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unmerged(84806)

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Excellent progress there! However the Papal... I mean The Second Roman Empire's reputation must be quite bad now. It will be interesting to see what the other Catholic nations of Europe will think of this, especially the members of the Northern Alliance...
 

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*Subscribes*
 

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Caught up with the last update only today. And it's great! Good to see that you were able to destroy the Turks. The tactics are, of course, well known from probably everyones' attempts at Byzantine games, but your way of describing them put a new life into them ;).

Do I understand correctly that you are still at war with France? It probably won't mean anything to you because you don't have a land border, have you...?
And yeah, like Olav said - your reputation must be in quite some tatters now...
Once again, great update - I can't wait for the next one.
 

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Don Matito: Glad you agree. The Empire needs its supporters. :cool:

Olav: Hopefully all the successes will discourage anyone from thinking too much about any serious move against the Empire. The cost Venice would pay for attacking would be very high, perhaps too high.

Fulcrumvale: Huzzah! Another convert!

Emperor_krk: Indeed, though there's only so many ways one can find to describe "I put my ships in the way."

Re: France. No, I am not at war with France. When it declared war on Provence, I declined to honor the alliance, thus leaving Provence to fight on its own.
 

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A History of the Second Roman Empire: The Imperial Years

~~~~~~~~~~

Papimp.jpg

Chapter IV: The Infancy

The stirring recitation of Pius II's words to the Roman masses, while effectively giving the new Pope Paulus II a mandate the vocal imperial faction of the Church had hoped for, did not, of course, bring about a sudden transformation. A single speech, no matter how convincing, could not forge an empire instantaneously. Rome, after all, was not built in a day.

After what could modestly be described as pandemonium had subsided within the Vatican, the coronation proceeded as it always did and Paulus II settled in to his new Papal duties. Reform, he promised to his eager supporters in the College of Cardinals, would happen. But the country needed time to recover from the ravages of the Ottoman invasion and the legions reinforced. Four years of tranquility and quiet management ticked by before Paulus at last put his reforms into motion.

Dedicated to the 'Imperial dream' of his predecessor, Paulus II was determined to craft a strong imperial state out of the feudal lands of Italy and Thrace. The innumerable aristocrats and nobles that littered the countryside had, until now, been left relatively alone, the Papacy taking a hands-off approach in the interests of peace. But in 1468, Paulus announced the creation of the provincial system, whereupon all the lands of the Papal States would be governed through a system of governors appointed by Rome to oversee administration and enforce Papal decrees to a degree impossible years earlier. These new officials, while not explicitly limited to clergymen nor usurping the spiritual authority of regional bishops, were in many cases staffed by Roman bishops, with the eastern provinces of Thrace being notable exceptions due to practical sensibilities. Another significant reform was the refinement of a system of ordinances, a common practice amongst monarchs in the Middle Ages. Unlike their temporal equivalents, which were often simply ignored at the local level and depended entirely upon the compliance of the nobility, Paulus made sure his new governors strictly oversaw enforcement of any ordinance sent from Rome.

Not surprisingly, the Pope's reforms caused a great deal of dissent within the new empire. Having enjoyed a fair balanced share of power between Rome and the provinces in the past, the sudden centralization movement disturbed many within the nobility, particularly on the fringes of the empire. Paulus II had wisely stopped short of any measures the lords were willing to rebel over, but had noticeably annoyed enough of the landed gentry to take pause. Having nearly unanimous support within the Church itself - the majority of traditionalists having either died out or been replaced - Paulus II's reforms were immensely popular amongst the peasantry, who the clergy convinced would benefit greatly from the centralization.

The success of the Papal reforms were almost immediate. Having formalized rule over the territories acquired in the last half-century, long dormant sources of revenue suddenly became available to the eager treasury. Gold flowed into Rome in greater quantities than ever, emboldening Paulus II to take more ambitious measures.

Hoping to prove the soundness of his reforms and to cement Rome's more central role in Italy and in the empire itself, Paulus turned outward, eager to make the new Roman Empire's power felt and enhance its prestige. A great deal of gold had already been spent since his ascension to improve relations with the Empire's neighbors, particularly Venice and France. No kingdom, no matter how powerful, wished to be the victim of a two-front war. After months of consideration, having even sent out a part of the fleet to reconnoiter Aragonese defenses in Sicily and Corsica, Paulus turned his attention to the Levant.

In the years after the expulsion of the Crusaders and the collapse of Byzantine power, Egypt and the Holy Land had come under the rule of the Mamluks, managing to avoid conquest by the Ottoman Turks. The last half century had been tumultuous for the Muslim warrior-caste, with the land being plagued by disease, famines, revolts, and political unrest. In 1469, the kingdom was in the grips of a terrible rebellion in Libya and Syria, one that seemed to have gotten so completely out of control that many rebels defected to the kingdom of Tunisia.

The Army of the Holy Cross, 16,000 under command of General Colonna, boarded ships in the summer of 1469 and set sail for the Levant. On 6 September, Colonna delivered the Empire's declaration of war by landing his army at Jaffa. Immediately, he marched for Jerusalem, hoping that the chaos of the rebellion would shield his forces as he moved. Colonna was proven correct. The majority of the Mamluk force, bogged down in a siege of Beirut, was paralyzed into inaction. In fact, the only true opposition Colonna faced was the rebel armies and the forces of Dulkadir, a small Arab kingdom based at Eleppo.

The conquest of the Holy Land went rapidly. Jerusalem fell to the crusading army on 21 April. Colonna wisely kept his army closely reigned in, successfully avoiding the shocking massacre that followed the city's fall in the First Crusade. The legion wasted no time, striking northwest toward Acre. The Mamluk army continued to lounge in Beirut, even as Damascus fell to rebel forces and Alexandria became threatened in Egypt. However, Dulkadir was becoming worrisome, having defeated the rebel forces holding Jordan and outnumbering Colonna's forces by a substantial margin. As a result, Colonna sent requests to Constantinople for more reinforcements. The commander of the Legion of Holy Justice, General Alessandri, was tasked to assist Colonna and help force the Mamluks to surrender. On 9 November, 1470, Alessandri landed in Egypt and invested Cairo. The Italian general was shocked to discover that barely a thousand Mamluk soldiers remained in Egypt, trapped in the Nile Delta, to face the rebel and Papal forces.

Muslim resistance collapsed upon Alessandri's arrival. Acre fell within days. In late September 1471, Damascus fell, Cairo two weeks later. Colonna, convinced he could at last force the Mamluks to negotiate, maneuvered against the Dulkadirian army in Syria, continually avoiding a pitched battle. Finally, on 4 March, 1472, the Mamluks agreed to peace terms. Judea and Samarra were ceded to the Romans and agreed to pay a small sum of gold in tribute. Like his predecessor Urban II, Paulus II did not live to see his triumph, having died suddenly 28 July 1471. But by that point in the war, victory was all much assured, the Mamluk response having been all but non-existent - save for a ridiculous invasion of Macedonia by a small contingent of cavalry. The Pope's unexpected death ruined plans he had made with the College to predetermine who would succeed him, the imperial faction having decided a coherent plan was necessary for the continuation of its agenda.

The conquest, or liberation, of the Holy Land completely validated all of Paulus' reforms. No one could argue in opposition to the policy that had seen such triumph over the Muslims of the Levant and the seizure of Jerusalem in only three years time. Many saw it as a miraculous repetition of the First Crusade, and even the most jaded and skeptical temporal lord admitted Paulus' feat was impressive. For his exceptional performance in conducting the war, General Colonna was given the post of governor of Judea, effectively making him the new king of Jerusalem.

The infancy of the Second Roman Empire had indeed been promising. Jerusalem and the Holy Land had been retaken by Christianity, dissent against the Pope's centralization process had been stifled, and the kingdom was richer than it had been in anyone's memory. In the words of the new Pope, Sixtus IV, "God cannot help but bless our new empire."

PP6.jpg

 

unmerged(59737)

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Running the Holy Land has never been a peaceful proposition at the best of times—and the best of times will end with the rise of the Ottoman Empire. I can’t help but wonder if, in the long run, occupying the Holy Land might be more trouble than it’s worth.
 

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I just wonder which part of the first Roman Empire the new Pope is going to liberate? Carthage would be, in my opinion, a very good place, knowing of it's importance for the Exarchate of Africa in the 6-7th century. :)

The centralization efforts and reforms imposed by Pius II seem to be mad in an almost unnoticeable manner. When will the nobles notice that their power is being curbed, and revolt?
Great update. :cool:
 

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Ask and you shall recieve! :D

A History of the Second Roman Empire: The Imperial Years

~~~~~~~~~~

Papimp.jpg

Chapter V: Consolidating Empire

The series of wars and conflicts that had spanned the middle third of the Fifteenth Century had established the Papal States, and then the Second Roman Empire, as undisputable master of the Italian peninsula, and ruler over almost all the Italian people. From the slopes of the Alps in the north to the tip of the Italian boot in the south, the Pope of Rome ruled, either directly or indirectly. Victories had been won against enemies near and far, proving the potency of Papal/Roman arms.

The liberation of Jerusalem and the seizure of much of the Holy Land from the moribund Mamluk state had conveyed a certain degree of legitimacy upon the resurrected Roman state. To the descendants of the barbarian kingdoms of the West, the technicalities of the preservation of Roman imperium through the Greeks of Constantinople and the pontifex maximi of Rome were hardly convincing reasons for the restoration of a millennia-extinct empire. But the tangible result of this new Crusade and the series of defeats inflicted upon Mehmed's Turkish legions were far more compelling.

Perhaps no one understood better than Pope Sixtus IV that if the Second Roman Empire were to exist as more than a passing fancy in the minds of excited Roman crowds and zealous clerics, the state and, more importantly, concept of imperial rule had to be consolidated. Administrative and financial reforms only went so far, especially if the new bureaucrats lacked the ideological motivation for their new tasks. "Self-interest is not enough, for they move with the winds" Cardinal Giovanni Cybo argued. But such imperialists were, in essence, preaching to the choir. Most of the "Old Guard" bishops and cardinals had been swept aside, won over, or died in the face of the imperialists.

Consolidation began practically. Imperial administration was established in the Holy Land, codifying taxation of the new territories, alongside the establishment of a permanent garrison of Italian and Greek levies imported from abroad. Owing to the menacing proximity of Ottoman Asia Minor and the belief that the rebellions that had seized Cairo, Alexandria, and much of the Upper Nile would not last forever, Sixtus did not press for any mass-conversions, sacking of mosques, or displacement of the established Muslim gentry. After Roman control as established in 1473, the Empire became a remarkable oddity in that a Catholic Pope now ruled people of every religion and sect in the known world.

The question of the Emperor in Constantinople, now Constantine XI, was at last solved as well. Both halves of the empire had, over the years, become inescapably intertwined. The Greek half relied upon the Italian half for defense against the Ottomans, while the Italian half relied on the Greek half for legitimacy and support in the Holy Land. Economic consideration could not be ignored, either. Membership in the Empire brought with it unique trade benefits for the depressed Greek economy. And, of course, the Pope would certainly not allow half the empire to secede without a fight.

A compromise was reached between the aging Emperor and Sixtus IV in 1473, wherein Constantine was declared Prefect of the province of Thrace, giving him and his descendents legal control of the wealthiest eastern province. The Emperor was, of course, allowed to retain the trappings of his imperial past, as well as the senior rank amongst the other governors. In effect, Constantine XI was made princeps of the new Roman officials.

Throughout 1474, buoyed by the voluminous annual tax revenues, Sixtus IV, a consummate diplomat in his own right, launched a series of diplomatic initiatives to bolster relations with other kingdoms throughout Europe. Efforts at reconciliation with Venice and England bore fruit. Provence was brought back into alliance with Rome, and relations were improved with Austria and France. In a culminating feat, Sixtus IV convinced Lorenzo "the Magnificent" of Tuscany to formally join the Second Empire completing the establishment of direct Roman control over the peninsula. For his loyalty, Medici was made Prefect of Tuscany.

In foreign policy, Sixtus IV had to exert himself greatly to avoid hurling the empire into another war. The possibilities were almost limitless. Venice was vulnerable, having been drawn into war with the Ottoman Empire and then Switzerland. Several bishops called for a war against Savoy to seize Piedmont, so as to establish the Alps as a secure western border. A few demanded another Crusade to take Syria or Alexandria. Others, notably General Montefeltro, remembering the Aragonese slights during Calixtus's reign, sought the conquest of Sicily and Sardinia. While Sixtus did not oppose any of these aspirations outright, the Pope insisted war was not in the realm's best interests at the moment. There would be a time for ambition, but the present energies must be directed toward establishing the new empire.
 

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A refreshing alternate version of rebuilding the Roman Empire.:)
 

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Hell. I've read the last update the very moment it came out, but somehow forgot to comment. :eek:o
Having all religions in your country sure must be a pain in the neck at this time. Konstantinos XI as no more than a prime minister? His (and his family's!) ambitions surely aren't fulfilled in this way? I predict Greeks struggling for power at some point later...
 

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Don Matito: Don't worry, there will be screenshots. It's just hard to take any when the subject of the chapter is state consolidation.

Nikolai: I am glad this is a good change from the usual Byzantine revivals. I've always found alt. histories with a more ambitious Papacy a fascinating potentiality.

Emperor_krk: Keep in mind though the situation the Byzantine empire was in. Essentially reduced to Constantinople and surrounded by hostile Turks, one needs to think more about survival than ambitions or expansion. The arrangement as-is allows the imperial pretenses of the east, and a large amount of essentially unearned influence in the new empire.
 

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A History of the Second Roman Empire: The Imperial Years

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Papimp.jpg

Chapter VI: Island Hopping

Nearly a half decade of steady and determined consolidation, reform, and imperial administration had produced for Pope Sixtus IV a prosperous state arguably more capably administrated than any other realm in Europe. Certainly, tax revenues did not match those of France or the combined Castillian/Aragonese realms, but the multitude of former Italian trade hubs stitched together by Papal imperium and a considerably centralized state apparatus were hardly barren of gold to fill Rome's coffers.

Backed by this reliable stream of income, Sixtus IV determined to expand the empire once more. The situation had changed greatly since the time of Calixtus III or Pius II; the dreaded Northern Alliance had disintegrated with the inevitable pressures of medieval realpolitik, and the Ottoman presence on the continent was focused chiefly on the small scrap of land on the Dalmatian coastline. But instead of a determined strike at the now-vulnerable Venetian empire, Sixtus's eyes were diverted elsewhere.

A small but vocal group of cardinals and bishops still remained hostile to the Spanish kingdom of Aragon, clinging to the grudge fostered by the diplomatic fall-out during Calixtus's time. Although relations had normalized to a degree since the diplomatic campaign of the mid-70s, hostilities still remained, evidenced by the substantial garrisons both Mediterranean kingdoms stationed on their respective sides of the Strait of Messina. The thought of risking a majority of the Empire's army in an assault on the rugged Sicilian or Sardinian terrain had little appeal to the Pope. Indeed, the prospect of an easy expansion of Roman control of the Holy Land - the Mamluk kingdom remained mired in civil strife and internal instability - remained far more appealing.

However, in 1476, the situation changed remarkably. The three kingdoms of Spain, Castile, Aragon, and Navarre had been involved in a war with Portugal far longer than anyone had expected. The Portugese armies had repeatedly held off the far larger Spanish forces. Faced with the prospect of defeat, Aragon stripped its Mediterranean islands of their garrisons, leaving the once heavily fortified city of Messina bare, save for a small contingent of local militia. Distracted by war closer to home, Aragon would be unable to properly respond to any Papal offensives. Egged on by the talented, and vocal, General Montefeltro, Sixtus IV began making preparations for an attack.

But the move toward war was, at least for Montefeltro, agonizingly slow. More than a year passed as the Empire's armies and navies moved into position for the attack. Much of the blame can be attributed to Sixtus's concerns over a local revolt in Judea, which continued to successfully resist Papal suppression efforts throughout the early months of 1477. But finally, the Legion of Holy Wrath, ten thousand strong and mostly comprised of soldiers from Tuscany, and the Legion of Holy Justice, fifteen thousand strong under Montefeltro, were ready. War was declared on 2 August, 1477.

The initial moves of the war were uneventful. The Legion of Holy Wrath landed unopposed in Sardinia in September, while Montefeltro crossed the Straits in October. Aragonese troops were nowhere to be seen. But Aragon was far from helpless. Genoa, exposed after the fallout with Venice, had signed an alliance with Aragon. The Duchy of Burgundy, though in its waning days, remained formidably expansive and had been an ally of the Spanish kingdoms against Portugal. Now, the Duchy had an outlet for its armies. While the Empire's legions remained mired in siege warfare, it would be remarkably easy for either Genoa or Burgundy to capture the lands north of the Po. Inexplicably, Genoa withheld its thirty thousand soldiers, while only a small Burgundian raiding party crossed the Alps.

It was not until August 1478 that Messina finally fell to Montefeltro's soldiers. Sardinia fell a month later. While Montefeltro moved to capture the rest of the island, the Legion of Holy Wrath was transported west and landed on the Baleares islands. The goal was to deprive Aragon of her Mediterranean strongholds and threaten the mainland. Still bogged down fighting the Portuguese, the islands were unguarded.

Montefeltro proved far more capable after the fall of Messina, completing his subjugation of the island before February. His timing for indeed fortuitous, because the Genoan armies finally went on the move in March, crossing the Po and assaulting Milan, which fell 23 April 1479. With the no organized resistance to stop Genoa in the north, Montefeltro hurried back across the Straits and up the peninsula to salvage the situation. Pausing only to gather 6,000 reinforcements in Rome, Montefeltro was by June rushing to relieve Parma, which had been repeatedly assaulted that same month.

Battle was finally met on 8 September. By then, Parma's situation was desperate. Barely seven hundred men remained at arms within the city. But the repeated assaults had worn out Genoa's armies. Montefeltro routed the Genoan forces, hurling them back toward their capital. The Papal general dogged the Genoans relentlessly, meeting the remnants of his foe outside the capital walls. Exhausted, demoralized, and reinforced with raw recruits, the Genoan army was swept aside by the Legion of Holy Justice. Now desperate, the Genoans sued for peace. With rumor of an incoming Burgundian force and Milan still held by the Genoans, Montefeltro was delighted to end hostilities.

Wasting no time, Montefeltro crossed the Po and headed toward Milan. Barely had be reached the city when he encountered the rumored Burgundian army. Outnumbered, Montefeltro's fifteen thousand-strong army retreated back toward Parma. Instead of investing Milan, the Burgundians chose instead to move east to link up with their compatriots raiding the countryside around Mantua. Quickly discerning his foe's intent, Montefeltro recrossed the Po and followed after. After repulsing the enemy's reinforcements, Montefeltro moved toward Mantua. Although the Baleares islands had surrendered in January, all attention was focused on northern Italy, where the deciding battle could once more lie.

On 3 March, 1480, Montefeltro encountered Burgundy's force. Twenty-six thousand strong, it handily outnumbered the Imperial forces. Still, Montefeltro launched his infantry in a ferocious frontal assault. The Burgundian left flank was anchored to the Po, while the right flank stood between the Italians and the road from Mantua to Verona. The Burgundian line held and began moving forward on both flanks to encircle Montefeltro. But late in the afternoon, the tide suddenly turned. The imperial cavalry emerged on the road from Verona, having stormed the small garrison within the city the day before. Its rear now badly exposed, the Burgundian morale collapsed as the right flank disintegrated under an all-out cavalry charge. When the sun set just three hours later, all but six thousand had either been captured or killed, while the survivors were sent fleeing toward the Alpine passes.

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The battle effectively ended Burgundy's role in the war, but Aragon remained unbeaten in battle. While the Legion of Holy Justice stood watch in Lombardy, it was up to the nine thousand men of the Legion of Holy Wrath to bring the war to a close. Ferried by the the Pontifical navy, the legion went ashore in late August north of Barcelona and moved inland, besieging Gerona a few days before the month was out.

Faced with an actual invasion, the Aragonese armies were forced to move against the Papal army. The Spaniards made a determined effort against the Tuscan soldiers, who had entrenched themselves superbly in the hilly terrain of northern Spain. Twenty thousand men battered themselves against the impregnable line on 4 October. The nine thousand Tuscans held and counterattacked the next day, throwing the astonished Aragonese back to Barcelona.

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A quarter of Aragon's army had been wiped out in two days of fighting and Gerona was still cut off. With Genoa out of the war, Burgundy unwilling to send more troops across the Alps, and Castile signing a separate peace with Portugal, Aragon's position had decayed immensely. Negotiations soon began and on 30 October, an agreement was reached with the Pope's representatives. Along with an end to the war, the Empire would receive the islands of Sicily and Sardinia. Sixtus IV had achieved a stunning victory, once again having demonstrated the sheer martial might of the empire's legions in the twin victories in northern Italy and northeastern Spain. He had also broken a long precedent, being the first pope in memory to have actually lived long enough to see the outcome of the war he had started.

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