
17. King Mats III Ketilsson Galta of Sweden, 64
18T. Khan Belgunutei Timurid of Khiva, 55
18T. Doux Ioulianos Doukas the Wicked of Paphylagonia (vassal of Byzantium), 55
20. Duke Humbert von Voghiera of Franconia, 53
Thanks so much to all my readers who have followed along and encouraged me on this project. I will continue to respond to questions about the CK game on this thread, but will soon be opening a thread in the EU3 AAR section which will be more appropriate for conversion-related stuff. It may take me a while to get the actual game started since I'm going to spend a few posts setting up the start conditions for EU3.
Dynasties in 1452:
The most noteworthy aspect of this map is it highlights the several multi-kingdom dynasties: the Van Vlaanderans (France & England), Von Lenzburgs (HRE & Hungary), and de Boulognes (Denmark and Bohemia)
Cultures in 1452:
Basque culture has spread across northern Spain and even into north Africa and enclaves of Danish culture are starting to appear in Portugal. Meanwhile Russian culture is fading, being replaced by German, Greek, and Scandinavian cultures. Greek culture is strongly established in the Middle East and Egypt--it's the neo-Helenistic Age.
Religion in 1452:
Christianity is triumphant. The Timurids have managed to restore Shiite orthodoxy.
The largest realms in 1452:
1. Basileus Isaias Doukas the Great of Byzantium, 795
2. Kaiser Bernhard von Lenzburg of the Holy Roman Empire, 325
3. King Guillaume II van Vlaanderen of France, 302
4. Khagan Boroghul Boroghulid the Conqueror of the Timurids, 239
5. Queen Ragnhild Pridbjornsdatter de Boulogne of Denmark, 156
6. King Onfroy van Vlaanderen of England, 146
7. King Erlend Erlendsson Ylving of Norway, 140
8. Despot Eustratios II Ouranos of Nubia (vassal of Byzantium), 134
9. King Kristof Ambrusfi von Lenzburg the Wise of Hungary, 129
10. Duchess Dorothea Dalassenos of Thessalonika (vassal of Byzantium), 117
11. Doge Dabid de Carrickfergus the Great, 111
12. King Ruprecht von Margrave the Cruel of Burgundy, 102
13. Despot Maurikios Argyros the Great of Syria, 94
14. King Philipp de Boulogne of Bohemia, 86
15. King Alfontso Gonzalez Benavides the Lionheart of Navarra, 83
16. Doge Benedetto di Genoa of Genoa, 71
17. King Mats III Ketilsson Galta of Sweden, 64
18T. Khan Belgunutei Timurid of Khiva, 55
18T. Doux Ioulianos Doukas the Wicked of Paphylagonia (vassal of Byzantium), 55
20. Duke Humbert von Voghiera of Franconia, 53
Thanks so much to all my readers who have followed along and encouraged me on this project. I will continue to respond to questions about the CK game on this thread, but will soon be opening a thread in the EU3 AAR section which will be more appropriate for conversion-related stuff. It may take me a while to get the actual game started since I'm going to spend a few posts setting up the start conditions for EU3.
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Wow, those EU3 names (I'm guessing) did turn out weird. Never mind that we have Syria and Sicily tags; we're going to name you the Ottomans and Aquitaine!
Yes, well I suppose the converter faced a problem because the Syria and Sicily tags were already assigned. Though Naples was available and would have been less jarring than Aquitaine. Not sure what was available in the Syria area, since there's a ton of Byzantine vassals popping up.
I would have thought that the Kingdom of Syria would have had greater precedent than, say Antioch or whoever got the Syria tag... (who did, by the way?)
well done with completing this, it was a very interesting (unique?) approach to CK and fascinating to see what the game did ... a process made all the more enjoyable by your superb writing.